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Tms volume has not undergone a thorough revision since 
Mr. Conington'B death, after which a second edition was published 
with such additions and corrections as had been inserted by Mr. 
CJonington himself. The reprint was revised by Mr. Long and 
myself. The editors corrected a few errors, and inserted ako a 
few notes which had been sent to Mr. Conington by the Rev. Mr. 
Backhouse, of Felsted School, Essex. 

The third edition, published in 1876, was merely a reprint of 
the second. For the fourth edition I have dealt with the volume 
as with the first and third, recasting the Latin orthography, adding 
a great number of notices of manuscript variants, correcting and 
re-writing the notes where this appeared to be necessary, and 
altering the references to Pliny and Catullus as in the other 
volumes. All notes added by myself are marked by my initials. 

Fourteen years have elapsed since this volume was last revised, 
and it is not surprising, considering the advances which have been 
recently made in Latin scholarship, that much has had to be done 
in the way of addition and correction. Besides revising the 
notes, which has been a matter of considerable labour, I have 
added to the volume an essay, formerly published in the Joumal 
of Philology, on the story of Aeneas' wanderings, and two short 
papers on the relation of the Aeneid to the Epic Cycle, and on 
the evidence to be gathered from ancient authors as to the 


composition of the Aeneid. At the end of the commentary on 
the second Aeneid I have inserted a short excursus on the qnestion 
of Virgil*s alleged debt to Pisander. 

I have caref uUy read the commentaries of Servius and Tiberius 
Donatus and the Verona Scholia,^ and added from them and 
from other sources a considerable number of new notes to 
Conington*s commentary. I have occasionally obtained some new 
light from glossaries. The abbreviations Gloss. Ldbb. and Gloss. 
Amplon. denote respectively the glosses coUected by Labbe, and 
published after his death by Ducange, as printed in Valpy'8 
Stephanus : and the glossaries in the Amplonian library at Erfurt, 
edited by Oehler in the Neue Jahrbucher SuppL, Band 13 (1847). 
Thilo has conferred a great boon upon scholars by the publication 
of the first instalments of his new edition of Servius, which will, I 
hope, be speedily completed. Of this work I have spoken at 
length in the twentieth number of the Joumal of Philology. 

I have consulted Dr. Henry's Aeneidea^ throughout, with the 
greatest pleasure and profit. 



^ See vol. i. (fourth edition), pp. xcix — cvii. 
2 See Prefiwe to voL iil. (third edition), p. vii. 



The foUowing remarks comprise the greater part of the original 
Preface prefixed to this volume on its publieation in 1863, with 
some alterations and one or two additions. 

Like its predecessor, this volume is the result of considerable 
labour, labonr too of a kind which tends to diminish an author's 
confidence in his work. A commentator on VirgU is not likely 
to feel that those diflSculties which weighed heavily on him while 
engaged on the Eclogues and Georgics have become fewer or less 
formidable when he passes to the Aeneid. To grapple with his 
subject thoroughly, he is still required to be an aesthetical judge 
of language, a Latin scholar, if not a philologer, a competent 
textual critic ; and though no longer expected to display a know- 
ledge of agriculture and rural life, he has to exhibit instead an 
acquaintance with my thology and legend, with Roman antiquities 
and Boman history. Virgil is confessedly one of the most leamed 
of poets : and a commentator who would do him justice ought to 
be stiU more leamed. The learning of a poet, even when extensive 
and multifarious, may be desultory, uncritical, inexact : he may 
show ignorance as weU as knowledge, but he wiU be a leamed 
poet gtiU It is the business of a commentator to understand both 
that knowledge and that ignorance : and his leaming accordingly 
ought tobe accurate, searching, and profound. I need not say how 


little I profess to approach the ideal which the nature of my work 
keeps of necessity continually before my mind. Virgil interests 
me chiefly because he is a Latin poet : as a student of poetry, I take 
delight in tracing, word by word, his delicate intricacies of expres- 
sion, which stimulate curiosity while they baffle analysis, as well 
as in endeavouring to appreciate the broader features of his work 
as a whole and its place in the history of literature : as a student 
of Latin, I am interested in comparing his language with that of 
his predecessors and successors, and in observing the light which 
his use of his native tongue throws on the various unsolved or 
half-solved problems in Latin grammar. Other questions, what- 
ever may be their relative importance to the scholar, I have ven- 
tured to regard as subordinate : they appear to me to be less 
immediately connected with the interpretation of Virgil, as they 
certainly have less affinity to my own tastes and the course of my 
studies. I have not neglected them : when they have crossed my 
path, as they have in almost every page, I have sought to obtain 
the requisite information about them : but I have generally been 
content to trust the knowledge which has been accumulated by 
others without trying to add to it, or indeed aflfecting to form an 
independent judgment. 

Since this work was first undertaken, the criticism of the text 
of Virgil has been placed on a new basis by the publication of 
Eibbeck'8 edition. Previously, though we had reports of the 
readings of a great variety of copies, we were unhappily without 
accurate collations of several of the most important ; in the case 
indeed of one of them, the Falatine, we seem to have been with- 
out a coUation at all. We now possess collations of all the uncial 
MSS., fragmentary and entire, and of four or five of the most 
important of the cursives, which for minute and painstaking 
accuracy apparently leave but little to desire : and great care has 
been taken not only in coUecting the testimonies of the different 
grammarians who quote passages from Virgil, but in noting the 
readings of the various MSS. of each witness. There can be no 
doubt that our present critical materials surpass most of those 


with which we have had to content ourselves till now, not only in 
degree but in kind, and that their use is likely to effect a con- 
siderable change even in that text of Virgil which, since the time 
of Nicholas Heinsius, has been generally accepted as the best. 
That text indeed has now but little to fear from the competition 
of the text or texts which it superseded : the authority which 
they were supposed to derive from the Palatine has disappeared 
for ever now that that copy has been actually examined, and 
their real support is apparently to be found in most cases partly 
in copies of no name or weight, partly perhaps in the arbitrary 
conjectures of early editors. But the testimony of the Medicean, 
on which Heinsius chiefly rested, has been considerably weakened 
by the results of the new collations : in very many instances the 
other uncial MSS. are seen to be arrayed against it, while its 
re€idings may not unfrequently be accounted for by the paral- 
lelism of other passages in Virgil, which the transcriber appa- 
rently remembered. Probably however it is premature as yet to 
decide on the whole question : we shall leam the real value of 
our newly coUated MSS. better as we become used to them, and 
there may be a danger of accepting novelties of reading simply 
as novelties — a danger which I seem to see exemplified in Rib- 
beck's text, and which my readers will perhaps find to be 
exemplified in mine. The general result certainly confirms what 
I ventured to assert in my former Preface, both as to the existence 
of many varieties of reading which can hardly be accounted for 
on palaeographical or other extemal grounds, and which must 
often be estimated by the somewhat wavering measurement of 
individual preference, and as to the suificiency of a text made 
up from one or other of the MSS. or early authorities without 
critical conjecture. In the more important of the two instances 
in the Eclogues where, following others, I had ventured to depart 
&om the MSS., I have now leamt from Lachmann and Madvig 
that no change was necessary : and if there are any places in the 
present volume where a word has been introduced from the 
dictum of a critio without some ancient authority, it will be 


found, I think, to be in a case which, to a transcriber, was really 
a case of spelling, such as * Cyclopius ' for * Cyclopeus,' or * deri- 
pere ' for * diripere/ Here I am sorry to say Eibbeck is still less 
to be commended than in the choice of MS. readings. In several 
places he has introduced emendations into the text, generally 
conjectures of his own, which are in every case, in my judgment, 
worse than needless: nor is he in general more happy in his 
attempts to point out interpolations or to indicate lacunae. 
Hitherto the text of Virgil has enjoyed a singular immunity from 
arbitrary criticism. In the last century, while Horace was being 
transformed alternately by the splendid audacity of Bentley and 
the more formal and pedantic dogmatism of Cunningham, Virgil 
remained nearly in the state in which Heinsius had left him. 
Cunningham indeed proceeded from Horace to Virgil, whose text 
he reformed in obedience to certain canons which he supposed 
himself to have drawn from a scrutiny of the best MSS. ; but 
his edition, though curious and interesting, seems to have pro- 
duced no eflfect, whether as being a posthumous publication, or 
from the absence of the eclat which attended a controversy with 
an adversary like Bentley, even when that adversary decliued to 
reply, or perhaps because the labours of Heinsius rested on a basis 
too firm to be easily disturbed. Gilbert Wakefield, towards the 
end of the century, edited both Horace and Virgil : but his 
attempts at innovation were too desultory seriously to affect 
either. Probably the greatest amount of misapplied ingenuity 
that has been bestowed on Virgil, till we come to Peerlkamp in 
the present century, is to be found in the conjectures of Schrader, 
which I know only as reported by Heyne and Ribbeck. They 
are always, or almost always ingenious, showing that degree of 
insight which is required to perceive an anomaly of expression, 
and that degree of tact which hits on a word that might possibly 
have been used instead ; but there their praise must cease. Such 
ingenuity is, I believe, almost whoUy inapplicable to an author 
like Virgil, whose text, supported as it is by an ample variety of 
testimony, requires not emendation but illustration. If he has 


hitherto escaped the fate of Sophocles, whose peculiarities of 

expression, so curiously analogous to his, have too often been 

changed by critical licence, the gain is his and that of Latin 

literature. Whether it would be desirable that our knowledge 

of MS. materials should be still farther extended by an equally 

aecurate collation of the cursives not examined by Kibbeck, I do 

not presmne to say. There can be no doubt that an apparatus 

criticus like Ribbeck's is far preferable to one like Heyne and 

Wagner's : as little doubt can there be that to coUate the remain- 

ing copies satisfactorily would be an almost endless task. In the 

Bodleian Library at Oxford^ alone there are about twenty MSS. of 

Yirgil, hardly any of which seem to have been collated (I except 

of course the Canonician MS. which Mr. Butler has examined so - 

thoroughly) ; the College Libraries too contain a few, the read- 

ings of one of which, a copy in Balliol College Library, No. 140, 

referred by Mr. Coxe to the fifteenth century, have been noted 

with scrupulous care by my friend Mr. E. Palmer, and placed at 

my disposal. I myself examined ten or eleven of the Bodleian 

MSS. to discover the authority for the readings * litus harenosum 

Libyae ' in Aeneid 4. 257 (see Note on 4. 257 at the end of the 

Fourth Book) and * Trinacriis ' in Aeneid 5. 573 (see Note there), 

donbts having arisen about the existence of each ; but almost 

the only other passages I turned to were Aeneid 1. 668, where 

^ agreed with the Medicean in giving * iniquae ' and the cele- 

biated lines about Helen in the Second Book, which they were 

onanimous in omitting in the text, one of them adding the 

passage in the margin. On the whole it would seem that while 

it may be advisable to apply to an inferior MS. in a case like 

that which I have mentioned, to ascertain a reading not otherwise 

oertified, it would be waste of time to perform partially a work 

wliieh, to have any value, should be performed entirely. It is 

one thing to find that a particular reading which seems necessary 

to the sense has probably some better support than mere con- 

' [ThiB Btatement haa been sliewn to be inoorreot by Mr. Madan : see vol. i. 
(fowth edition) p. cxii.— H. N.] 


jecture : it is another to coUect all the readings of a copy with- 
out knowing what place it holds among the members of one or 
other of the various families of MSS. through which the text of 
a popular classical author has been transmitted to us, or indeed 
before it has been distinctly ascertained what those families are, 
and what their history has been. A critic of the New Testament 
may be laudably employed iii establishing a theory of recensions 
inductively by the examination of cursive no less than uncial 
MSS. ; but in the present state of classical studies we shall 
probably have to wait long before any one will think it worth 
while to qualify himself for writing a detailed history of the text 
of VirgiL 

In reporting MS. readings I have in general made a selection 
from Bibbeck's materials, noting all such variations as appeared 
of any sort of importance, and rejecting only those which seemed 
obvious errors, pointing to nothing but the carelessness of the 
transcriber. The case is one where it is difficult to draw the 
line ; and I fear I shall be thought with reason to have done too 
little for scholars, too much for ordinary readers. I am sorry to 
say that I have not been consistent in speaking of different classes 
of readings in the same copy : in the case of the Medicean I have 
discriminated what are called the first or second reading from 
what are called the reading * a manu prima ' or * secunda ; ' in the 
case of the other MSS. I have for the most part spoken more 
generally, talking of * original ' or * corrected ' readings. Were 
the work to be done again I should adopt the general designa- 
tion in all cases, as better suited to the ordinary reader : as it is 
I trust the discrepancy will be pardoned. 

The commentaries which I have used have been in general the 
same aa those employed for the Eclogues and Georgics. I have 
lost the companionship of Mr. Keightley, and have gained that 
of Gossrau and Dr. Henry. Gos8rau's commentary is neat and 
compendious, more convenient than Forbiger's, though not so fuU, 
and with more traces of independent judgment. He has studied 
Servius with care, and quotes him at times very appositely : and 


he has paid considerable attention to his antlior'3 peculiarities of 

langoage and metre, to the latter of which snbjeots he has devoted 

an elaborate appendix. His fault is an occasional tendency to see 

insnperable difficulties and suspect interpolations : but it is kept 

within bounds, and may perhaps only operate on the student as 

awakening a wholesome spirit of inquiry. Dr. Henry's work is 

rather a coUection of copious obseryations on numerous detached 

passages (* Notes of a Twelve Tears' Voyage of Discovery/ as he 

somewhat quaintly calls it) than a regular commentary : but I 

have found it of the greatest use, as my frequent references to 

it will show.^ The form is, perhaps, a little cumbrous, and the 

endeavours after precision not always successful: but there is 

freshness and originality in every page : a large number of the 

views are at once novel and sound : and the illustrations from 

other authors are good and apposite, though we may sometimes 

feel that the more obvious sources have been neglected for the 

lees obvious. I have consulted an elaborate commentary on the 

first and second books recently published by Weidner (Leipzig, 

1869), which I am glad to welcome as a proof that German 

scholars are applying to exegesis that spirit of extensive and 

systematic research which of late years has been almost confined 

to textual criticism. 

For the notices I have given from time to time of varieties in 
theTrojan legend and the story of Aeneas' migration unknown to 
YirgU, or recognized only in the way of distant allusion, I have 
been indebted almost entirely to Heyne's Excursuses, which seem 
to me to present a rare union of leaming, sagacity, and sobriety. 
I have also referred to the first volume of Sir George Lewis' 
* Inquiry into the Credibility of Early Koman History.' My intro- 
ductions to the several books of the Aeneid are naturally longer 
in some cases than those prefixed to the several Eclogues and 
books of the Georgics: indeed, the Introduction to the Sixth 
Book has grown into a short Essay. In the general Introduction 

* [Heniy^s remarks are now embodied, and in some cases modified, in his Aeneidea. 


I have controverted Mr. Gladstone^s view of the relation of the 
Aeneid to the Homeric poems, as expressed in the third volume 
of his * Studies.' In my former volume I was thought, I believe, 
to have disparaged unduly Virgil's claim to originality : I may 
now be considered to be taking the opposite side, in vindicating 
his right to be criticized independently of Homer, Both views 
are, I believe, true, and therefore consistent : but it is possible 
of course so to maintain either a^ to appear unmindful of the 

My obligations to my former coUeague, Mr. Goldwin Smith, 
are unfortunately confined in the present volume almost whoUy 
to the notes on the First Book, which we originally composed 
together in 1853 : and even they have since been so completely 
recast that it would be diflBcult now to point to any part of them 
as specially due to him. I need not say that I have still had the 
benefit of Mr. Long's assistance. 



voL, n. 


In tnniiiig from the Eclognes and Georgics to the Aeneid, we are no 

longer confronted hj the opinion which insists on Virgil'8 claims as a 

strictly original poet. The days are past when Scaliger could compare 

Virgil and Homer in detail, and prononnce that the scholar had in 

almost every instance excelled his master; nor would a modern 

reader easily tolerate even those less invidious parallels, such as were 

not infrequent in the last century, where Virgil was measured against 

Homer on the same principles on which Johnson has measured Pope 

against Dryden, and with substantially the same results. It is hard 

to read without a smile the apologetic tone in which Pope himself 

vindicates Homer against the admirers of Virgil, pleading that the 

old Greek has at all events the advantage of having written first ; 

that if he had a less cool judgment, he holds the heart under h 

stronger enchantment, and that to endeavour to exalt Virgil at his 

expense is much the same as if one should think to raise the super- 

stmcture by undermining the foundation.^ It is now the turn of the 

critic of the Aeneid to use the language of extenuation and speak with 

hated breath. On the one side it is admitted, as it is asserted on the 

other, that in undertaking the Aeneid at the command of a superior * 

Virgil was venturing beyond the province of his genius, and that all 

we can expect to find is the incidental success which conld not fail to 

he obtained even on uncongenial ground by the poet of the Georgics. 

I have elsewhere explained the reasons which lead me to question 

the appropriateness of the special praise usually given to VirgiVs 

agricultural poetry, and conceded, though with more hesitation, to 

his pastoral compositions, as if the true bent of his mind were to be 

fonnd in his sympathy with extemal nature, at the same time that 

I have spoken as strongly as it was in my power to speak of the 

marvellous grace and deUcacy, the evidence of a culture most elaborate 

and most refined, which shine out in the midst of a thousand incon- 

graities of costume and outward circumstance, and make us forget 

* Prefaoe to Homer. 

' [That the Aeneid was nndertakea *^at the command of a Bnperior" there is 
no eyidenoe. See p. Ixvi. — H. N.] 


that we are reading Bucolic poems of whicli Hne after line is to be 
fonnd in Theocritus, and precepts about husbandrj which are far more 
intelligibly stated in Theophrastus or in the Geoponica. It is precisely 
this measure which I would wish now to extend to the Aeneid. So 
far it may seem that I am substantially at one with the opinion which 
I have mentioned as that which is now generally entertained on 
Virgirs claims as an epic poet. It is possible, however, that the 
habit of sharply contrasting the characteristics of the several works 
of Virgil may have led to an exaggeration on the one side, as I believe 
it has on the other, — that the Aeneid maj have been brought too 
exclusively to the standard of the Hiad and Odyssey, and that Virgil 
may have been blamed, as Pope complains that Homer has been 
blamed, for not doing what he never intended. 

There can be little doubt that too much has been made of Virgil*8 
supposed disqualification or disinclination for epic poetry. We have his 
own conf ession in the Sixth Eclogue that his early ambition was to sing 
of kings and battles : and though Phoebus may have whispered in his 
ear that such themes were too high for one so young, so humble, and so 
unknown, we are not obliged to conclude that the aspiration was then 
and there finally abandoned, or that as he rose naturally from short 
pastorals to a long didactic poem, he may not have cherished the hope 
of rising by an equally natural ascent to a still longer epic. If Pope*8 
epic poem of Alcander was the dream of his boyhood, when he fancied 
himself the greatest poet that ever lived, his epic poem on Brutus was 
no less the vision of his later years, when he had come, as he thought, 
to take a just measure of his powers. That Augustus may have exer- 
cised some pressure on Virgil, urging him to undertake heroic poetry, 
is very possible ; but VirgiPs words in the Third Georgic, and the 
similar language held by other poets, suoh as Horace and Proplertius, 
would lead us to agree with a recent German editor,* that what the 
emperor wished for was a direct celebration of his own actions ; nor 
is there anything in the notices of Suetonius * to compel us to any 
other conclusion. It was only natural that Augustus should take an 
interest, as we know him to have done, in the progress of a poem 
whioh, in grandeur of scope and compass, promised to transcend any 
previons effort of the Roman muse, and so could not but reflect 
indirect glory on his reign. We may observe, however, that in the 
only words of Virgil on the subject which have come down to us* the 
poet expresses himaelf with considerable reserve, and is by no means 
forward to gratify the imperial curiosity. Nor need we lay any sti-ess 

* Gk)Bsrsn, Praef . ad Aeneidem. 
. * [See Snetonins qaoted on p. Ixri. — H. N.] 
' Maorobins, Sat. i. 24. 


on the story which, supported as it is by the atithority of the elder 

Pliny,* there seems no reason to donbt, that Virgil himself, when 

dying, condemned his Aeneid to the fiames. Rightly understood, 

that story seems to contain, not a confession that he had mistaken his 

powers, but simply one more instance of the fastidions and exacting 

nature of his self-criticism. The explanation is consonant to all that 

we know of Virgirs character, as shown in his writings; and it 

can only be a private opinion which we may onrselves entertain 

abont the merit of the poem that would lead us to seek for any 

other. Saetonius tells us that Virgil was overtaken by death at the 

time when he was intending to spend three years in polishing and 

elahorating the Aeneid : and we may imagine for ourselves what 

would be the value of three years of correction in the judgment of 

a poet like Virgil, and how abortive he might consider the work which 

had lost the advantage of so long a gestation. We cannot, indeed, 

teU, except in a very few obvious cases, such as the hemistichs, and 

perhaps also certain inconsistencies in the narrative, of which I have 

spoken elsewhere,' what may have been the actual shortcomings of 

the poem as they appeared to its author. He may have introduced 

Terses, as the story says he did, which were intended as mere tempo- 

rary make-shif ts,® props to stay the building until more solid supports 

«liould be forthcoming ; but modem criticism has not in general been 

very happy in pointing ont these weak places, and for the present we 

mnst be content to admit that,.as regards the execntion of the poem, 

ftt any rate, our conceptions of what is required fall infinitely short of 

Virgil'8 own ; and that though we may hope, in some measure, to 

appreciate what he has done, we can form no notion of what he left 

yet to do. Such an admission of ignorance is no more than the 

tribute which we pay, natnrally and cheerfuUy, to a consummate 

ftrtist In any case, we need not doubt that the feeling which made 

VirgO wish to rob the world of his greatest poem was simply the 

mortification of leaving in a state of oomparative imperf ection a work 

whidi he had intended to be his masterpiece. To imagine that he 

waa sensible of the unreality which, to a certain extent, characterizes 

the Aeneid, as compared with the Homeric poems, is to imagine an 

ftnachronism and an impossibility, to attribute to him a thought which 

is inoonsiatent with the whole tenor of his writings, and must have 

been alien to the entire current of sentiment among his contemporaries, 

wbether admiring or adverse. He seems never to have tormented 

Hmself with doubts that he had not realized the rustic vigour of 

• Nat. Hiflt. vii. 114. Comp. Gell. xvii. 10 [Sueton., Vita Vergilii 39, Maoro» 
bing, Sat. 1. 24,— H. N.] 
' See Introdtictions to Books 8 and 5. ^ Saetonias, Vita Vergilii 24, 

xxii AENEIS. 

Theocritus, or the primifcive siniplicity of Hesiod. He appropriates 
their form boldly and openly, and does not ask himself whether he 
has reprodaced their spirit. To be the Roman Homer ; to write the 
seqnel of the tale of Troj, not as an inferior, but as an eqnal, not as 
a younger son of the victorions race, but as the heir of those manj 
ages which had lifted the conquered people to a height far above their 
conquerors ; to combine the glories of the heroic age with the august 
antiquities of his own nation ; this was an ideal which might well 
captivate a mind like Virgirs, and which less partial voices than those 
of an applauding court might have told him that he was able to 

The chasm which separates the Aeneid f rom the Hiad and Odyssey ia 
undoubtedly one which is not easilj spanned. It is true that sufficient 
account has not always been taken of the numerous intervening objects 
which break the distance and afford resting-places to the eye. The 
substance of the Homeric poetry, the conduct of the action and the 
conception of the actors, came to Virgil modified by the intermediate 
agency of the Qreek drama. His view of the form may have been 
similarly afiEected by the example of those later Greek epics of which 
the poem of ApoUonius is the only surviving specimen, and by the pre- 
cepts of that critical f ratemity of which the author of the Argonautics 
was no undistinguished member. But the unsurpassed eminence of 
the two writers, the bard or bards of pre-historic Qreek and the poet 
of Augustan Rome, will always make them prominent objects of com- 
parison or contrast ; and the parallel is itself one which Virgil, far 
f rom avoiding, has done his utmost to challenge. To a modem reader 
the exactness of the parallel only serves to make the contrast deeper 
and more unmistakable. Mr. G-ladstone says nothing which a critic, 
not swom, like himself, absolutely to the service of Homer, need hesi- 
tate to admit, when he calls attention to the extraordinai*y amount of 
admitted imitation and obvious similarity on the surface of the Aeneid, 
and pronounces nevertheless that the poem stands in almost every 
fundamental particular in the strongest contrast to the Hiad.^ Both 
features, the identity and the diversity, are, as I have just said, 
sufficiently familiar to us ; we have seen them in VirgiFs treatment 
of Theocritus and Hesiod, and we shall not be surprised to meet them 
again in his treatment of Homer. On the identity, indeed, there is 
but little f or me to say which has not been anticipated in what I have 

* [For the verdicts of ancient criticism on the Aeneid, see vol. i. (fonrth 
edition), pp. xxix. foU. — H. N.] 

* Studies on Homer, vol. iii. p. 502. I may here express my obligations geue- 
rally to this part of Hr. Gladstone^s work, which has in fact suggested much of 
the present Essay, though I have mostlj found myself unable to agree with his 


adyanced in my Introdnction to the Eclognes. Tlie diversitj is a 
more complex qnestion, and may well occnpy ns somewhat longer. 

The production of the Aeneid was part of that general burst of 

literary enthnsiasm which distinguishes the Augnstan period. Bpman 

literature had always been imitative; Pacuvius and Attios had set 

themselyes to make the best they conld out of Sophocles and Aes- 

chylus ; ^ and it was donbtless in his own judgment, as well as in that 

of eulogistic critics, that Ennius appeared to be wise and brave, and a 

seoond Homer.* Bnt the period which witnessed the establishment of 

the empire generated new hopes and aspirations among the poets of 

Bome. The fervonr of an age, half revolutionary, half organic in its 

cbaracter, had produced intellectual activities which the imperial 

system was not slow to welcome and cherish. The writers of the new 

era saw that Greece had as yet yielded but few of her spoils to her 

semi-barbarous invaders ; and they planned fresh expeditions, which 

shonld be nndertaken under more exalted auspices, and retum crowned 

with greener and more luxuriant laurels. The ebuUition of anticipated 

triumph which opens the Third Georgic doubtless represents the real 

feeling of the poet, though the vision which he there professes to see 

does not correspond in its details with that which his better genius 

afterwards revealed to him. Greece was to be conquered, and con- 

qnered with her own weapons. The games were to be the verit- 

able Olympic games, transplanted to the banks of the Mincio, those 

games of which the race and the caestus are the type; and the cere- 

monial of the day is to be varied with the accessories of a Boman 

trinmph. It was in this spirit that he addressed himself to the task 

of reproducing Homer. The imitation of extemals was a thing not 

tobe avoided or dexterously concealed, but to be openly and boldly 

embraced; and it was the hitherto unapproached excellcnce of the 

model which was held to constitnte the glory of the success. Even in 

hia own day there appear to have been critics, probably rival versifiers, 

who reproached him with having taken so mnch from Homer ; and 

the answer which he is said to have made shows the light in which he 

wifihed his own labours to be regarded.* " Let them try to steal for 

themselves as they say I have stolen for myself, and they will find 

that it is easier to rob Hercules of his club than to rob Homer of a 

* Hor. 2 Ep* 1. 161 foU* 

' Hor. 2 £p. 1. 60 foU. The ' somnia Pjthagorea' are evidenoe enough of what 
he thonght of his relation to Homer. 

* [SnetoninSyVita Yergilii 46. ''Asconins Pedianns libro qnem contra obtrectatores 
Vergilii soripsit panoa admodnm obiecta ei proponit, eaqne oiroa historiam fere 
et qnod pleraqne ab Homero snmpsisset ; sed hoo ipsnm sio def endere adsuetum 
ut, < Cnr noB illi qnoqoe eadem fnrta temptarent ? vemm intelleotnros facilius esse 
Heronli olavam qnam Homero yersnm snbripere.' " — H. N.] 


single verse." It was an act of high-handed brigandage, which, rightly 
appreciated, carried with it its own jnatification. In the long honrs 
of laborions days, paring down and refining the verses which had been 
ponred ont in Uie exaberance of the moming,* he had grappled with 
the Ghrecian Hercnles, and had again and again wrested from him that 
weapon which had so long been the terror of meaner freebooters.^ I 
have elsewhere remarked on Yirgil's absolnte silence abont Homer, 
who, thronghout the Aeneid, is never named or even indicated ; bat 
no one woald interpret it as the silence of a writer anxious to ignore 
or oonceal hifl obligations. Even were epic narrative as favourable to 
the introdaction of personal notices as pastoral diaJogne or didactic 
disqnisition, it wonld have been snperflaous to mention Homer in a 
poem which invites comparison with the Iliad and Odjaaey in its whole 
eztemal form, and even in its very title, and contains an imitation or 
translation from Homer in almost every page. 

This avowed rivalry, I venture to think, should be bome in mind in 
estimating, not only the similarit y of the Homeric and Virgilian epics, 
but their discrepancies. When we require that Virgil, drawing as he 
does his characters from the cirde of Homeric legend, should exhibit 
them as they are exhibited in Homer, we are not only forgetting, what 
Virgil could scarcely have forgotten if he woald, the chauges which 
those characters underwent as they passed under the hands of Attic and 
Alexandrian sohools of poetry, but we are mistaking the whole attitude 
assumed by Virgil with ref erence to his illustrious predecessor. Homer, 
in his eyes, is not the father alike of history and of poetry, the sole 
authority for all our knowledge about the Greeks and the Trojans, 
their ethnology, their polity, their moral relations to each other ; he is 
the rival poet of a rival nation, the party chronicler of a quarrel which 
the Trojans had bequeathed to their successors, and those successors, 
after many centuries, had pashed to a victorious issue. Was it likely • 
that a Trojan would have acoepted the Homeric estimate of his nation 
and his nation'8 cruel enemies ? and was it to be expected that the heir 
of the Trojans should dwarf his representation of Trojan worth and 
Trojan valour to a Homeric stftndard P The lions had at last come to 
be tiie painters ; and though they could not represent their progenitor 
as victorioas over the man in that great l^ndary stmggle, they could 

* GelliiiB, 17. 10, Snetonins 22. Quintilian, Inst. 10. 8, oites Yarins for the 
Btatement that the nnmber of yeraeB oomposed by Virgil daily waa veiy smalL 

* That this view of the oharaoter of Yirgil^s imitalions was taken hj the andents 
themselyes is shown by a passage in the Third * Snasoria' of the elder Seneoa 
(qnoted by Heyne, Dissertatio de Garmine Spioo Yergiliano), who aajs, speaking 
of a snpposed appropriation of Yirgirs wordsby Ovid, << feoisse qaod in mnltis aliis 
Tersibns Yergilins feoerat, non sorripiendi oania aed palam imitandi, hoo animo ut 
vellet adgnosoi." 


portray it aa a contest of frand and cruelty with lieroic enduranoe 
and gennine bravery ; they conld poise the event more donbtf ully in 
the balance, and call down indignation on the crimes that stained the 
honr of trinmph ; they conld point to the retribution which f ell, even 
within the period of the legend, on the homes of those who had made 
others homeless, and shadow forth in prophetic vision the yet more 
terrible recompense which history was to bring in the f uhiess of time. 
Aeneas is drawn by Homer at a time when, f rom the natnre of the 
case, he conld only play a secondary part in the action ; yet Homer 
admits his repntation among his conntrymeu, and grudgingly concedes 
his real prowess, while he makes tbe Trojan hero*s futnre the special 
concem of destiny, provided f or even by those gods who are the fiercest 
enemies of Trpy. Virgil takes up his story when he is left alone as 
the one surviving protector of his country, the forlom hope of those 
who sought to resist, dnring the sack of the city, the recognized leader 
of the Trojan migration. Worsted as he had been by Achilles, and 
eyen by Diomed, it was no less true that he had been a terror to the 
lords of the Danaans and the armies of Agamemnon ; nor was there 
•ny reason why he and his Trojans should not prove too strong for 
the Italian nations, thongh they had proved too weak for the forces of 
Greece. Even in Homer it is easy to see that the character of Ulysses 
has more sides than one : he is the prince of policy, becanse with him 
every species of frand is lawful ; and it is natural that his stratagems 
shonld be differently estimated by those in whose favour they are 
exerdsed and those to whom they bronght havoc, exile, and death. 
Virgil, it is tme, represents his Ulysses as engaging in crimes from 
which the Homeric Ulysses would probably have shmnk ; bnt we mtist 
not jnd^ a poet as we shonld jndge a historian who were to invent 
actions in order to snpport a preconceived theory of character. If 
the right of independent treatment be conceded, it must be allowed to 
eztend, not only to the interpretation of character, bnt to the invention 
of incident. Begarding Homer as a parfcy chronicler, Virgil was not 
bonnd to assnme that he has recorded all the actions of his hero, any 
more than that he has given a tme colour to those actions which he 
hae reoorded. And so the poet of Troy, having taken snch a measure 
as it was in the natnre of a Trojan to take of Troy's snbtlest enemy, 
might fairly avail himself of any post-Homeric tradition which might 
Nrve the cause that he had to advocate, or even create f or himself 
new traditions, so long as they were plansible and consistent. " Ant 
famam seqnere, aut sibi convenientia finge/' To be plausible and 
oonsistent are a poefs sole historical dnties; and in this instance 
plansibility and consistency are to be estimated, not according to the 
view which sets up Homer as the one record of historical trath, but 

xxvi AENEIS. 

accordmg to that which regards his poems as pieces of advocacj, the 
answers to which have been lost. The image is indeed something 
more than a mere metaphor. We know that in the Greek schools of 
rhetoric attempts were frequently made to overtum the verdict, not 
only of history, but of f able ; and we may recall with a smile the fact 
that it was not merelj sophistical acnmen, bnt real sjmpathy with a 
f riendlj nation, which led Greek orators to rehabilitate Bnsiris, and 
parge Egypt from the stain of a legendarj participation in the guilt 
of human sacrifices. Yirgil has obtained leave to reargue the case of 
his countrymen ; and all that is required of him is that his f acts and 
inferences should be such as would have been credible to a Trojan 
warrior. Bearing this in mind, we may remember that if Aeneas calls 
Ulysses " fell," " relentless," and " the inventor of crime," it is when 
he is speaking of the sack of Troy, or of the carrying off of the statue 
which made Troy impregnable. If Sinon represents him as a trea- 
cherous, artful glozer, it is when he is describing plots laid against his 
friend's life and his own. If Deiphobus knows him only as the coun- 
sellor of deeds of wrong, we may pardon the one-sided judgment of a 
person who has been hewn by him as a carcase fit for hounds, and 
continues mangled even in his ghostly body. Sach men were not 
Kkely to sympathize with the admiration expressed by the Homeric 
Antenor, as, on the day that was to bring the war to a peacef ul close, 
he recalled the impression made on him by his illustrious guest in by- 
gone years, before the war began. Nor is it less perfectly in keeping 
that the Butulians should disparage the wiles of Ulysses in comparison 
of their own more daring exploits, at the same time that it leads us 
to admire the art of the poet, who has thus condemned tho most 
formidable enemies of Troy out of the mouth of other enemies, who 
were destined to prove less formidable. As little could it be expected 
that the Aeneas of Virgil should appreciate the lights and shades dis- 
tributed over the character of the Homeric Helen. How he regarded 
her during the siege we are not told ; he may have shared the mixed 
feeling of admiration and disapproval which the old men on the wall 
express in their hour of respite ; he may have partaken of the sense of 
repulsion with whioh, as she tells us in her wail over Hector, she was 
looked upon by all in Troy ; but as his eye fell upon her at the moment 
of the sack of the royal palace, and the savage slaughter of the good 
old king, thoughts of hatred and vengeance could hardly fail to be 
uppermost in his mind ; and he may well have needed a snpematural 
interposition • to teach him to distingaish between the authors of so 
terrible a ruin and its wretched instrument.^ Let us once fix in our 

^ [This assmxies the gennineneBS of the lines Aeneid 2. 567-588. Bat see the 
notes on the paesage.— H. N.] 


minds that Homer is the poet of the Greeks, and that his action is 
laid during the siege, that Virgil is the poet of the Trojans, and that 
his action is laid after the buming of the citj, and we shall not, I 
think, be disposed to charge Virgil with mere wanton depravation of 
the Homerio characters. 

The same notion of independent rivalry will explain VirgiUs neglect 
of Homeric traditioDS in other matters where patriotic feeling or 
dramatic propriety was not concemed. Virgil donbtless held himself 
bonnd to foUow Homer^s narrative only so far as that narrative had 
taken hold of the popalar mind of Bome. He was not the interpreter 
of an ancient record, boond to minnte and painstaking accnracy ; he 
was the reviver of an old story, which in its broad featnres was f amiliar 
to all lovers of poetry. The relative position of the varions members 
of the royal family of Troy, the distinctions of races among the hosts 
that respectively made np the Greek and Trojan armies, the extent of 
the names Pergamns, Ilion, and Dardania, the comparative importance 
of the Scamander and the Simois, the geographical details of conntries 
which few Romans had ever visited, — these were not points that 
interested the Boman readers of the Hiad and Odyssey, nor were they 
likely to be scmtinized by Boman readers of the Aeneid. The very 
care which Virgil has taken to constmct his own catalogne of the 
Italian forces, might natnrally be thonght to absolve him from the 
duty of minntely studying catalogues with which even an edncated 
Boman felt he had no concem. The indifference of the Bomans to 
the history of other conntries is a known f eatnre in their character ; ® 
corioas abont the antiquities of their own nation, they had but little 
of that historical spirit which impels a student to investigate records 
entirely nnconnected with himself ; and Virgil was a type of his 
countrymen, alike in his leaming and in his carelessness or ignorance. 
Besides, the body of knowledge already existing at Bome, and the 
habits of ordinary speech, would have been a serious impediment to 
Virgil, even if he had wished to follow Homer faithfully. As he was 
obliged to talk of Jupiter, Jnno, and Mars, to a nation which had 
agreed to identify the Greek gods with those whom they were them- 
selves worshipping daily, so he conld hardly have avoided calling the 
Greeks by that generic name by which the Bomans knew them, though 
it had no existence in Homer's time, and had never really belonged to 
more than an infinitesimally small part of the Greek people. If we, 
with our appreciation of historical criticism, find it impossible not to 
talk of Greece and the^Greeks, what would it have been to a Boman, to 
whom the name was a contemporary fact, and who spoke of * Graecia ' 
and 'Graeci* as we speak of G^rmany and Germans ? With this 
» See Bunsen, Egypt, vol. i. pp. 162 foll. (CottreU*8 translation). 

xxviii AENEIS. 

cardinal offence against bistory and etbnology staring him in the fetcey 
Virgil would have foxmd it in vain to affect or aim at accnracy. 
Aocordinglj, he appeala indifferently to all the asBOciations of his 
readers, whether vague or exact. Here he takea advantage of an 
obscnre tradition ; there, of a loose popnlar identification. He talks 
of Dorians at a time wheu the Dorians were scarcely known, and 
confers on the Trojans the name of their Phrygian neighbours. He 
generalizes from a part to the whole, and then oomes down from the 
whole to some other part; just as where, in describing the Trojan 
horse, he first speaks of it as pine-wood, tben as maple, and lastly as 
oak ; not, I think, from confusion or forgetf ulness, but as an assertion 
of the poefs privilege to represent, in as many ways as he pleased, 
the general notion of wood. In short, he is an artist, an Italian 
antiquary, a Roman of the Augustan period, speaking to the average 
educated intelligenoe of his own day; he is anything rather than 
what modem admirers of Homer would wish him to be, a hierophant 
of " the inner Homeric world," an expounder of " primitive history, 
philosophy, policy, and religion," » as contained in Homer. 

Such a course of independent rivalry, however, oould hardly bo 
pursued without provoking the consequent Nemesis. A story of the 
heroic time of GFreece, treated in an essentially modem and Roman 
spirit, was sure to leave a sense of incongraity on the mind, not only of 
a Homeric student, but of a more popular reader. A reader of this 
sort might be utterly unconscions of a thousand inaccuracies of oos- 
tume ; he might feel the loss of primitive simplicity of manner to be 
compensated by the greater stateliness of the modem heroic ; but he 
could scarcely fail to be strack with an essential want of consistency in 
the drawing of the principal figures, which, being Homeric, must neces- 
sarily be old, and being Virgilian, must as necessarily be new. It is 
this, I think, which constitutes the secret of the dissatisfaction which 
is generaUy felt with the character of Aeneas. To represent him, as 
some modem critics have done, as simply mean and feeble, unmanly 
and unheroic, is unjust, and even absurd. His appearances in Homer 
ought not to prejudice our opinion about his appearances in Virgil ; 
nor perhaps would they, were it not for an error in judgment com- 
mitted by the poet himself, who, in his sprrit of dramatic fair dealings 
towards his hero*s enemies, — a spirit which will call for our notice 
again very shortly, — makes them taunt him with his Homeric escapes 
and evasions of danger, allowing them, at the same time, to confound 
what Homer never would have confounded, and identify a warlike 
Trojan with an effeminate Phrygian. We are wearied, it must be 
confessed, by being continually reminded of his piety ; though that 
* Gladstone, vol. i. pp. 11, 12. 


may be partlj owing to onr misappreh.ension of the nse of the epithet, 
^bicli was doabtless intended to be a Homeric one, attacbed to the 
name as a sort of prefix, and to be taken as a matter of coorse ; but 
his piety is not merely nominal : it shows itself in bis whole feeling 
and condnct to the gods, his fatber, and his son. Heyne, who bad a 
soul to admire and reverence botb Homer and Yirgil, remarks on the 
dignity and beaaty of Aeneas's address to Erander. His faitbfuhiess 
to the memory of Pallas is all tbe more noble, as apparently being not, 
like that of Aohilles to bis dead friend, gronnded on strong personal 
affection, bnt ratber tbe ofEspring of generons self-reproacb for bis own 
involontary failnre to discbarge a sacred tmst. His long forbearance 
towards Lansns, and the revnlsion of feelini? when he sees him dead, 
oontrasts strangely with tbe " genuine manbness " witb which Tumns 
exnlts in the prospect of killing Pallas, and glories over him when 
killed. But the greater the tenderness and grace of these traits of 
cbaracter, tbe barsber the jar witb which we find the bero of tbe 
Aeneid exbibiting at otber times the savage, indomitable spirit of the 
bero of tbe Hiad. Tbere is tenderness, deep tendemess, mingled witb 
the ferocity of Acbilles : yet we are not snrprised when, after receiv- 
ing Priam graciouflly, and losing his own sorrows in sympatby witb 
tbe poor old king, he i& ronsed to momentary f nry by a word spoken 
ont of season. Bnt tbe temper of Aeneas is less impulsive, and his 
gentleness more abiding and nntroubled, so tbat our feelings are 
sbocked wben we see bim plunging bis hands in blood as deeply as a 
Homeric warrior, and reserving the sons of two families to be sacri- 
ficed aHve on tbe funeral pile of bis friend. It is in keeping witb tbe 
manners of the heroic age ; but it is not in keeping with the bumanity 
witb wbich the poefs modern spirit bas led bim to invest the rest of 
tbe cbaracter. It is this inconsistency between the heroic and the 
modera type whicb we feel in Aeneas's treatment of Dido. Stripped 
of its accessories, tbe conduct of Aeneas to Dido is not very unlike 
that of Ulysses to Calypso, if not to Circe. He is tbrown on her coast ; 
he is treated hospitably ; he accepts the position of a busband ; be 
leaves ber that be may go to bis natnral bome. It can bardly be said 
tbat tbe deity of Calypso constitutes an essential difference between 
ber and Dido. If sbe is a goddess, ber words sbow tbat she feels tbe 
love and even the jealousy of a woman ; and tbe criticism ^ whicb 
contrasts Ulysses^s i^rewelL to ber witb the langnage of Aeneas to 
Dido migbt perhaps bave been spared, if it had been recollected that in 
Homer ahe berself receives the order from the gods to part witb 
Ulysses, wbile in Virgil the whole burden is tbrown upon Aeneas, who 
lias not only to justify bimself for going, but to voucb for tbe super- 
^ Gladstone, voL iii. p. 525. 


natnral compulsion nnder whicli he goes. But for a hero to leave a 
mortal love was no novelty in the heroic age, as the titles of Ovid*s 
Heroic Epistles snflSciently show. The novelty is in the interest whicH 
Virgil has excited in the situation and feelitigs of his forsaken heroine. 
He has struck the chord of modem passion, and powerfully has it 
responded ; more powerfullj, perhaps, than the minstrel himself ex- 
pected. Had Homer written of Dido, we should probably have been 
called on to sympathize with her bnt little ; our feelings would have 
been with the hero whom she strove to keep from the home whither 
he was bound. There were reasons which might have induced Virgil 
to give a similar colour to his narrative. All his sympathies are 
Eoman ; and the breach between Dido and Aeneas is the symbol and 
the prophecy of the quarrel of Carthage and Rome. It is hard, too, 
to suppose that in sketching the Carthaginian queen, who endeavourR 
to keep Aeneas from his kingdom, he did not think again and again of 
the Egyptian enchantress to whom Antony would have transferred the 
sceptre of the westem world, whose blandishments had prevailed over 
the great Julius, and had been successfuUy resisted by Octavianns 
alone. Circe might have supplied the legendary framework, Cleopatra 
the animating historical spirit ; and even though the Trojan Ulysses 
had yielded to the allurements of the charnaer, we might have hailed 
the flash of his drawn sword, and sent our hearts along with him in 
his joumey from the enchanted shore. But Virgil has not chosen to 
paint a picture like this. Following in the track of Apollonins, he has 
lavished all his art on the presentation of a vivid portrait of female 
passion. Dido*8 flame has been kindled, not from within, but from 
without, by a superaatnral power ; the generosity of her nature has 
ah-eady shown itself in the princely hospitality which she extends 
to Aeneas and his shipwrecked comrades ; but, after all, we sympathize 
with her simply as a woman ; it is the mere exhibition of the depths 
of a woman's heart that stirs our own so powerfully. Other heroes 
have loved and left as Aeneas does ; few have had as strong a justi- 
fication as he can plead for his flight: but no one seems to us so 
traitorous as Aeneas, except it be Jason ; and the reason lies in the 
depth of colouring with which Virgil, like Euripides, has painted the 
agonies of the abandoned queen. 

The relation of Virgil to Homer, as 1 have said already, unquestion- 
ably fumishes the most important point of view from which the 
Aeneid can be regarded by one who wishes to estimate the surrounding 
circumstances which told upon the genius of the Augustan poet. The 
expectation of an unknown birth which shoold be greater than the 
Iliad was doubiless the vision which illuminated the later years of 



Virgirs own life, as we know it to have oceupied tlie mind of liis eon- 

temporaries. Bnt it was not simply by contemplating Homer, by 

stndying bim intently and gradnally appropriating bis beanties, that 

Vii^l hoped to rival him ; he was to be enconntered principally indeed 

with his own weapons, bnt partly also with those snpplied to the 

hands of a yonnger competitor by long centnries of subseqnent cul- 

tnre. The extent and variety of these appliances are only imperfectly 

known to ns. Virgil probably had access to the whole of what had 

been written by any anthor of note from Homer*s time to his own ; in 

the remains that have come down to ns whole classes of composition 

are eutirely wanting, and those which we have exist only in specimens 

more or less nnmerous. The cyclic poets and the other epic writers of 

Greece proper are mere shadowy figures to us, but to Virgil they had a 

real personal existence ; they may have modified the form of his poem ; 

they must to a cerfcain extent have supplied the data from which he 

constmcted his story. It is not till we come to the Athenian drama 

that we are able to trace definitely the operation of a really powerful 

agency npon Virgil*s genins. Even there our losses are neither few 

nor nnimportant ; we know that a considerable nnmber of the plays 

of the three great tragedians embraced various parts of the tale of 

Troy, yet of these we can only be said to possess the Ajax and the 

Philoctetes of Sophocles, the Rhesus, the Troades, and the Hecuba of 

Euripides. Of Sophocles especially we are told, that " he so greatly 

delighted in the epic cycle as to have borrowed whole dramas from its 

contents," and there is reason to think that no less than three of his 

plays traversed the ground occupied by Virgil in the second Aeneid ; 

but of the Laocoon we have only a brief outliue of the plot, and thirteen 

lines, six of them significant ; of the Uoavrj^opoi, a bare indication 

of the subjfect, so bare that it is a question whether it really points to 

a separate play ; of the Sinon, three unimportant words. Great, how- 

ever, as our losses are, we need not doubt that onr gains are greater. 

That which constitutes the main value of Greek tragedy as a step in 

intellectnal progress can be abnndantly appreciated from the speci- 

mens that have come down to ns, and we are able distinctly to recog- 

nize its inflnence npon Virgil. I have in some measure anticipated 

what I am going to say, in the observations which I have ventured on 

Virgirs treatment of charJEbcter, as compared with Homer's ; but the 

point is one which will well bear to be explained and enforced f urther. 

Mr. Grote has shown his characteristic insight in remarking ' that 

"the great innovation of the Athenian dramatists consisted in the 

rhetorioal, the dialectical, and the ethical spirit which they breathed 

into their poetry." " Of all this," he continues, " the nndeveloped 

• Hiflt. of Greeoe, toI. viii. chap. 67. 

xxxii AENEIS, 

germ doubtless existed in the previous epic, lyric, and gnomic com- 
position; bnt the drama Btood distingnished from all these bj 
bringing it ont into conspicnons ampUtnde, and making it the snb- 
stantive means of effect." The stmctnral exigences of form mnst 
•have combined with the intellectnal temper of the time in giving 
especial prominenoe to these kindred featnres. A drama is shorter 
than an epic ; it traverses not the whole of a long historj, bnt some 
special part of it ; and the treatment of that special part may evoke 
interests conflicting witii those which wonld be called ont by the 
treatment of the whole. Had the plot of the Agamemnon been merged 
in a longer narrative, we shonld not have been led to panser on the 
character of Clytaemnestra, and examine as we now do the gronnd of 
her actions. The institntion of the trilogy, apparently contrived as a 
means of taking the hearer throngh the varions stages of a lengthened 
story, was freqnently made to be directly snbservient to this conflict 
of interests, the first and second plays complicating a knot which it 
was the bnsiness of the third to nnravel. No more striking instance 
of this can have existed than that fnmished to ns by the chance 
which hfts robbed ns of the first and third plays of the Promethean 
trilogy and preserved the second. The gronnds of Zens's vengeance 
are not set before ns as clearly as they doubtless were in the opening 
drama, nor have we more than the faintest glimpses of the terms of 
reconciliation which were ratified in the third; we simply see the 
Titan in the first agony of his snfFering, we feel his wrongs, we hear 
of his good deeds, we witness a display of his prophetic power, and 
onr sympathies are wholly on his side. Accident has allowed us to 
hear bnt one part of the summing np, and we mistake it, as modem 
writers of genius have mistaken it, for a piece of powerful advocacy. 
As the Greek drama advanced, its rhetorical and dialectical aspects 
became still more apparent. The chorus, gradnally divested of its 
musical glories, yet compelled as a general mle to continue on the 
stage, becomes a mere moderator between disputants, interposing a 
couplet of common-place at the end of the animated orations in which 
the various parties advocate their oompeting views. 

It is needless to dwell on the profound intellectaal effect which 
such a species of composition was calculated to produce. Many 
modern readers will have experienced the same stimulus in reading 
contemporary works of fiction ; they will vividly remember the time 
when they came to be interested, not so much in unexpected incidents 
or a skilfully constmcted plot, as in the evolution of character, and 
the statement or solution of some complex moral problem. Not 
without a considerable sacrifice of beauty of form, the modem prose 
fiction combines the depth of tragedy with the breadth of epic poetry, 


and a modem reader nnder the spell of some powerful analyst of 
cbaracier and motive may interpret to himself manj of the feelings 
of an Athenian spectator at the Great Dionysia. Perhaps it wonld 
have been impossible for a poet writing after the opening of this new 
fonntain of hnman intereet to retnm to the simpler portraitnre of 
the elder epic ; at anj rate there can be little donbt that Virgil is 
stronglj tinctnred by the dramatic spirit, and that he has sacrificed 
to it the general effect of his narrative. I do not say that Virgil'8 
conception of character is so consistent or so vivid as Homer's ; 
donbtless it is not : I only say that the dramatic feeling, the drawing 
of character for character's sake, the delight in doing rhetorical 
jnstice to the personages of the story, is more strongly shown in the 
Aeneid than in the Homeric poems. One signal instance of this I 
bave ab-eady noted in the character of Dido ; the character of Tnrnns 
affords another not less remarkable. 

It has been ingeniously suggested that the reason for the en- 
thnsiasm with which Virgil throws himself into the character of 
Tnmns, is that here at least he feels himself to to be "an Italian 
minstrel, singing to Italians abont an Italian hero." ' National feeling 
did nndoubtedly work in Virgil, but not, I think, national feeling of 
this kind. Like the rest of his countrymen, he cared for Italy not 
independently of Rome, but as the broad base on which Roman power 
wae built. His creed as a patriot would be expressed by the words 
of Varro, " Licet omnia Italica pro Romanis habeam." The Virgil of 
Dante*s vision may talk of " that low Italy for which Camilla the 
virgin, Euryalas, and Turnus, and Nisus died of wounds ; " * but with 
the poet himself the object of the stmggle is the establishment of 
Rome ; and those who resisted the Trojan invaders were not Italian 
patriots, but men deaf to the voices of the gods, and blind to the 
course of destiny. Here again the secret seems to be, that Virgil is 
impregnated with modera feeling, and that Tumus occupies ground 
which, to modem feelings, appears unassailable. As in the case of 
Dido, the fact that the gods are on the side of Aeneas makes but 
little impression on ns ; we hear their dictates and their wamings, 
bnt the note does not ring with the same awful cleamess as in the 
Homeric poems ; our human feelings are roused, and our ears 
are filled with other sounds. The words of the oracle are express, 
and we feel that Amata's interpretation of them is a mere gloss ; 

* Gladstone, vol. iii. p. 612. GoBsran makes a similar remark on Aeneid 9. 155 ; 
bnt it 18 obyions to reply that we are not ezpected to take Tm^nas and his friends 
at their own valnation. One carions f act, however, he mentions, that Silins Italicas 
nsee ** Bntnli " as one of his poetical synonymes for the Bomans. 

* Dante, Infemo, i. 106 foU. (CarljWs translation). 

VOL. II. e 

xxxiv AENEIS. 

but it is good enongh f or the pnrpose ; it gives a verbal sanction 

to a conrse whicli onr hearts tell ns to be the trne one, and we 

are satisfied with it accordingly. Aeneas is called the Phrygian 

freebooter, who comes to drive peacef nl inhabitants from their homes, 

and break the plighted engagements of a royal honse ; and we sjm- 

pathize with topics so well adapted to conciliate modem readers. 

Homer wonld not have allowed ns to feel so ; he wonld have given no 

space to the pleadings of the natives for their rights, bnt wonld have 

thrown his whole strength on the case of the invaders, as being per- 

f ectly conf ormable to the code of the heroic age. Virgil mnst have 

sjmpathized with Aeneas, not only as realizing the adopted type of 

heroic action, but as representing the nndeviating and relentless 

march of Roman greatDess. But the modem spirit was too strong 

for him ; in describing Tnmus as he conceived him to have been, he 

was led, in fact, to advocate his cause, and to record a protest against 

heroic and Boraan aggression alike. It is the spirit of the drama 

allowing itself free play ; and the resnlt is the enlargement of human 

sympathy, the vindication of the weaker as well as of the stronger. 

In many respects, as I have intimated, the character of Tumus does 

not command onr approval ; there is fierceness in it, and blind fury, 

and, in the case of Pallas at least, savage cruelty. But this barbarity 

is the outgrowth of weakness ; it is the impotent beating of a captive 

against the iron bars of destiny ; and as an exhibition of weakness we 

sympathize even with it. So it is weakness, rendered hopeless and 

helpless, that engages our interest in the closing scene. It is 

modelled, no donbt, on the fall of Patroclus, who is paralyzed and 

disarmed by Apollo before he is killed by Hector ; but the incidents 

which, as we read them in Homer, touch ns as we are tonched by a 

fairy tale, are wrought up by Virgil to a terrible moral significance. 

The fates of the combatants have been balanced by Jupiter, and we 

know that in a short time the only obstacle that keeps Aeneas from 

his destined empire will be removed by Tumns's death. Yet that 

brief space only serves to intensif y our interest f or the doomed man ; 

onr wishes lend him wings as he is flying for his life, and calling by 

name on each of his terrified comrades ; and we echo the agonized 

prajer in which he implores the gods of his native land to hold fast 

Aeneas^s spear. The strife of the Olympian deities is over; Juno 

herself has abandoned Tumus, and is reconciled to the prospect o£ 

a Trojan empire without the name of Troy ; bnt we refuse to look so 

far into the future. We follow Tumus throngh the few remaining 

stages of helpless effort, dreamy bewilderment, and final overthrow, 

f eeling that till he is dead we can spare no thoughts for the conqueror 

and the fmits of his victory. All this, I repeat, is simply the tribute 


we pay to the profound hnman interest with which Virgirs dramatic 
power leads him to invest a person for whom no minstrel of the 
heroic age would have claimed a tear. If Virgil had been the poet 
of the Odjssey, it is possible that onr recollections of insolence, 
crueltjr, and lawless sensnality wonld not have whollj hindered ns 
from feeling for the slanghter of the snitors. 

The inflnence of the Greek drama is also to be observed in the 
prominence given thronghont the Aeneid to f emale characters. Mr. 
Gladstone* has remarked with jnstice, that while Homer's women are 
imiformlj feminine and retiring, VirgiFs are slightlj mascnline and 
generally of a prononnced type ; they are agitated by violent passions 
and meet with violent ends. This is ascribed by an able critic in a 
weekly jonmal • to VirgiFs experience of his own age, when, f or the 
first time in Boman history, women came npon the stage of pnblio 
life: it is, I think, no less dne to the influence of the actual stage 
of Attica. Whether or no women were admitted as spectators of 
theatrical representations at Athens, in the stories that were repre- 
sented they had to bear as conspicuous a part as men : the exigencies 
of dramatic art required it ; and perhaps the f act that their parts were 
not only written but acted by men, tended still further to give them 
an equality which Homer woald never have dreamed of, and which 
Athenian life did not sanction. They are not only merged in the 
aggregate of a sympathizing but subordinate choms, accompanying 
the action as it were with an under-song ; they occupy individually a 
large portion of the drama, sometimes, like lo or Electra, as safferers, 
sometimes, like Clytaemnestra or Hecuba, as actors rising to mascnline 
importance. Virgil may have had actual precedents, in history or 
fiction, for the characters of Dido, Amata, Jutuma, and Camilla : but 
even if he had not, his recollections of Greek art must have been 
amply snfficient both to suggest the thought and to guide the pencil. 

Of VirgiFs more palpable and measurable obligations to the writings 
of the Greek tragedians there is less to be said. As I have already 
intimated, severai of the plays from which he is likely to have bor- 
rowed are lost; and in the remainder the question is one rather of 
conjectnre and inference than of direct observation. There can be no 
doubt, bowever, that the changes which the Homeric characters 
sustained in passing through the hands of the dramatists, as well as 
in the wear and tear of common tradition, had their full effect on 
VirgiFs conception of the personages who make up his gallery of the 
heroic age. The appearance of Helen in the Troades of Enripides, 

* Vol. iii. p. 527. He remarks later, p. 594, on the cbange prodaced in the 
Homerio women when they appear as stage heroines. 
« Satnrday Beyiew, Sept. 25, 1858. 

xxxvi AENEIS. 

where lier more tlian feminine logpic ia overpowered by the superior 
logic of Hecaba, intensified by hatred, made it easier for Vii^ to 
represent her as he has done in the second and sixth books of the 
Aeneid, thongh that representation, as I have said previonsly, was 
forced npon him by the oironmstances of his story, and is snfficiently 
jnstified by them. So it was natural that Aeneas shonld be antipa- 
thetic to XJlysses ; bnt the gronnds of antipathy are strengthened by 
the later Grreek representations of the wily Qreek, who is made, by a 
sabstitation characteristic of an Athenian writer dnring the Pelopon- 
nesian war, to exchange his part of a popnlar coansellor for that of a 
mere mob orator, and whose nobler qaalities are transferred to a rival 
character, Palamedes, of whom he is the enemy and treacherons mnr- 
derer. Probably, also, there are sitaations which Virgil has conveyed 
from the Greek drama less directly and openly. One snch T seem to 
observe in the steps by whioh Dido approaches the resolution of 
putting herself to death, talking freely and wildly of the thought 
while it is only a thought, caref ully concealing it when it has passed 
into a purpose. This appears to me to have been suggested by that 
celebrated change of feeling in the Ajax of Sophocles, who in one 
scene breathes nothing but self-destruction, and in the next is won to 
a calmness which the subtlety of modem critics will not allow to be 
altogether feigned. Of such slight matters as the actual appropria- 
tion of phrases and forms of expression, this is not the place to speak. 
They are far from numerous, and will be found noticed, so far as I 
have observed them, in the notes. But it is not less true that VirgiVs 
debts for language and phraseology, to one at least of the masters of 
Athenian tragedy, are real and great. That which is so remarkable 
a feature of Virgirs style, his practice of employing combinations of 
words so constructed as to remind the reader of other and yet other 
combinations, could hardly be better illustrated than by a comparison 
of the language of Virgil with the language of Sophocles.'' 

The Argonautics of Apollonius Rhodius would have their value for 
the critic of the Aeneid, if only as the single representative which has 
come down to us of the later epic poetry of Greece. A poet like 
Virgil, studious to embody in himself all that was best in previous 
culture, could not be whoUy independent of writers whose conception 
of their art was so far analogous to his own, that they strove to 
represent the Homeric spirit under more modem forms : and the 
Alexandrian school in particular must have had singular attractions f or 
the chief poetical artist of an era which itself displayed so many of the 

^ The inflnence of the Greek drama on the Aeneid is briefly noticed by Heyne, 
Diseertatio de Garmine Epico Vergiliano, p. 15 of vol. ii. of Wagner*B edition of 
Hejne'B Virgii. 



characteristics of a period of renaissance. But the connexion between 
Virgfil and Apollonins is closer tlian conld have been presnmed from 
any mere general considerations. After the Hiad and Odjssey, the 
Ai^onantics is the only poem which the intelKgent criticism of 
antiqnitj declares to have f amished an actaal model to the anthor of 
the Aeneid, and the similarity is one which the reader of the two 
works does not take long to disoover. Not only is the passion of 
Medea in Apollonins' Third Book confessedly the oounterpart of the 
passion of Dido in Virgirs Fonrth, bnt the instances are far from few 
where Virgil has conveyed an incident from his Alexandrian pre- 
decessor, altering and adapting, bnt not whollj disgnising it. The 
departnre of Jason from his f ather and mother resembles the departore 
of Pallas from Evander ; the song of Orpheas is contracted into the 
song of lopas, as it had alreadj been expanded into the song of 
Silenns; the reception of the Argonants bj Hypsipyle is like the 
reception of the Trojans by Dido, and the parting of Jason from the 
Lemnian princess reappears, thongh in yeTj different colonrs, in 
the partiDg of Aeneas from the qneen of Carthage; the mythical 
representations in Jason's scarf answer to the historical representa- 
tions which distiagnished the shield of Aeneas from that of Achilles ; 
the combat of PoUnx with Amycns is reprodnced in the combat of 
Entellns with Dares ; the harpiea of Virgil are the harpies of Apol- 
lonins, while the deliverance of Phinens by the Argonants may have 
famished a hint for the deliveranoe of Achemenides by the Trojans, 
an act of mercy which has another parallel in the deliverance of the 
sons of Phrixns; Phineas' predictions are like the predictions of 
Helenns; the cave of Acheron in Asia Minor snggests the cave of 
Ayemns in Italy ; Evander and Pallas appear once more in Lycns and 
Dascylns ; Here addresses Thetis as Jano addresses Jntnma ; Triton 
gives the same vigorons aid in lannching the Argo that he gives to 
the stranded vessels of Aeneas, or that Portanns gives to the ship 
of Cloanthns in the Sicilian race. Minor resemblances of thonght 
or expression are easUy detected by a very cnrsory pemsal of the 
Argonantics ; I have myself noted at least fifty of them, which wiU be 
fonnd in their places in my notes on the Aeneid. Altogether it might 
natnraUy be sapposed that we possess what every critic wonld admit 
to be an invalnable treasare, a poem occnpying a middle position 
between the Homeric epics and the Aeneid, and making the transition 
from the one to the other intelUgible. 

Yet I am greatly mistaken if the reader of the Argonaatics wiU find 
any sach expectations folfilled in any adeqnate sense. The similarities 
of detail are there, doabtless more than I have ennmerated or dis- 
covered : bnt the poem, taken as a whole, does not remind ob of the 

xxxviii AENEIS. 

Aeneid, or enable ns to nnderstand the form nnder which Virgil has 
chosen to represent Homer. Virgil resembles Homer f ar more strongly 
than he resembles the sapposed intermediary. It is a signal instance 
of the kinship of genins asserting itself against the rival affinities of 
outward condition and circnmstance. The style of Apollonius is a 
literary style, the epic langnage of Homer reproduced and modified bj 
a modem student : but though it is sometimes gracef ul and ingenious, 
compared with the style of Virgil it is the mere jargon of a grammarian, 
seeking to revive a mode of speech of which he had no living apprecia- 
tion. His treatment of his subject makes us think of the Iliad and 
the Aeneid, but it is by the way of contrast ; where he is felicitous, 
the f elicity is not of an epic character, and the general tenor of the 
narrative is tedious and uninteresting, and therefore neither Homeric 
nor Virgilian. A catalogue of heroes is in itself a sufficiently epic 
thing, yet we feel that neither Homer nor Virgil would have dreamed 
of commencing a poem with it, as the reader must be made to sympathize 
in the object of the muster before the muster-roll can have any meaning 
to him. The incidents of the voyage have either no interest at all, or 
an interest unconnected with the main purpose of the poem. In the 
narratives of the Odyssey and the Aeneid everything bears on the 
f ortunes of Ulysses and his crew, or on those of Aeneas regarded as 
the future founder of the Trojan nation ; the voyages are sufficiently 
diversified, but the object of every event is to illustrate the action of 
the contending powers whose strife keeps the prince of Ithaca f rom 
his home, the chief of Troy from his destined kingdom. But in 
Apollonius there is little or nothing of this ; the voyage was part of 
his poem ; it had to be made an eventful one, and events are produced 
accordingly. We do not see the object of the sojoum in Lemnos, or 
of the fight between Pollux and Amycus ; even Phineus seems to be 
introduced rather for his own sake thanfor the aid which hisprophecy 
affords to the voyagers. They lose some of their comrades ; but even 
the loss of Hercules scarcely impresses itself on us, and that of Tiphys 
is more easily remedied than we should have expected. The Third 
Book is the gem of the whole poem, and may be read with real pleasure, 
even by those whose recollection of Virgil is fresh and vivid. Virgil, 
indeed, has not chosen to contend directly with Apollonius ; he con- 
centrates his strength on the picture of Dido in her abandonment and 
despair, and touches more lightly the early approaches of the love that 
was to undo her. The object of Apollonius is different ; Medea, the 
f orsaken and desperate wif e, formed no part of the argument of his 
poem ; his Medea is a maiden in her father's palace, and he has to 
paint the steps by which, under the agency of the god of love, she 
resigns all her f eelings for home, and is delivered heart and sonl to the 


power of endiantments more mighty than lier own. Accordingly, 
when she retires to her chamber we have her thonghts and also her 
dreams ; the last not simply mentioned, like Dido's on the night af ter 
Aeneae^s story, bat recounted. She goes to her sister, who is f ortunatelj 
as ezcited as she, thongh from a difEerent canse ; and even an arrange- 
ment which gives her hope of binding Jason to herself does not prevent 
her from passing the dreary midnight hoors in an agony of hopeless 
longing, which she is at one time nearly ending by swallowing a drug 
f rom her own casket of poisons. Yet, thongh there is power and beauty 
here, it is not the power and beauty of Virgil. Even the passage in 
which Medea, with the casket lying open on her lap, is struck with a 
sudden horror of death, and feels as she never felt before, that " the 
light is sweet, and it is a pleasant thing to behold the sun," deep as is 
its truth and pathos, does not afPect us as we expect to be affected by 
an incident in an epic poem. It is too modem f or Homer ; Virgil 
might have owned the feeling, but he would have been content to 
indicate it in two or three Knes. The conference of Here and Pallas, 
and their joint visit to Aphrodite, are evidently imitated from Here's 
visit to Aphrodite in the Fourteenth Book of the Hiad, and are as 
evidently Virgirs model in the scene between Venus and Cupid at 
the end of the First Aeneid, and that between Juno and Venus at the 
beginning of the Fourth ; but they do not impress the reader as he is 
impressed by their Greek original, or by their Latin copy ; they are 
graceful, f anciful, in a word, Ovidian ; but they are not epic. The 
description of Love overreaching Grauymede at dice, the boy-god erect 
and radiant, his playmate pouting and pettish, is obviously made for 
painting ; but the picture would not find a place in a heroic gallery. 
Nor is Apollonius writing in the * grand style ' when he introduces 
Aphrodite playfully pinching her son*s cheek, andbribing him toattack 
Medea by a promise of the magic ball with which Zeos played when a 
babe in his cavem-nursery of Ida. The interview between Jason and 
Medea in the temple of Hecate is tender and touching; but Virgil 
would never have descended to the prettiness of the comparison of 
the two lovers, baahful and silent, to tall pine-trees at first standing 
still in the calm, and then breaking into a rustle under the agitation 
of the wind : a smile which Valerius Flaccus has to tone down and 
render less graphic in order to adapt it to the genius of his quasi- 
Virgilian imitation.® When tbe voyage recommences, the poem again 
ceases to interest us. The treacherous murder of Absyrtus is narrated 

* T^ 8* &yc9» iral AvavBoi i^iffraffw aXkiiXouriv 
^ ZpvffXv ^ fuucppffiv iuZ6fi9voi ixdrjiffiv 
atrt itapdffffov IffiyAoi iv oHptffiv ipplCotvrai 
vfivtfjdrf fUr^ 8* atris (nrh pnrris hvifMto 


in a manner to excite pity and terror ; bnt we have heard too little of 
the jouth to feel much personal concem in his f ate. The ineff ectaal 
appeal of Medea to the greater sorceress, Girce, is better in conception 
than in execution. The adventnres of the suppliants in Phaeacia have 
rather the grotesqneness of romance than the dignity of epic narrative. 
The other incidents of the homeward voyage, like those of the voyage 
oat, seem as if related f or an emei^ncy, not involved bj the intemal 
necessities of the storj ; and the few lines in which the heroes are at 
last dismissed may perhaps show that the poet had come to be as 
weaiy of the subject as his readers. The Homeric poems, according 
to Longinns,* contain many slips, the Argonaatics none ; yet, asks the 
critic, who would not rather be Homer than ApoUonius ? It reqaired 
but little confidence to put the qaestion ; bat few, I imagine, woald 
now acoept the previous judgment on which it is based. If Homer 
sometimes nods, ApoUonias may be said to be only occasionally awake, 
though his long fits of somnolency are relieved by fanciful and even 
attractive dreams. 

Of the earlier epic poetry of Bome we know still less than of the later 
epic poetry of Greece. We know, however, enough to assare us that 
it had some influence on Yirgil ; enough also to warrant us in assaming 
that its influence, oould it be thoroughly estimated, woald be foand not 
to have penetrated very f ar. To inqaire into the inflaence of Naevius 
and Ennius upon Yirgil is, in f act, as unf ruitful a subject as to inquire 
into the influence of Chaucer and Spenser, or perhaps Cowley, apon 
Pope. Incidents and extemal colouring may occasionally have been 
borrowed ; forms of expression and tums of rhy thm may have been 
appropriated by a writer of whom it might be said, as it has been said 
of Pope, that " there is scarcely a happy combination of words, or a 
phrase poetically elegant, in his native language, which he has not 
inserted into his poems ; " ^ but the use he made of his predecessors 
oannot have bome any analogy to the use he made of Homer. In the 
one case it is an ancient conqaeror who, having overcome a veteran 
worthy of his steel, converts his body into merchandise, and wears his 

KivifA€vai 6fidZrtffay hr^iptroy As &pa rciyc 
fi^XXav i\ts ^04y^affBai M wvot^fftv "Zpwros, 

ApoU. 3. 967, foU. 

In mediis nootis nemorisque tenebris 
Inciderant ambo attoniti inztaqae subibant, 
Abietibos taoitis aut inmotis CTparissis 
AdsimUes, rapidns nondnm qnas miscnit Anster. 

Val. Flaoc. 7. 403, foU. 
• On the Snblime, § 33. 
^ Watts, qnoted in Johnson^s Life of Pope. 


armonr as his own ; in the other oase it is a despot, who walks through 
the honses of his snhjects, and takes awaj anjthing that strikes his 
f ancj, for the adomment of his own palace. Ahnost all that we know 
of the actnal obligations of Virgil to the Pnnio War of Naevius, is 
that in Naevins' poem, no less than in VirgiFs, Aeneas is snpposed to 
be qnestioned ahont his departnre from Troj, that Naevins speaks of 
Dido and her sister Anna, f rom which it is inf erred that the qaestioner 
of Aeneas is the Garthaginian queen, and that the consolation addressed 
by Aeneas to his crew in the First Aeneid and the discourse between 
Venns and Jupiter in the same book are, as we are told in words 
which mnst neoessarily be nnderstood with some latitude," ' entirely * 
taken from the old poet. It must be confessed that the two or three 
lines quoted by Servius in exemplification of the hints which Naevius 
gave to Virgil do not suggest the notion of any very close imitation. 
When I^aevius says of the wives of Anchises and Aeneas — 

" Ambomm uxorea 
Nootn Troiad ezibant oapitibns opertis 
Flentes ambae abenntes laorimis onm mnltis,'' 

we are not obhged to think that but for them Virgil could not have 
written — 

" Litora onm patriae laorimans portnsque relinqno 
Et campoB nbi Troia fnit." • 

And we f eel that the Virgilian Aeneas might have represented himself 
as * wondering at the multitude ' * of those who followed his fortunes 
'animis opibusque parati,' even if Naevius, speaking of the same 
gathering, had not specified the three points of numbers, 'eorum sectam 
sequontur multi mortales,' bravery, *multi alii e Troia strenui viri,* 
and wealth, * ubi foras cum auro illi exibant.' * Nor is it likely that the 
Satamian measure, ' the barbarous utterance of wood-gods and bards,* 

' Serv. on Aen. i. 198 : ^' eocii . . . et totns hio loons de Kaevio belli Pnnioi llb. 
translatns est." Maorob. Sat. 6. 2 : ** Snnt alii looi plnrimomm versnnm qnos Maro 
in opns snnm cnm panoomm inmntatione yerbornm a yeteribns transtnlit. . . . In 
prindpio Aeneidos tempestas describitnr, et Venns apnd loyem qneritnr de peri- 
culis filii, et Inppiter eam de fntnromm prosperitate solatur. Hio loous totns 
snmptns a Naeyio est ex primo libro belli Pnnioi. IHic enim aeqne Venns Troianis 
tempestate laboiantibns onm love qneritnr, et seqnnntnr yerba loyis filiam oonso- 
laotia spe fntnromm." Niebnhr (Hist., Eng. T., yol. i p. 192) thinks Yirgil took the 
hint of Aeneas^s shield from Naeyins, whom he f nrther supposes him to haye fol. 
lowed in making Bomnlns the grandson of Aeneas (Lect. yol. i. ed. 1844, p. 26) ; 
bnt tbe first notion rests on an arbitrarj interpretation of Naeyins, the seoond on 
a misrmderstanding of Yirgil. 

' Aen. 3. 10. Serr. ad loc * Aen. 2. 797. Sery. ad loo. 

' In the qnotations from Naeyins I haye followed Yahlen's edition : ' Cn. Naeyi 
De Bello Pnnico Beliquiae,' Leipsic, 1854. 

xlii AENEIS. 

should have had more cliapnns for Virgil, tlie perfecter of tlie Latin 
hezameter, than it had for Ennins, who was the first to snpplant it by 
the stately Grecian exotic. 

The identity of metre at once establishes a closer afl&nity between 
Virgil and Ennins than can ever have existed between the poet of the 
Aeneid and the poet of the Pnnic War. As a matter of fact we know 
that manj lines in the Aeneid are taken, more or less changed, from 
the Annals ; indeed, we owe the preservation of not a few of Ennius^s 
hexameters to the early critics who pointed out the imitations of them 
in Virgil. Every reader of the Aeneid will remember lines resembling 
" Qui caelum versat stellis fulgentibus aptum," " Teque pater Tiberine 
tuo cum flumine sancto," " Cum superum lumen nox intempesta tene- 
ret," "Ansatis concurrunt undique telis," "Romani scalis summa 
nitnntur opum vi," "Quis potis ingentis oras evolvere belli ? " " Semi- 
animesque micant oculi lucemque requirunt ; " lines, some qf which, 
when we meet them in Virgil, strike us with no want of smoothness 
or finish, while others, though somewhat rougher, serve to vary the 
harmony which they do not really interrupt. The Latin hexameter, 
under all its modification, has characteristics which distinguish it from 
the Grreek ; and as Ennius was its originator, he may claim to be the 
anthor of VirgiPs versification, even in cases where nothing like imita- 
tion can be pretended. Ennius did not naturalize his new importation 
until the language into which it was introduced had lost some portion 
of its original plasticity ; he had accordingly, as has been ably shown 
by a German writer,* to adopt a certain conventionalism of expression, 
innovating here, paraphrasing there, in order to avoid obvious words 
which happened to be unsuitable to his metre ; and though Virgil was 
not likely to follow him in his harsher ' tours de force,* the same necessity 
which pressed on the elder poet pressed on the younger also, making 
him fall into the style of epic commonplace which already existed, and 
augment it by a thousand new and ingenious devices of his own. All 
this we may admit, as we have made similar admissions in the case of 
Apollonius ; yet it may stiil be true that Virgil's debt to Ennius is so 
trifling as to be scarcely worth computation. We know too little of 
Ennius to be able to estimate his merits as a narrator ; hundreds of his 
verses have come down to us, but very few passages which exceed 
three or fonr lines, and of these scarcely any can be called pieces of 
narrative. There is indeed a description of an invincible tribune in the 
Histrian war, bathed in sweat and exposed to a hailstorm of javelins, 
which Vii'gil doubtless had before him while painting Tumus at the 
end of the ninth Aeneid; but the model is itself a copy from the 
single-handed resisteoice of the Homeric Ajax in the sixteenth Iliad, 

• K6ne, Ueber die Sprache der Eomisohen Epiker. Munster, 1840. 


whicli would snfficientlj acconnt fpr Virgil'8 imitation if the fragment 
of tlie Annals had never been preserved by Macrobins/ while it leaves 
ns no means of jadging how Ennins wonld have treated such a sitna- 
tion if he had not had Homer to draw from. The acconnt of RomnlnB 
and Bemns waiting for the angnry, preserved by Cicero in the first 
book of his De Divinatione, is not a veiy remarkable specimen of 
n&rrative power. Homer wonld have introdnced more details ; Virgil 
wonld have treated those which Ennins gives in a moro ai*tificial way, 
dwelling on one or two, and hinting the rest ; both wonld probably 
have thrown in some short speech, directly or indirectly expressed, to 
show the feeling of the rival brothers and the attendant mnltitnde. 
Bnt withont venturing f arther on the precarions gronnd of hypothetical 
criticism, we need scarcely donbt that there was nothing in Ennius' 
conception of his art which Virgil was likely to welcome as a help 
towards improving npon Homer. Living in a prehistoric time, Homer 
(I nse the name for convenience* sake, not as taking a side in the con- 
troversy about his personality) is the only poet who has attained the 
grace and finish of a literary period ; he is the only primeval poet so 
complete in himself that it might be questioned whether it would have 
been an advantage to him to have lived later. There may conceivably 
be one or two touches in Ennius which appear to show a more modem 
feeling than Homer's, a keen sense of oolonr,^ an appreciation of 
philosophy • and literature as such ; for an age, even when relatively 
less advanced than some former age, is yet in a certain sense the heir 
of all that have gone before it, and the age of Ennius in particular 
possessed the mdiments of criticism and aspired after culture; but, 
regarded in the gross, Homer is mature and articulate, while Ennius 
is still cmde and infantine, and it was not to be ezpected that the 
large utterance of the divine foretime of Greece shonld come mended 
to Virgirs ear when repeated by the stammering lips of his Italian 
ancestors. Virgil may have believed, as Ennins did, that the soul 
which dwelt in his own breast had once animated Homer ; but he 
probably would not have recognized Ennius as the intermediate channel 
of its transmission. 

It is needless to say anything of the rest of the earlier Boman epic 
writers, who are indeed mere names to ns ; to speculate on the extent 
to which Virgil's impressions of ApoUonius' poem have been modified 
by the version of Varro Atacinus, of which five nnimportant frag- 

7 Sat.6.8. 

* e.g. * RnsBesoimt frnndes,' Ann. 7. fr. 20 (Yahlen'B edition). 

* ** Neo qnisqnam sophiam sapientia qnae perhibetnr 

In BomniB yidit priuB qnam sam diBcere ooepit." — ^Ann. 7. fr. 2. 
Compare also fr. 1, the celebrated lineB about Naevins. 

xliv AENEIS. 

ments remain,* or to inqnire whether the Aeneid is likely to have 
benefited by the ezample of Hostins* work, De Bello Histrico, in any 
other respect than in the mnltiplication of the '^ ten tongnes " of the 
second Iliad into a hnndred.' As little necessity is there to speak of 
the possible effect of Boman tragedy on the Aeneid, as, thongh there 
are evident proofs that Yirgil did not disdain to imitate individnal 
passages," his real obligations are not to Ennins, Pacavins, or Attius, 
bnt to the great Athenian masters whom they copied as Ennins 
copied Homer. 

The resnlt of onr inquiry then is this. Virgil imitated Homer, but 
imitated him as a rival, not as a disciple ; his object was not to give 
a faithful interpretation of his great master, but to draw forth his 
own genius and satisfy the age in which he lived ; and accordingly he 
modified the Homeric story at his pleasure, according to the thousand 
considerations that might occur to a poetical artist, a patriot, and a 
connoisseur of antiquarian leaming. Of later influences, the only one 
which seems to have taken a really powerful hold of him is Greek 
tragedy, which was in fact the only instance of a genins and culture 
commensurate with his own, operating in a sphere analogous to his. 
The epics of Alezandria and of early Bome may fnmish occasional 
illustrations to the commentator on the Aeneid ; but his more con- 
tinuous studies will be better devoted to the poetry of Homer and to 
the tragio drama of Greece. 

* Seneca (Controv. 16, p. 288) says that Jolias Montanas praised Yirgil for 
having improyed (in his desoription of night, A. 8. 27, foll.) on two lines of 

'' Desierant latrare canes, arbesqae silebant : 
Omnia noctis erant, plaoida oomposta qaiete.*' 

Yirgil, howeyer, is not nearer to Yarro than he is to Yarro^s original, ApolL 3. 749, 

* " Homeri est obV cf /mi Z^Ka fi^y yXSaffcUf Seica 8i ar6fiaT* cTck Hano secatas 
Hostiaa poeta in libro Beoondo Belli Histrici ait: Non si mihi lingaae Centum 
atqae ora sient totidem vooesqae liqaatae. Hinc Yergilias ait : Non mihi si lingoae 
centom sint oraqae oentnm." Macrob. Sat. 2. 8. It is worth noting that Pope, 
profiessing to translate Homer, has tomed the ten tongpies into a thoosand. He 
had, howeyer, some proyocation, as Ogilby had made them a hondred. 

* See on A. 2. 287, 281, 499, &c. 


[^Originally contrihuted to the " Journal of Philology.**'} 

Seldom lias a great poet had a less promising subject to deal with 
thaii Virgil wlien lie undertook to write tlie Aeneid. The growtli of 
the Boman empire, and witli it the spread of a civilization higher, if 
we take it all in all, than any whioh had been previously known 
in the ancient world, was indeed a fact all-important f or the historian 
and the statesman, and inspiring enough to the imagination of a poet. 
The problem was how to give poetical form and vitality to the great 
idea. The springs of the native Italian literature had, in the 
Augustan age, been long choked up. The Italian poets had left 
Naevius far behind them, and went to Homer for their metre and 
the handling of their subject. But instead of the fresh and living 
creations of the Hellenic fore-time, the Romans found, in the legend 
of Aeneas, only a lifeless mythology, the spirit of which was true to 
nothing but the vanity of the Greek historians who invented it. In 
* the following remarks an attempt will be made to trace the origin 
of the stoiy of Aeneas' wanderings, and the various forms which it 
assumed before Virgil made it classical. 

The name Atvctas is in formation parallel to *£p/Actas, Avyctas, and 
perhaps Bopcas, and would seem to be a patronymic from Atvos or 
Aivi/, as Avyctas is formed from Avy^ and *Ep/i€ias from "Epfia or 
Sarama. It may be worth while to put together some other traces of 
the same root which occur in the names of places. The mythical 
founder of Cyzicus was Aivcus, whose name is another patronymic 
from tbe same base ; in the Troad itself, if we may believe Strabo 
(13. 1), there was a township called Alvcta and a river Alviov. Coming 
furtber west, we find the Thracian town Atvos at the mouth of the 
Hebnis — it is worth while in this connexion to remember Strabo'8 
remark that there were many names common to Thrace and the Troad 

* As theee sheets are going throagh the press, an intereetiiig essay on the 
Legend of Aeneas bj M. Gaston Boissier (Retme des deux MondeSy September 16, 
1883) has come into my hands. M. Boissier, among a great nnmber of striking 
remarks, obseires that the story of Aeneas does not seem to haye been illastrated 
hy painters or sculptors ontil aboat the time of YirgiL 


— and yet fnrtlier west the town Aeneia in Chalcidice. South-west 
of Thessaly we meet with the Atviavcs, or as Pliny (4. 6) ctills them, 
the Aenienses ; on the coast of Illyricum was a town called Aenona, 
reminding us in the termination of its name of Salona, Nerona, Verona, 
Cremona ; Pliny (5. 137) mentions an island Aenare in the neighbour- 
hood of Ephesus, and a kindred name to this appears in that of the 
well-known island Aenaria off the coast of Campania. It would 
perhaps be rash to mention the ancient name of the river Inn, Aenus, 
in this connexion. 

It is natural and easy to connect the patronjrmic Alvctas with these 
names : but this connexion only makes darkness visible. The mean- 
ing of the base Alvo- it is for Greek etymologists to decipher ; but 
before leaving it it is necessary to notice the adjective Aiv€id^, genitive 
AivcioSos, a title of Aphrodite. Temples to this Ac^poStTiy Alvcids are 
mentioned as existing in his own time by Dionysius of Halicarnassus 
(1. 49) in Leucas, at Actium near another to the $€ol /1^0X01, at 
Ambracia, and (ib. 53) at Elymns in Sicily. That the ancients should 
have connected these temples with a supposed presence of Aeneas and 
his mother in these places was natural enough : but it must surely be 
remarked by a modem observer that 'A^poSmy Aivcias, cannot mean 
Aphrodite the mother of Aeneas, but must signify either Aphrodite the 
daughter of Aeneas on the analogy of Bopcas the daughter of Bopcas, 
or (which I think more likely) AphrodUe of Aeneia or Aeneium, just as 
Scycias (Strabo, 13. 1) means o/ Sigeum. KlauBen in his Aenea^ und 
die Penaten, and Preller in his handbooks of mythology, have not, so 
far as I have seen, noticed this point ; but, small as it may appear, it 
has, I think, an important bearing on the subject before us. For if 
A2v€tas as a title of Aphrodite is a mere local epithet, or at any rate a 
title associated with the goddess in some way not at present ascertain- 
able, the connexion of this Aphrodite with the hero of the Aeneid 
will appear to have arisen from a misinterpretation of names, and tho 
words Alveias and Aivcta^ to have no more in common than their 
kinship with the words Aenus or Aeneia. 

I do not think that the attempts of Klausen and of Fick in his 
Perso^iennamen to connect Atvctas with atvctv, to comply, ov to consent, 
can be regarded as successf ul. The title of gracious, consenting, com- 
plying, placahilis, might, no doubt, be well applied to Aphrodite, but 
more evidence should be forthcoming before the question can be taken 
as settled, especially in the case of a proper name the antiquity of 
which may, for all that we know, have removed it altogether out of 
the reach of modem inquiry. 

The connexion between Atvctas and 'A^poStTiy Atvetas appears then 
to be only collateral, not derivative, And, if Atvctas is in form a local 


patronymic, it may also be observed that Ascanius^ Ascania, Ascaniae, 
and Ascanium are names of a city in Aetolia, of a lake near Nicaea, of 
an island among the Sporades, of a district (?) in Bithynia, and of some 
islands off the coast of the Troad. The names, therefore, both of 
Aeneas and his son are closel j connected with names of places ; indeed, 
it does not appear that Ascanius is the son of Aeneas in any poet 
earlier than Stesichoms. 

Aeneas in the Homeric poems is the son of Aphrodite, the heaven- 
protected, heaven-favonred hero whose race is to endure and to rule 
after that of Priam is destroyed. A family of Aeneadae retained, at 
Scepsis in the Troad, a memory of their bygone royalty in certain 
fanctions, perhaps priestly, which they were for long allowed to exer- 
cise (Strabo, 13, 1). I do not ventnre to offer any opinion as to the 
actnal relation which these Aeneadae bore to the Aeneas of the Iliad ; 
or to decide whether or no the Homeric hero is merely a name, in- 
vented to accoant for the existence of the royal and priestly family, 
aronnd which the sabseqnent stories of his wanderings grew np step 
by step. But I think that we mnst in any case start from the names 
of the places with which Aeneas was said to have been connected. If 
we may tmst Dionysins (1. 4»8), the legends which dealt with the fate 
of Aeneas after the capture of Troy were various and irreconcilable. 
Menecrafces of Xanthus represented him as having betrayed Troy to 
the Greeks ; others said' that he was sent into Phrygia by Priam on 
some military service. And the stories which represented him as 
leaving the city of his fathers did not agree how far be wandered, 
H^sianax, and Hegesippns the historian of Pallene, bringing him 
only as for as that peninsula, while others made him leave Thrace and 
go on as far as Arcadia, where he founded a city which was named 
Caphyae after the Trojan Capys. Remembering the Thracian city 
Aenns, and the Pallenian Aeneia, we need find no difficulty, considering 
the contradictory and untrastworthy character of these stories, in 
attributing the idea of Aeneas' presence in those places, which is 
apparently as old as Lesches, solely to their names ; nor need the con- 
nexion of the Arcadian Caphyae with the Trojan Capys give us any 
more tronble than the reference of the Italian name Capua to the 
same hero. It may be added that according to Pausanias (8. 12. 8) 
there was also in Arcadia a mountain called Anchisia with a grave of 

Before going into the question of Aeneas' voyage to Italy, it wiD be 
as well to consider the remaining traces of the legends which brought 
bim into various parts of Hellas. Dionysius (1. 50) assures us that 
there were many signs of the presence of Aeneas in Delos, whither 
Aeneas came while the island was govemed by King Anius. Delos 


and Anius are adopted by Yirgil in his third Aeneid. No doubt the 
similarity of the names Anins and Aeneas has much to do with this 
part of the legend. What the other evidences of Aeneas' presence 
there may have been Dionysins does not inform ns. A temple of 
Aphrodite in the island of Cythera seems to have been the centre of a 
story of Aeneas' former presence there ; Dionysins says that the 
promontory of KivaLdiov was named after KiW^o-o, a companion of 
Aeneas, who was there bnried. In Zacynthns a solemn sacriGce to 
Aphrodite, and athletic contests for youths, kept np as late as the time 
of Dionysius a memory of Aeneas ; the fonnder of Zacynthos was 
snpposed to be a son of Dardanns and brother of Erichthonins. 
Among the athletio contests is especially mentioned a race named 
after Aphrodite and Aeneas, of whom two wooden statues were kept 
in the island. In Lencas, Actinm, and Ambracia there were, as we 
have seen, temples to Aphrodite Aineias ; in Ambracia there was also, 
according to Dionysins, a wooden statne said to represent Aeneas, 
which was hononred by yearly observances. In Buthrotum was 
another temple of Aphrodite, the fonndation of which was attributed 
to Aeneas ; it was from Buthrotum, according to Dionysius, that 
Aeneas went to consult the oracle of Dodona. In the neighbourhood 
of Buthrotum there was also a harbonr-town bearing the name 

So far, with the help of Dionysius, we have traced supposed 
memories of Aeneas in Thrace, in Delos, in Arcadia, in Cythera, on 
the promontory of Cinaethium, in Zacynthus, in Leucas, Actium, 
Ambracia, and Buthrotum. Passing on to the sonth of Italy we meet 
with legends which brought Aeneas and his followers to the promon- 
tory of lapygia inhabited by the Sallentini, and the harbour of 
Aphrodite near the temple of Athene (Aen. 3. 531, templumqiie apparet 
in arce Minervae) ; here they only remain for a short time and then go 
on to Sicily. 

The legend which bronght Trojan settlers to the north-west of 
Sicily, Eryx, Elymns, and Segesta, was older than the time of Thucy- 
dides, who expressly mentions and accepts it; to follow it into the 
details given by Dionysius is quite unnecessary. It is, however, of 
great importance as linking the story of Aeneas on one side with 
Italy and on the other with Carthage. The main point for our 
present consideration is the existence of a temple of Aphrodite 
Aineias at Elymus ; on some other features of the story we shall have 
to remark f urther on. 

The story of Aeneas' voyage to Latinm is nndonbtedly later than 
the legends which we have been considering. A whole chapter of 
Greek mythology, familiar enongh to stndents of that sabject, con- 


nectod Italy with the wandering heroes who were seeking homes after 

the destraction of Troy. Thus Diomed and Ulysses were brought 

to the shores of the westem seas, and those legends grew np to which 

Landor in hiB " Hellenics " has succeeded so well in giving a poetical 

forni and interest. The stories of the Trojans Aeneas and Antenor 

coming to these reg^ons may doubtless be readily connected with the 

cjcle of Hellenic myths. It seems now to be doubted * whether anj 

distinct allusion to Aeneas* Italian voyage can be elicited from the 

supposed qnotation from Stesichoms in the Ihan table, which 

mentions Aeneas as starting for Hesperia. Acoording to Phny (3. 57) 

Theophrasttis was the first Greek who wrote with any care on Roman 

affairs. Before Theophrastus the notion had arisen that Rome had 

been fotinded by Aeneas in the company of Ulysses. Dionjsius 

(1. 72) qnotes as his authoritj for this statement the list of priestesses 

in Argos. The compiler of these Hsts is assumed ' by Miiller in his 

Fragments of the Greek historians to have been Hellanicus. In a 

story httle Tarjing from the former Aristotle asserted that Rome 

was fonnded bj certain 'Axaiot, who on their retura from Troj were 

caught in a storm as thej were rounding Cape Malea, and were at 

length carried bj the violence of the wind to the coast of Latium. 

Here they spent the winter, intending to sail with the spring. But 

some captive women whom thej had brought from Troj, anxious to 

escape the slaverj which awaited them in Greece, took the opportunitj 

one night of burning the ships, and making further progress im- 

possible. The name 'F<Dfir) was that of the Trojan woman bj whose 

advice this measure was taken. This is the storj adopted bj Hera- 

cUdes licmbus, the historian of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes : 

(Fest. p. 268 Miiller, and SoHnus 1. 2) HeracUdi placet, Troia capta 

quosdam ex AchUns in ea loca uhi nunc lUyina est devenisse per Tiherim, 

deinde suadente Bome nohiUssitna captivarum quae his comes erat, 

incensis navihtu posuisse sedes, instruxisse moenia, et oppidum ah ea 

Uomen vocavisse, He mentions another version : Agathocles scrihit 

Bomen non captivam fuisse ut supra dictum est, sed Ascanio natam 

Aeneae neptem appellationis istius causam fuisse. In the same spirit 

the historian Xenagoras made Uljsses and Circe the parents of Romus, 

Antias, and Ardeas, and CalUas, who wrote the historj of Agathocles, 

made Romnlus and Remus the sons of Latinus and a Trojan woman 

named RomS. The story of the women buming the ships was after- 

wards transferred to the Trojan fleet, which acoording to one version 

* Preller, Bdmisohe Mjthologie, p. 670. 

* Yet this Ib difficult to aocept, for Dionjsins is carefnl to mention HellanicnB 
by name in ohap. 48, and there seems to be no reason whj he Bhoold not baTO done 
Bo, had he been allading to him, in chap. 72. 

VOL. U. d 


was destroyed at Caieta,* according to another, adopted hy Virgil in 
his fifth Aeneid, in Sicily, where the intervention of Neptune partially 
defeats the malice of Jnno. 

Dionysins mentions many other Greek historians who dealt with 
the foundation of Rome, but, perhaps, fortunately for us, has not 
chronicled their opinions. Some of these may be found in Verrius 
Flaccus (Fest. p. 257 — 9, s. v. Boma). So far we have seen that the 
Greek writers of the fourth century before Christ claimed Greek 
connexions and a mythical Greek foundation for Rome. There is no 
sign of any Trojan playing a prominent part in the drama : the 
Trojan element is represented only by captive women. But probably 
in consequence of the wars with Greece which began with the 
beginning of the tliird century B.c. the Romans adopted a different 
version of their own from that offered by the Greeks. The historian 
Timaeus, the long period of whose literary activity coincides in great 
part with that of the Roman wars against Pyrrhus, examined the 
Penates at Lavinium, and pronounced the clay of which they were 
made, together with the heralds' staves of brass and iron, to be of 
Trojan manufacture. Emst Curtius (Sjparta und Olympia, in the 
fourteenth volume of the Hermes) has remarked upon the prominent 
part which was played by centres of religious observauce, such as 
Delphi and Olympia, in the work of joining or dividing alliances in 
the world of ancient Greece. It is a sign of the same tendency of 
feelings and ideas which appears in the claim now laid by the Romans 
to the Penates of Troy. Pyrrhus, it will be remembered, boasted 
his descent from Achilles. The Romans on their side claimed as 
their ancestor the greatest of the Trojan princes who survived the 
fall of his country. Traces of Aeneas and the O^ol fitydXot were found, 
as we have seen, throughout Hellas and in Sicily ; it was only a step 
f urther to bring him to Latium and give to Rome not a Greek but a 
Trojan lineage. The anti-Hellenic interest dominant at this time 
made the Romans eager to seize upon a religious symbol which soon 
became the centre of a developed legend. The story of the foundation 
of Rome by Aeneas formed part of the history of Fabius Pictor, and 
had therefore assumed full shape by the end of the third century B.c. 

Livius Andronicus indeed (284 — 204 b.c.) had adopted the story 
which made Aeneas with Antenor betray Ilium to the Greeks — a 
version of quite a different complexion from that which implied the 
irreconcilable enmity of Troy and Greece. And it may be noticed 
in this connexion that there are signs in the case of other places, 
besides Rome, of a double legend, one assigning to them a Greek, 

* Serv. 011 Aen. 7. 1> in hoc loco ela38em Troianorum casu conerematam, unde e( 
Caieta dActum iofh rov KaUw : 80 on 10. 86. 


tlie other a Trojan origin. Thns the comedian Menander, foUowed 
by TurpiliuB, said of the temple of Venns in Leucas that it was 
founded by Phaon of Lesbos ; whereas Varro attributed it to Aeneas 
(Servins on Aen. 3. 279). So it was with Baiae, whieh Postumius, 
the author of a work de adventu Aeneae, and Lutatius, in his manual 
of Communes historiae, said was founded by Boia the nurse of 
Enximus, a companion of Aeneas. An older account, according to 
Varro, said that the name was not Boiae but Baiae, and the fonnder 
of the city was Baius, a comrade of Ulysses who was buried there 
(Servins on Aen. 9. 710). 

Aeneas was once represented as thefounder of Rome, his companions 
were shown by the historians and poets who succeeded Fabius Pictei* 
to have been equally active in other places. Prochyta, according to 
Naeviufl, took ite name from a kinswoman of Aeneas (Servius on Aen. 
9. 715). Capua, according to Caelius Antipater, was founded by a 
Trojan Capys (Servius on Aen. 10. 145) . A Trojan origin was assigned 
to Corithus (Serv. on Aen. 7. 209) and to Patavium. In the same 
way Caieta, as we have seen, was said to be the place were the Trojan 
ships were bumt. 

Thus under the pressure of a great national conflict the Romans 
called in a spurious mythology to dignify their cause. Towards the 
end of the first Punic war we have another instance of the same 
tendency. The Acamanians, in appealing to Rome for assistance 
against the Aetohans, based their claim on the fact that they were 
the only Greeks who had sent no contingent to the aid of their 
countrymen in the Trojan war (Justin. 28. 1). In the same spirit 
the Romans deprived the Corinthians of Leucas and Anactorium^ 
and made their towns over to Acamania (Dionysius 1. 51). Soon 
afterwards comes the Roman alliance with Attalus king of Pergamus, 
and the transference of the Great Mother of Pessinus, the guardian 
deity of Aeneas, to Rome (205 b.c). The peace made with Philip 
in the same year included the inhabitants of Bium on the side of the 
Romans ; it may be noticed that Livy (29. 12. 14) mentions Attalns 
and the Bienses side by side. Nine years afterwards Flamininus, 
after proclaiming the freedom of Greece at the Isthmian games, 
dedicated at Delphi some silver shields and a golden crown with the 

AtFCoSas Ttros vfifiiv xnrifyrarov wiraca Swpov, and 
ov v6p€v AlveojSav rayos fi^asl 

It is worth while also in this connezion to read the account given in 
Livy (37. 37) of the interview between P. Scipio Africanus and the 
inhabitants of Ilium during the war with Antiochus in 190 B.c, 
foUowed by the cession to them of Rhoeteum and Gergis in 188 b.c^ 


non tam ob recentia ulla merita quam originis memoria (Livj 38. 39. 
10). By tlie end of the third or the beginning of the second century 
B.o. the Romans are recognized as Aeneadae in the eyes of the world. 
In Rome Troj has conquered her ancient enemy; Aeneas haec de 
Danais victorihus arma. 

It is therefore unnecessary to speak of the later Greek historians, 
of Lycophron, and of the Sibylline oracles, and we may pass on to 
consider the next phase in the development of the story. 

Hitherto the legend had been formed and used in an anti-Hellenic 
sense ; it was different, however, in the last centnry of the republic, 
af ter Greece had finally ceased to be an enemy of Rome, and when the 
Bomans had come to regard Greek culture as the .main element in 
their future mental development. The loss of the bulk of Varro's 
works, and of jnuch other intermediate literature, renders it impossible 
for us to trace the growth of that change in the complexion of our 
legend which is so patent and so complete in the pages of Dionysius. 
This writer is at the greatest pains to prove the truth of Aeneas* 
arrival in Italy. He quotes many Greek and all the Roman historians 
on his side, besides a number of oracles, Sibylline and Delphic, and 
other tokens in the shape of local rites and religious traditions. To 
the dangerous rationalism which suggested that Aeneas could not have 
died and been buried in more places than one, and yet that there were 
many supposed tombs of Aeneas, he replies (1. 54) that this difficulty 
occurs in the case of many illustrious men, and is easiiy to be explained 
by the consideration that though their bodies can only be in one place, 
it is possible for their memories to be enshrined in several. But 
Dionysius is not only jealous for the truth of his story ; he has also 
his own reading of its signification. To him the Trojans are Hellenes, 
the Greeks *Axai,oL Aeneas in his answer to Latinus (1. 68) says, 
" We are Trojans by race, and were citizens of a city which was one 
of the most conspicuous among the Hellenes ; of this we have been 
deprived, after a ten years' war, by the Achaeans,*' and so forth. 
Latinus answers that on his part he is friendly to the whole Helleiiic 
race. The proof of this connexion, for the truth of which Dionysius 
refers generally to old authorities (1. 61), is rested on the Arcadian 
origin of the Trojans. The genealogy is as follows : — 

Zeus = Eleotra 


Dardanna = Bateia 


Zaoynthiij Erichthomus 

the same as that given in verse by Virgil, Aen. 8. 134 foU. 


Dionjsias seems on tbis point to bave f oUowed tlie same anthorities 
as Virgil, for the notion that tlie Trojans are of Hellenic race is 
f oUowed out bj Virgil witb tolerable consistency in bis selection of 
proper names. His Trojans bave mostly Greek names : Actor, 
AniastniSy Amycus, Anchemohis^ AntheiLs, Aphidnus, Ashutes, Capys, 
Castor, Chaxm, Chloreus, Chromis, Clonius, Clytiv^, Corynaeus, Cretheus, 
Diores, Dymas, Ericetes, Erymas, Gyges, and tbe like. Tbe Italian 
names, on tbe otber band, are ranged on tbe side of Tarnus : Almo, 
Amata, Anxur, Aquicoltcs, Arcstius, Astur, Atinas, Aventinus, Casdicust 
Camers, CamUla, Cethegus, Clausus, C^ipencus, Ehulo, Ehusv^, Fadus, 
Halestis, Herhesus, Hisho, Lavsus, Liger, Lucagus, Lucetius, Magus, 
Messapus, Metahus, Metiscus, Mezentius, Murranus, Numa, Numanus, 
Numitor, Quercens, Bapo, Bemulus, Bemus, Sacrator, Salius, Sarranus, 
Su^o^ Sulm4), Tihurtus, Tulla, JJfens, TJmhro, Valerus, Venulus, Virhidis, 
Volcens, Volusus, 

Tbe story of Aeneas' alliance witb tbe Arcadian Evander points, I 
need bardly add, in tbe same direction. I do not know wbetber a 
trace of tbe same idea is to be fouud in tbeory supported by Cato, 
Acilius, and many otber Roman bistorians, tbat tbe Aborigiues, witb 
wbom tbe Trojans eventually united, were Greeks wbo bad come to 
Italy long before tbe Trojan war (Dionysius 1. 11). But it may, I 
tbink, be perceived in tbe account of tbe part played by Diomed in tbe 
later story of Aeneas. Cassius Hemina, tbe bistorian of tbe end of 
tbe second century B.c, represented Diomed as giving tbe Palladium 
to Aeneas wben tbe latter was passing tbrougb Calabria. Accordiug 
to Varro, Diomed also gave Aeneas tbe bones of bis fatber Ancbises. 
And Virgil, in tbe eleventb Aeneid, represents tbe attempts of tbe 
Latins to enlist Diomed in tbeir cause against Aeneas as failing 

Let us now for a few moments cousider tbe elements of Italian 
mytbology and religious observance wbicb blended witb tbe Greek 
fable just mentioned. Tbe familiar names Lavinium, Laurentum, 
Alha, Penates, Indiges, Liutuma, Amata, Camilla, are genuine Italian 
words, and as sucb point back to a condition of politics and rebgion 
long prior to tbe introduction of tbe Hellenic legend. Scbwegler bas 
rigbtly pointed out tbat tbe Italian centre of tbe story is Lavinium or 
Lauro-Laviniam, not Rome. Lavinium, if not tbe political at least 
tbe religious capital of tbe Alban league, oontinued down to a very 
late time to preserve living traces of its ancient importance. At 
Lavinium were tbe Penates of tbe Latins and tbeir worsbip ; at 
Lavinium tbe consuls, praetors, and dictators offered sacrifice wben 
entering upon or laying down tbeir public functions. Macrobius 3. 4. 
11, eodem nomine appellavit et Vestam, quam de numero Penatium aut 


certe comitem eorum esse manifestum est^ adeo ut et consules et praetores 
seu dictatores cum adeunt magistratum Lavinii rem divinam faciant 
Penatibus pariter et Vestae : see also Servins on Aen. 2. 296. Tlie 
names Laurentum and Lavinium are probably connected in ety- 
mology ; the base Zav-, which may be the same as that which 
appears in lau-rus, being the same in both. The qaestion may aUo 
fairlj be asked, as Preller has seen, whether the names Daunus and 
Daunia, familiar in connezion with Tumus, are not akin to Lavininm 
and Lanrentum, ezhibiting the common interchange of d and l. I do 
not venture to offer a decided opinion on the meaning of the root lu- 
or lav', which forms the basis of these words, and also of Lavema and 
Lavemium (Macrob. 3. 16. 4); whether it is the same as that of Ittere 
and lustrum and contains the idea of purification, as Schwegler is 
inclined to think, or whether it is not rather connected with laetus 
and luxuries. The etymology of the ancients, which connected 
Laurentum with laurus, is not to be despised ; compare Virgil's name 
Quercens from querctbs, and Fom^tium (Strabo 5. 3) or Pometia (Plin. 
3. 68) from pomum. There was a place called Lauretum on the 
Aventine, vbi silva laurus fuit (Pliny 15. 138) ; Macrob. 3. 12. 3, 
constat quidem nunc lauro sacrificantes apud aram maximam coronari ; 
sed multo post Bom>am conditam haec consuetudo sumpsit exordium, 
postquam in Aventino Lauretum coepit virere, quam rem docet Varro 
Hvmanarum libro secundo. The laurus was to the Bomans the symbol 
of peace and prosperity, and was evidently from very early times 
associated with ItcJian worship. We may remember Virgirs lines, 
Aen. 7. 59 foll., Laurus erat tecti medio in penetralihus altis, Sacra 
Qpmam mjultosque mstu servata per annos, Quam pater inventam, primus 
cum conderet arces, Ipse ferehatur Phoebo sacrasse Latinus, Laurentesque 
ab ea nomen posuisse colonis. 

Lavinium then, the home of the Latin Penates, was the religious 
capital of the Latin leagae. The symbol of the league was a sow with 
thirty young ones, signifying the thirty cities of the confederacy. 
The story of the sow reminds us of the horse*s head of Carthage, 
the wolf of Bome, the ox of Bovillae (Nonius s. v. hilla, and Schol. 
Persius 6. 55) and Buthrotani (Servius on Aen. 3. 293). On Aen, 4. 
196 Servius relates a similar f able about larbas following a ram to the 
settlement of Jupiter Hammon. Varro (R. R. 2. 4. 18) tells us not 
only that there were in his days at Lavinium bronze figures of the 
sow and her young ones, but that the priei^ts still showed the actual 
body of the mother pickled in brine. Now the Latin name for a sow 
with young was Troia; * and there was, if we may trust Livy 1. 1. 4, 

• See Littr^'B Frenoh Dictionarj, s. v. TrvM. The eyidenoe for the Latin word 
is iroia, or .troga, derived from gloBsaxies : bnt Littr^ does not, like Diez, deny its 


a place in the territory of Lanrentum called Troia where Aeneaa 
was sapposed to have landed : so Festus testifies, and other anthoiities. 
Servius on Aen. 9. 9, lianc Oastrum LoMrens ait cUci VarrOy oppidum 
tacet. Sed uhi primum Aeneas egressus sity evm locum Troiam nuncu- 
pari iraditur. A praedium Troiamim in the neighbonrhood of Antinm 
is mentioned by Cicero (Att. 9. 13. 6) ; Festns mentions a camvpus 
Tromentus, whence the tribus Tromentina, Trosulua was the old name 
of a knight, and Troia (not ludus Troiae) that of the well-known 
cavalry tonrnament. Whatever the nltimate origin and the meaning 
of the base f rom which all these words are derived, and on this point 
I ofEer no opinion, there seems iittle donbt that Troia and its cognates 
are gennine Italian words. And if so, especially as there were 
remains of a large ancient encampment near Lanro-Lavininm (Serv. 
on Aen. 7. 32), what fact conld be more welcome to a^ Greek dealer 
in cheap mythology than the . appearance of the name Troia on 
Italian gronnd ; what fact easier to combine with the rest of the 
Italian l^end ? Livy 1. 1. 23 says that Troia was also the name of 
the place where Antenor landed among the Yeneti. Was the name 
there, as in Latinm, the starting-point and snpport of the legend ? 

Another Italian featnre, npon which all the recent scholars, 
Klansen, Schwegler, and Preller, have ahready commented, is the 
story of the eating of the tables ; this, in the scholia attribnted to 
Servins, is rightly referred to the mensae paniceas of Roman worship. 
The Latin Penates was easily identiGed with the O^ol . fieydKot of 
Samothrace, associated, as we have seen, with the worship of *A<fipoSLrq 
Aivctas. There was a temple of Yenns at Antinm (Plin. 3. 57) and 
at Lavininm (Strabo 5. 3). The latter was probably the Venu^ 
Frutis to whom according to Gassins Hemina (ap. Solin. 2. 14) 
Aeneas dedicated the image which he had bronght from Sicily. I 
see no reason for identifying the word Frutis with the Greek 
'A<l>poSLTri ; why shonld it not be a gennine Italian name ? Finally, 
Aeneas himself was made one with the luppiter Indiges of the conntiy. 

It is worth observing that in its main ontline the story of the 
fortnnes of Aeneas after landing in Italy somewhat resembles that of 
the fonnding of Troy by Tencer as given by Servins on Aen. 3. 108. 
Servins mentions two versions of the legend ; one that Scamander, 
driven by a famine from Crete, migrated to Phrygia, and after con- 
qnering the neighbonring Bebrycians in battle disappeared in the 
river Xanthns : victor in X(inthoflumine lapsus non comparuit So the 
legend of Aeneas as presented by Cassins Hemina and Tibnllns 2. 5. 
45, HUc sanctus erisy cum te veneranda Numici JJnda deum caelo miserit 
Indigetem : compare Jnvenal 11. 60, alter aquis, alter flammis ad 
sidera missus, and Servins on Aen. 4. 619. Scamander's kingdom, it 


is added, descended to his son Tencer, as that of Aeneafi to lalus. 
Another version of the story, which reminds ns of the tale of Aeneas 
and Lavinia, made Teucer many the danghter of Dardanus, and give 
his name to the race. 

Thns in the last centory of tho repnblio the story of Aeneas, bom 
of language and fostered by national interest, had become a fixed 
article of the Roman creed. GJreek historians had asserted it, poets 
like Naevias and Ennins had adomed it, antiqaarians had established 
it on the firm basis of research. Before examining Virgirs treat- 
ment of the story it will be best to pnt together snch notices as 
remain of the manner in which it was handled by the Roman anthors 
from Fabius Pictor to Varro. For it is the Roman authors, in all 
probability, to whom the poet is most indebted. 

In the version adopted by Fabius Pictor, Aeneas had the whole of 
his fature sufEerings and achievements revealed to him in a dream. 
The story of the swine and her young ones appears in its fully 
developed form ; but the thirty young ones are interpreted as 
meaning thirty years during which Aeneas is to wait before putting 
his hand to bnilding his new city. Fabius also had the story of the 
suicide of Amata, though in a different form from that in which it is 
given in the twelfth Aeneid. 

Postumius Albinus (about 150 B.c.) attributed the foundation of 
Baiae to Boia the nurse of Boius, one of the comrades of Aeneas. 
Cato was an authority for the Trojan origin of the Veneti, and 
pnrsued the story of Aeneas' landing in Latium, and his subsequent 
fortunes there, in some detail. He attributed to Aeneas the founda- 
ti^on of the ItaJian village Troia ; the name Latini he represented as 
griven to the Aborigines after the junction of the Latins with the 
V olscian Aborigines on the arrival of the Phrygian Aeneas. Cassias 
Hemina, towards the end of the second centory B.c, stated that 
Aeneas Janded in ItaJy in the second summer after the taking of 
^roy, and set up his camp with no more than six hondrod companions. 
-tie hvonght wihh him from Sicily an image of Venus, which he 
^iedicated to Yenus FmtiB. From Diomed he took the Palladinm ; 
^'«igiied for three years in alliance vnth Latinus, from whom he had 
received a grant oi ^yo bnndred iugera ; for two more years, after 
the deatb of lAtinns, he reigned alone, and disappeared finally 
on the bankfl o£ tho Wumicins, to be worshipped as Fater Indiges. 
The Penates vrere identified by Cassius . vnth the Oeol /jLeydXoi of 

Caelius Antipater, a historian of the same period, attributed the 
foundation of Capna to Capys, a cousin of Aeneas. In the last 
century of the republic Sisenna took up the Trojan legend, differiDg 


from Tiivius Andronicns in not exhibiting Aeneas as a traitor to his 
conntiy. The story of Aeneas was probably treated in great detail 
and perfect faith by Varro, from whom Servins has several quotations 
of more or less importance which I have endeavoured to coUect. 
Varro represented the Penates, whom he identified with the JDi Magnij 
as wooden or marble figures brought by Aeneas to Italy (Serv. on Aen. 
3. 12). Oviginally they were carried by Dardanus from Samothrace 
to Phrygia, and afterwards from Phrygia by Aeneas to Italy. The 
story of the Palladium (Serv. Aen. 2. 166) was treated by Varro in 
mnch detail. According to the version which he adopted, the sacred 
image remained in the hands of Diomed, by whom it was ofPered to 
Aeneas while the latter was passing through Galabria. Diomed also 
gave to Aeneas the bones of his father Anchises (Serv. Aen. 4. 427). 
Aeneas in his wanderings was guided by a star, Lucifer or the Stella 
Venerisy which moved in front of him until he arrived at the territory 
of Laurentum (Serv. Aen. 1. 382). In Dodona he received the oracle 
prophesying the famine and the eating of the tables. In Leucas he 
founded the temple to Venus attributed by Menander to Phaon the 
Lesbian. Varro when in Epirus took note of the names of the places 
where Aeneas had set his foot; his list of names was the same as 
Virgil's (Serv. Aen. 3. 349). He gave further details about the pro- 
geny of the sow, whose body, as we have seen, was shown him 
preserved in brine at Lavinium (Serv. Aen. 3. 392). Anna, the 
sister of Dido, perished in the flames of her own funeral pjrre for love 
of Aeneas (Serv. Aen. 4. 682, 5. 4). The name of Castrum Laurens 
(Serv. Aen. 9. 8) kept up the memory of Aeneas' camp near Lau- 

Thus it is clear that Varro must have brought Aeneas to Carthag^. 
What was his authority for this addition to the current story, an 
addition of which there is no mention in Livy or Dionysins, and 
wbich conflicted in the most glaring manner with the commonly 
received chronology,' is not clear. It is generally assumed that 
Naevius is responsible for the notion of a meeting between Aeneas 
and Dido ; but the assumption is based upon a line and a haH of 
Naevins, hlande atque docte percontat, quo pacto Troiam urhem relU 
queritj in which the subject of percontat is taken to be Dido. It is 
unfortnnate that we cannot traoe more closely the genesis of the story. 
Did it rest on a confusion between the Carthaginian Anna and Anna 
Perenna, the Italian goddess of the year? Some such inference is 
Buggested by the identiflcation of the two in Ovid's Pasti. 

^ Seryiiis on Aen. 4. 459, nam quod de Didone et Aenea dicitur falsam est. 
Constat enim Aeneam cccxl. annos ante aedificationem Eomae venisse in Italiam, 
cam Earthago non nisi xl. annis ante aedificationem Bomae constrncta sit. 
According to Timaens, Rome and Cartbage were fonnded on the same day. 


Let us now briefly examine the account adopted or invented bj 
Virgil, and compare it with the tradition foUowed by Livy and 

The stages of Aeneas* wanderings as given by Dionysius are as 
foUows : — From Troy he goes to Pallene, where he leaves some of his 
sick and weakly followers ; thence to Delos, thence to Cythera, thence 
to Zacynthus, where, owing to old ties of blood, he is kindly received. 
Here Aeneas institntes a gymnastio contest for the youth, which is 
still kept up. Thence he passes o^ to Leucas, Actium, Ambracia; 
from Ambracia Anchises goes to Buthrotum and Aeneas to Dodona, 
where he meets Helenus and the Trojans with him; next to Italy, 
where a contingent was left to form a settlement on the lapygian 
promontory. Meanwhile Aeneas sails to Sicily, where he founds 
Elymus and Segesta, and leaves part of his own foUowing, and thence 
to Italy, where he lands successively at Palinurus, at Lencasia, at 
Misenum, at Caieta, and at Laurentum. 

Livy's account is, compared with this, a mere abridgment. He 
makes only two stages between Troy and Italy, namely Macedonia 
and Sicily. Yirgil must apparently have drawn upon the same 
sources as Dionysius, though he varies the details, and (in the case 
of Carthage) makes an addition of which the historians know nothing. 
Thrace, Delos, Leucas, Buthrotum, Sicily, appear both in the narrative 
of Dionysius and in the third Aeneid; Yii^l adds Crete and the 
Strophades. The story of the bnming of the ships by the Trojan 
women, which we have seen to be as old as Aristotle, is localized by 
Yirg^l in Sicily. Dionysius mentions games instituted by Aei\pas at 
Zacynthus ; of these Yirgil knows nothing, bat devotes a whole book 
to games celebrated in Sicily in honour of Anchises, who according to 
his account had died at Drepanum. 

Yirgil rightly seized upon the fact that Sicily was the centre of the 
story of Aeneas. Legends of a Trojan settlement there had been 
alive since the fifth century B.c, and, what was more important for 
YirgiFs poetical purpose, Sicily was the meeting-point of Rome and 
Carthage. The great idea which inspires the first part of the Aeneid, 
the idea with which the poem opens, is that of bringing Rome and 
Carthage into a mythical connexion. The authority whom Yirgil 
immediately followed in the matter I suspect to have been Yarro, 
who, as we have seen, represented Anna the sister of Dido as perishing 
in the flames for love of Aeneas. That Yirgil drew largely upon the 
stores of antiquarian information collected by Yarro may be taken as 
morally certain ; his view of the Penates is essentially that of Yarro ; 
and other features of the legend, as Aeneas' presence in Ijeucas and 
bis foUowing the prodigy of the white sow, were, as we have seen, 
emphasized by Yarro in great detail. 


So f amiliar are we witli the story of the Aeneid that we are apt to 
foi^fc what violence it does to the tradition generally cnrrent in 
Virgirs time. That tradition is represented by the third Aeneid; 
there Aeneas is brought as far as Sicily, af ter a conrse of wandering 
corresponding fairly with that described by livy and Dionysius. Bnt 
in order to bring in the new element of the story, Aeneas mnst be 
carried to Carthage from Sicily bef ore he can be allowed to go on to 
Latiiim. The fifth book, as it now stands, implies a second visit 
to Sicily af ter the tragedy of Carthage. It is difficnlt to snppose that 
so awkward a combination as this ean have entered into the orig^nal 
plan of the Aeneid. As things now stand it might occnr to the reader 
that the fifth Aeneid wonld natarally have foUowed the third, as the 
sixth might natnrally have followed the fonrth. Virgil had not, 
probably, at *the time of his death, harmonized the Sicilian and 
Carthaginian episodes in a manner satisfactory to himself . 

The way in which Virgil, for the pnrposes of his epic, has altered 
the story of Dido, is as striking and characteristic as anything in the 
whole range of his poetry.' In the nniversaUy accepted tradition 
Dido*s tragic end was due to her resolution not to become the wtfe of 
larbas ; and what in Virgil is represented as coming upon her as a 
corse for the breach of her vow is, in the genuine story, the honourable 
resuJt of her constancy. No doubt Virgil felt that Varro's version of 
the story, according to which not Dido, but her sister, was sacrificed 
for love of Aeneas, wonld have been tame and pointless in his epic 
poem ; he therefore ventured on a bolder flight, and carried the day. 
No pajrt of the Aeneid, if we may trust Ovid, was more eagerly read 
than the fonrth book ; and all readers were forced to acknowledge the 
skill with which he made their tears flow in a fictitious cause. 

In comparing Virgil's acconnt of the early fortunes of Dido with 
that of Pompeius Trogus (Justin 18. 4 — 6) the reader is stmck with 
some minute coincidences of language which may show that both 
writers drew upon the same source, but that Virgil for the sake of 
brevity mutilated the narrative. Take the two acconnts of Dido's 
flight from Tyre. Sjchaeus, it will be remembered, is in Trogns' 
narrative called Acerbas. 

Justin 18. 4. 8, qua (fama) incensus Pygmalion ohlitus iuris humani 
avunculum suum eundemque generum sine respectu pietatis ocddit, 
Dido then is Pygmalion's daughter, and great-niece of her husband. 
In Virgil Pygmalion is only the germanus of Dido, Aen. 1. 346, sed 
regna Tyri germanus hahebat PygmaUon^ acelere ante alios immxmior 
omnes. . . . lUe Sychaeum Impius ante aras atque auri caecus amore 
Glam ferro incautum superat, securus amorum Oermanae. Justin l. c. 

' See Aosonias, Epigr. 118. 


Elissa fugam molitur adsumptis quihusdam principibus in societatcm, 
quibns par odinm in regem esse eandemqae fngae cnpiditatem arbi- 
trabatnr. . . . Sed Elissa ministros migrationis a rege misaos navibus 
cum omnihus opibus suis prima vespera imponit, provectaque in altum 
compellit eos onera harenae pro pecunia involucris involuta in mare 
deicere, Tunc deflens ipsa lugubriqu^e voce Acerbam ciet . . . tunc ipsos 
ministros adgreditur ; sibi guidem ait optatam olim mortem, sed illis 
acerbos cruciatus et dira supplicia imminere, qui Acerbae opes, quarum 
spe parricidium fecerat, avaritia^ tyranni subtraxerint. Hoc metn 
omnibns iniecto comites f ugae accepit. 

This is a clear and intelligible narrative. Dido associates with 
herself some of the nobles who, as she thinks, hate Pygmalion as 
mnch as she does, and she fnrther devises a means to work npon their 
fears. Bat Virgil abbreviates the narrative till it becomes difficnlt to 
nnderstand : Conveniunt, quibus aut odium crudele tyranni, Aut metus 
acer erat. Servins expiains this passage, which evidently appeared to 
him difficalt, by reference to a narrative perhaps not nnlike that of 
Trogns ; metuebant laedendi, hoc est, qui timehant ne laederentur ; unde 
est iUud in quarto (545) et qnos Sidonia vix nrbe revelli ; quia non 
voluntate sed aut odio aut timore convenerat. 

Then again Virgirs naves quae forte paratae is very vagae. Servins 
explains it by reference to a narrative qnite different to that of Trogns : 
"tnoris enim erat ut de pecunia pvhlica Phoenices misso a rege auro de 
peregrinis frumenta conveherent. Dido autem a Pygmalione ad hunc 
usum paratas naves abstvlerat ; quam cum fugientem a fratre missi 
sequerentury aurum illa praecipitavit in mare, qua re visa sequentes 
reversi sunt. Licet et alio ordine historia ista narratur. 

The fragment of Timaeus (23 Miiller) in which these events are 
narrated gives an acconnt which compared with that of Jnstin is an 
abridgment. rov yap dvhpos avrrj^ xnro IIvyfiaAio)vos dvoipctferros, 
ivO€fj.tvrj ra )(prifjua.Ta cts <rKd.<l>o^, fura rivaiv TroXtrwv ^^cvyc, k<u TroXXa 
KOKo^aOi^araaa ry Aifivg TrpooTyvc^^, Kal 3ta t^v irokkrjv avr^s irXdvrfv 
ActSo) vpo<r7fyof>€vOr) liri)((iipu>i^» 

The fonrth Aeneid, however mnch it may differ from the received 
tradition, contains a few tonches for which Virgil may perhaps be 
indebted to it. Jnstin 18. 6 gives the foUowing accoant of Elissa*s 
death. Diu Acerbae viri nomine cum multis lacrimis et lamentatione 
flebili vocato ad postremum ituram se quo suas urbis fata vocarent 
respondit. In hoc trium mensium svmpto spatio, pyra in ultima parte 
wrbis instructa, velut placatma viri manes inferiasque ante nuptias 
misswra^ muUas hostias caedit et sumpto gladio pyram conscendit, atque 
ita ad populum respiciens ituram se ad virum, sicut praeceperinty dixit^ 
vitamque gladio flnivit. Timaeus 1. c. tov rtuv Ac^vcdv pa<nk€m 


O^kovTO^ avrrp^ yrjfiai, avr^ fi^v aKTeXcyev, vtto Sc twv TroXtrwv onn/avay- 
Ko^o/jictnjy crio/i^a/tcny TcXer^v -Trpo? avoAvo^tv opK(ov c-TrtTcXco-ctv, 'jrvpav 
fi€yC<rTrfv cyy^s tov oucov KaTaaK^vdcaaa Kal oAJ/aira, Sltto tov 3a>/taT0S avT^ 
€15 T^ Trvpav €ppi\l/€v. The vow of constancy, the pyre and the sword, 
the exciise for raising the pyre, are adopted by Virgil. It may again 
be observed that TimaenB* acooont is the shorter, and also that it dilEers 
from that of Trogns as to the manner of Elissa's death. 

As for the fortunes of Aeneas after his landing in Latinm, there 
were two main traditions, one of which represented Aeneas as 
obtaimng the hand of Lavinia only af ter war with her father Latinus, 
the other that there was no fighting with Latinus at all, but that war 
arose af ter his death in consequence of the claims of Tumus to the 
band of Lavinia. 

The first, which is the basis of the version adopted and modified by 
Vir^l, is alluded to by Servius on Aen. 4. 620, who quotes Cato as 
his authority. A quarrel breaks out between Aeneas and Latinus 
in conseqnence of plundering on the part of Aeneas' companions ; in 
the battle which ensues Latinus is slain. So Servius on Aen. 9. 745, 
si verttatem historiae requiris, primo proelio interemptus est Latinus, 
See also Serv. Aen. 1. 259. Livy 1. 1 gives a slightly different 
acconnt : alii proelio victum Latinum pacem cum Aenea^ deinde adfini- 
tatem iunzisse tradunt. The other tradition is given by Livy in the 
following terms : alii (tradunt) cum instructae acies constitissent, pri- 
usquam signa canerent, processisse Latinum inter primores, ducemque ad- 
venarum evocasse ad conloquium : percontutum deinde qui mortales essent^ 
unde aut quo casu profecti domOy quidve quaerentes in agrvm Laurentem 
exissent, postquam audierit multitudinem Troianos esse, ducem Aeneam, 
filium Anchisae et Veneris, cremata patria et domo profugos sedem con- 
dendaeque urhi locum quaerere, nohilitatem admiratum gentis virique, et 
animum vel hello vel pad paratum, dextera data Jidem futurae amicitiae 
sanxisse. There is a general resemblance between this description and 
Virgirs words in the seventh Aeneid (229) : Dis sedem eosiguam patriis 
litusque rogamus Innocuum, et cunctis undamque av/ramque patentem. 
. . . Fata per Aeneae iuro dextramque potentem, 8ive fidey seu quis hello 
est expertus et armis. It may be that Virgil, thongh varying the tradition 
for his own pnrposes, is working npon the same materials as Livy. 

The acconnt given by Dionysius represents Latinus as at war with 
tbe Butnli when Aeneas landed. Latinus is forbidden by oracles to 
fight with the stranger, and advised rather to ally himself with the 
^EXXrjves. Aeneas advances his claims, and receives from Latinus an 
assurance which recalls Dido^s Non ignara mali miseris succurrere 
disco. The Trojan hero marries Lavinia ; the Aborigines and Rutnli 
receive the name of Latini, but afterwards the Bntuli, nnder the 


leadership of Tumus, who ia branded as an avro/ioXos, desert the 
alliance. Tnmns fights for his lost love, and both he and Latinas 
die in the battle. 

The acconnt given by Dionysius tallies on the whole with that 
attributed' by Servius, Aen. 6. 760, to Cato. The Etmscan element 
in the story, represented by Mezentius, is treated by Virgil quite in a 
way of his own. For, however they may difter in details, the 
tradition as given both by Cato and by the authorities whom Dio- 
nysius follows reprcsents Mezentius as falling in a war which arose 
some time after the death of Tumus. Mezentius is indeed an ally 
of Tumus, but is not killed until after the final settlement of Aeneas 
in his kingdom ; accordiug to Cato, it was by Ascanius, according to 
Dionysius' authorities, by Aeneas himself, three years after the battle 
in which Tnmus and Latinus were slain. As in the case of Dido, 
Virgil does violence to the accepted order of events. Tumus must be 
slain before Aeneas can finally obtain the hand of Laviuia ; thus the 
last half of the Aeneid is provided with its element of romance ; and 
MezcDtius falls before Tumus in a war in which both are simul- 
taneously engaged. 

It is evident that Virgil had a tradition or traditions to work upon, 
many of the details of which are now lost, but which are most fully 
preserved by Dionysius. Fragments of them are preserved by Servius 
on Aen. 7. 51, Amata . . . duosfilios voluntate patris Aeneae spondentes 
sororem factione interemit . , . Hos alii caecatos a matre tradunt, post- 
quam amisso Tumo Lavinia Aeneae iuncta est. Does this imply that 
there was, independently of the Aeneid, a story according to which 
Tumus died before the marriage of Aeneas with Lavinia ? In any 
case it implies that Amata survived Tumus, and this is different f rom 
the account in the Aeneid. Another instance is raentioned by Asper, 
quoted in the Verona scholia on Aen. 7. 484, Tyrrhum aiunt fuisse 
pastorem aput quem Lavinia delituit tum cum Ascanium timens fugit in 
silvas, Hic Latini vilicus didtur fuisse. Comp. Serv. ad 1. 

The considerations on which I bave been dwelling will be fonnd, I 
think, to throw some light on the difficulties with which Virgil had 
to contend. The traditions on which alone he could work had 
neither form nor life. Aeneas had never, so far as we can see, not 
even in the Homeric poems, been a hero in the sense in which the 
word can be used of Achilles, Ulysses, Ajax, or Diomed. Even in 
Homer the protection of Aphrodite and ApoUo hangs heavily around 
him. In the place where he ia worshipped he is a mere name; a 
shadowy demi-god associated with the worship of Aphrodite. As a 
founder of cities he has no characteristic to distingnish him from the 
many fabulous oucicrrat of Greek and Italian towns. The Homeric 


lieroes do not found cities, bnt destroy them; the civilizing and 
beneficent hero, on whose features Dionysins dwells with pleasure, is 
the creature, if not of philosophj, at least of a late and reflective 
stage of mythology. To make out of so shadowy a being as the 
Aeneas of legend a hero of war and peace, fit to be the founder of an 
imperial city, was no easy task, especially for a poet who considered 
it his first duty to construct his epic in words, manner, and arrange- 
ment, on the model of the Hiad and Odyssey. — [H. N.] 


IFrom " Suggestions Introdtictory to a Study of the Aeneidf'' Glarendon 
Fress, Oxford, 1875.] 

As far as we can make out from the very scanty materials now 
existing, Virgil seoms to have followed Arctinus more than any other 
of the Cyclic poets. Tbe Aethiopis of that poet contained the story 
of the Amazon Penthesileia*s arrival, which doubtless suggested to 
Virgil the introduction of Camiila. See the analjsis of Proclus (ap. 
Welcker, Epischer Cyclus 2 p. 521), A/tafwv Ilev^co-tXcta TrapayiVcrat 
Tpoxrt avfifui^a-ova-a, "ApccDS fnkv OvyaTrjp 0p^o-<ra 8c t6 yivos. . • • Mc/xva>v 
8e 6 'Hovs vlos €;(a>v iJ^ato-rorcvKTov iravowkLav irapayiv^rai rois Tpa>o-t 
PorqOriauiv, The last lines (Aen. 1. 489 foll.) of the description of tho 
picture seen by Aeneas in the temple at Carthage, seem to be a con- 
densed representation of the subjects treated in the Aethiopis : 

Eoasqne acies et nigri Memnonis (vrma, 
Ducit Amazonidam Innatis agmina peltis 
Penthesilea fnrens, mediisque in milibus ardet, &g. 

Dido's question (Aen. 1. 751), " quibus Aurorae venisset filius armis," 
doubtless refers to the i^^^ato-ri^rcvKros TravoTrXia of Memnon ; " Vul- 
caniis armis usus fuisse narratur," says Servius on the passage. 

The 'IXtov TTcpo-ts of Arctinus, so far as we can judge from the bare 
analysis of Proclus, must have been followed pretty closely in its 
main outline by Virgil in the second Aeneid. In his account of the 
debate about the wooden horse, Virgil keeps nearer to Arctinus than 
to the Odyssey. Tois /acv SokcT KaraKprffivia-ai aurov, rots Sc #cara<^Xey€tv, 
rots §€ tcpov avrov dvarc^vat. The order in which the proposals are 
mentioned, is the same as that given in the second Aeneid (v. 36), 
and the idea, mentioned both by Arctinus and Virgil, of buming 
the horse, is an addition to the account given in Homer. The story of 
Laocoon, as we have it in the second Aeneid, that of Sinon, and that 
of the murder of Priam by Pyrrhus, at the altar of Zcvs 'Ep/cctos, were 
all contained in the *IXtov Wpo-ts of Arctinus ; and so was that of the 
death of Deiphobus at the hand of Menelaus, which would well agree 
with the account supposed to be given by the shade of Deiphobus to 


Aeneas in Aen. 6. 525. If Welcker is riglit (Ep. Cycl. 2 p. 235) in 
aajing that the works of Arctinus appear to have been the most 
considerable among the poems of the Trojan cycle, af ter the Hiad and 
Odyssey, Virgil may be supposed to have foUowed him from poetical 

From the story of the capture of Ti*oy, and the 'IXias /uicpa of 
Lesches, Virgil does not seem to have borrowed much. Indeed, in 
details, as far as onr evidence goes, he seems to have foUowed an 
altogether difEerent tradition from that which Lesches adopted. 
Lesches represented the murder of Priam as occurriDg not at the 
altar of Zcvs cprctos, but at the door of his palace ; he made Aeneas' 
wife not Crensa, but Eurydice, and he gave Aeneas himself as a 
captive to Neoptolemus (Welcker 1. c. p. 538). Pausanias (10. 26 
foll.) describes some pictures of the night-battle in Troy, painted at 
Delphi by Polygnotiis, who, he thinks, followed the account given 
by Lesches. The details of these pictares cannot be brought into 
harmony with Virgirs accouHt of the night-battle in the second 
. Aeneid, nor do tbe names of the combatants, as a rule, occur in them'. 
The love of Coroebns for Cassandra, is however mentioned (10.27. 1). 

Whether, when writing the sixth Aeneid, Virgil was at all in- 
fluenced by the account of Hades and its terrors, which, according to 
Pansanias (10. 28. 4), was contained in the Mivras and the N^oroi, 
cannot be ascertained. — [H. N.] 

VOL, H. 


SmtonitiSf " Vita VergUii" 

21. Novissime Aeiieidem incoliayit, argximentiuii yaritim ac multi- 
plex et qaasi ambomm Homeri carminnm instar, praeterea nominibuR 
ac rebas Graecis Latinisque commnne, et in quo, qnod maxime studebat, 
Eomanae simnl nrbis et Augusti origo contineretur. 
• 23. Aeneida prosa prius oratione formatam digestamque in XII. 
libros particulatim componere instituit, prout Hberet quidque et nihil ' 
in ordinem arripiens. 24. Ao ne quid impetum moraretur, quaedam 
imperfecta transmisit, alia levissimis yersibus veluti fulsit, quos per 
iocum pro tibicinibus interponi aicbat ad snstinendum opus, donec 
soHdae columnae advenirent. 25. BucoHca triennio, Georgica VII., 
Aeneida XI. perfecit annis. 

30. Aeneidos vixdum coeptae tanta extitit fama ut Sextus Pro- 
pertius non dubitaverit sio praedicare 

Gedite, Bomani scriptores, oedite, Grai ; 
Neaoio qaid maius nasoitur Iliade. 

31..Augustu8 vero, nam forte expeditione Cantabrica aberat, sup- 
pHcibus atque etiam minacibus per iocum Htteris efflagitabat ut sibi 
" de Aeneide," nt ipsius verba sunt, " vel prima carminis v7roypa<fiTJ vel 
quodHbet colon mitteretur." Cui]tamen multo post perfeotaque demnm 
materia tres omnino Hbros recitavit, secundum, quartum, et sextum ; 
32. sed hunc notabiH Octaviae adfectione, quae cum recitationi in- 
teresset, ad iUos de fiHo suo versus " Tu MarceUus eris " defecisse 
f ertur atque aegre focilata est. 34. Erotem Hbrarium eius exactae iam 
senectutis tradunt referre soHtum quondam eum in recitando dnos 
dimidiatos versus complesse ex tempore. Nam cum hactenus haberet 
** Misenum AeoHden," adiecisse " qno non praestantior alter," item 
huic " Aere ciere viros," simiH calore iactatum snbiunxisse ** Martem- 
qae accendere cantu," statimque sibi imperasse nt ntmmque volumini 
adscriberet. 35. Anno aetatis qninquagesimo secundo impositums 
Aeneidi summam manum statuit in Grraeciam et in Asiam secedere, 


triennioqae continno nihil amplios qnam emcndare, nt reliqoa yita 
tantnm philosophiae vacaret. Sed cnm ingressns iter Athenis occnrnsset 
Angnsto ab Oriente Bomam revertenti, destinaretqne non absistere 
atqne etiam nna redire, dnm Megara vicinnm oppidnm ferventissimo 
sole cognoscit, langnorem nactns est, enmqne non intermissa naviga- 
tione anxit ita nt gravior aliqnando Brnndisinm appelleret, nbi diebus 
pancis obiit XI. Kal. Oct. C. Sentio Q. Lncretio consnlibus. 

39. Egerat cnm Yario prinsqnam Italia decederet nt si qnid sibi 
accidisset Aeneida combnreret ; at is f acturum se pemegarat. Igitnr 
in extrema. valetudine adsidne scrinia desideravit crematums ipse; 
verum nemine offerente nihil qnidem nominatim de ea cavit, 40. ceterum 
eidem Vario et Tuccae scripta sua snb ea condicione legavit ne quid 
ederent qnod non a se editnm esset. 41. Edidit antem anctore Augnsto 
Varins, sed snmmatim emendata, nt qui versus etiam imperfectos sicnti 
erant reUqnerit ; qnos nralti mox snpplere conati non perinde valuerunt 
ob difficultatem, qnod omnia apnd enm hemistichia absoluto perfecto- 
que snnt sensu praeter illud " quem tibi iam Troia." 

42. Nisus gprammaticns audisse se ex senioribus aiebat Yarinm 
duorum librornm ordinem commutasse, et qui tnno secundus erat in 
tertinm locnm transtulisse, etiam primi libri correxisse principinm his 
versibus demptis 

Ille ego qui qnondam g^raoili modalatos avena 
Carmen, efc egressus silyis vicina coeg^ 
Ut qnamyis avido parerent arva oolono, 
Gratum opus agricolis ; at nunc horrentia Martia 
Arma virumqne cano. 

Macrohiusj Satumalia, 1. 24. 10-11. 

Audi, qnid de operis sui mnltiplici doctrina ipse pronnntiet. Ipsius 
ijnim Maronis epistula, qna compellat Augustnm, ita incipit ; " Ego vero 
frequentes a te litteras accipio," et infra " De Aenea qnidem meo, si 
niehercle iam dignum auribns haberem tuis, libenter mitterem ; sed 
tanta* incohata res est, nt paene vitio mentis tantum opus ingressns 
inihi videar, cum praesertim, nt scis, alia qnoque stndia ad id opns 
multoqne potiora impertiar." 

From the Memoir prefixed to tlie Commentary of Serviw on the Aeneid^ 

Et in secnndo hos versus constat esse detractos 

aut ignibus aegra dedere. 
lamque adeo super unus eram, oum limina Yestae 
Servantem et tacitam secreta in sede latentem 

Ixviii SERVIUS. 

Tjndarida aspicio ; dant clara iucendia lacom 
Erranti passimqno ocolos por onnota ferenti. 
Illa sibi infestos eyersa ob Pergama Tenoros 
Et Bananm poenam et deserti ooningis iras 
Fraemetnens, Troiae et patriae oommnnis Erinys, 
Abdiderat sese atqne aris invisa sedebat. 
Ezarsere ignes animo ; subit ira oadentem 
Ulcisci patriam et sceleratas snmere poenas. 
Scilicet haec Spartam incolnmis patriasqne Mycona» 
Aspioiet, parteqne ibit reg^a trinmpho, 
Coninginmqne domnmqne, patres natosqne videbit, 
Uiadnm tnrba et Fhrygiis comitata ministris ? 
Ocoiderit ferro I^riamns ? Troia arserit igni ? 
Dardanium totions sndarit sang^ne litns ? 
Non ita. Namqne etsi nnllnm memorabile nomen 
Feminea in poena est, nec habet Tiotoria landem, 
Eztinxisse nefas tamen et sumpsisse merentis 
Laudabor poenas, animnmque ezplesse iuvabit 
Ultricis famam et cineres satiasse meornm. 
Talia iactabam et f uriata mente ferebar. 

Serviiis on Aeneid 3. 204. 

Hic Pelopis gentes Maleaeqne sonantia saxa 
Circnmstant, pariterque nndae terraeque minautar. 
Pnlsamnr, saevis et oLrcnmsistimur nndis. 

Hi versus circumducti dicuntur et extra peginam in mundo 

8erviu8 on Aeneid 6. 289. 

Sane qnidam dicunt versus alios hos a poeta hoc loco relictos, qui ab 
eius emendatoribus sublati sunt : 

Grorgonis in medio portentum inmane Medusae ; 
Yipereae oircum ora comae, cui sibila torqnent, 
Infamesqne rigent oculi, mentoqne snb imo 
Serpentum extremis nodantur yincnla caudis. 

For a discussion of the questions raisedby the above passages I may 
reffer the reader to my edition of the memoirs quoted {Ancienf Livat 
of Vergil, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1879).— [H. N.] 




Thb sabject of the Aeneid, as propotmded in the opening lines, is the settlement of 
Aenecu in Italy, after years of wandering, and a short bnt sharp final Btmggle. It is 
howeTer only of the eyents preceding the settlement that the poet really treats, — of 
the wanderings and the war. In that, as in other things, he follows Homer, who 
does not show ns Ulysses " an idle king, matched with an aged wife, meting laws to 
a savage race,'' bnt leayes him fresh from the slaughter of the suitors, from the flrst 
embrace of his wife and father, and fW)m the conqnest of his disaffeoted snbjects. 
Aooordingly, the poem diyides itself into two parts, the wanderings being embraced 
by the first, the Italian war by the second. But the two parts natnrally involve 
different modes of treatment, comprehending as they do periods of time widely 
differing in length, the one seven years, the other apparently a few days. Here 
again the ezample of Homer is foUowed. The long period of wanderings is taken at 
a point not far from its conclnsion ; enongh is told in detail to serve as a specimen 
of the whole, and the rest is related more snmmarily by the help of an obvions expe- 
dient, the hero being made to narrate his past adventures to the person wkose rela- 
tion to him is all the time forming one adventnre more. This peculiarity of the 
Homerio story is noticed by Horaoe in a well-known passage of his Art of Poetry 
(w. 146 foU.), and recommended to the adoption of Epic writers generaUy ; but he 
does not dearly indioate the reason of it, which doubtless is the wish to avoid that 
fatal dryness which seems to be inseparable from aU narratives where the events of 
many years are told continuously in a short oompass. [See voL I. p. xxxv. foU. 
(fourth edition).— H. N.] 

The First Book of the Aeneid may be said to perform weU the objects which it 
was no doubt intended to accomplish, — ^those of interesting us in the hero and intro- 
duoing the story. After a brief statement of the subject, we have a view of the 
snpematural machinery by which it is to be worked out ; and this, though imitated 
from Homer, where the soUtary rancour of Poseidon against Ulysses answers to the 
soUtary rancour of Juno against Aeneas, is skUfulIy contrived so as to throw a Ught 
on the subsequent history of the Boman desoendants of Aeneas, by the mention, 
even at that early time, of their great enemy, Oarthage. It is probable, as I have 
•aid in the general Introduction to the Aeneid, that the merit of this thought 
may be dne to Kaevius, who seems to have been the first to oommit the feUdtous 
anachronism of bringing Aeneas and Dido together ; but it mnst be aUowed to be in 
strict accordance with the spirit of VirgU*8 poem, which is throughout that of 
historical anticipation. Like Ulysses, Aeneas is shipwrecked in the voyage which 
was to have been his last, the main difference being that the Greoian hero is 
solitary, having long lince lost aU his oompanions, while the Tiojan is still aocom- 


panied by those who followed hifl fortunos from Troy. The machinery by wbich 
the storm ia aUajed is perhaps managed more adroitly by Virgil than by Homer, 
as there seems to be more proprieiy in representing the inferior god of the winds as 
oounteracted by the snperior god of ihe aov than in making a sea nymph rescue one 
whom tbe go<l of the 'sea is seeking to destroy. But if Yirgil has obtained an 
advantage over Homer, it is with the help of Homer's weapons, as the interview 
between Juno and Aeolus obviously owes its existence to the interview between 
Here and the God of Sleep. The dialogue of Venus and Jupiter appears to be 
another appropriation f rom Naevius ; but, as in the former case, Yirgil seems to 
have established his right to what he has borrowed by the perfect fitness with which 
a prophecy of the destiny of Bome is introduced at the commencement of a poem 
intended to be a monument of Roman greatness. The remaining incidents of the 
First Book need not detain us much longer. As a general rule, they are borrowed 
from Homer ; but we may admire the skill with whioh Yirgil has introduoed varie- 
ties of detail, as whero Ulysses, listening to songs about Troy, reappears in Aeneas 
looking at sculptures or paintings of Trojan subjects, and the art with which 
a new impression is produced by a combination of old materials, in making the 
friendly power that receives Aeneas unite the blandishments of Oalypso with the 
hospitallty of Alcinous, and so engrafting a tale of passion on a narrative of 
crdinary adventure. The suggestion of the employment of Cupid by Yenus was 
evidently taken from the loan of Aphrodite*s cestus in Homer and the assistance 
rendered by the God of Love in ApoIIonius ; but the trealment of tho thought is 
original and happy ; and the few lines which describe the removal of Ascanius to 
Idalia might themselves suggest a subject for poetry to some Eeats or Shelley, in 
whose mind the seed casually dropped by Yirgil should expand and germinate. 

Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris 

1 — 7.] * I sing the hero who founded lines. — H. N.] Those who speak of them 

tbe Trojsm kingdom in Italy, his voyages as an introduciion to the poem, forget 

and his wars.* that if ^nuine they are an inte^al part 

I.] This line is preceded in some MSS. of the nrst sentence ; and that it is, to 

bv the following verses, say the least, remarkable that the exor- 

"»«IUe ego, qui quondam gracUi modu- ^]^"^ «^^V^^ ^^ «^ constructed as to be 

laSis avena s*»^"* *" at once interwoven with tho contcxt, and 

n^^^^r^ ^f ^«i.^ao«o oiwia x ;«i«« «/.^«^5 7©* capablo of removal without detri- 

?T^?rnvi« fvXrlr^^^^^^ ^ent to tho construction. just at the 

Utquamvisavidoparerentarvacolono, . j^. , ^ much better com- 

Gratum opus acricolis : at nUnc hor- i~*"*' ^*"»*^" rn, «. «mi-vi* >^uv«* wu& 

Jr««oXfo^»» otuuxiuuux mencement. The words 'arma virumque' 

rentia martis. ^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Martial, 8. 56., 19. 14., 

They are not found in Med.,Ilom., Gud., 185. 2, and Auson. Epig. 137. l,evidently 

or the Y^erona fragmenta (Pal. and the as a real commencement of the Aeneid ; 

fragments of Yat and St. GJall seem to while Ovid, Triat. 2. 633, and Persius, 

fail here), and the only MS. in Ribbeck^s 1. 96, quote * arma virumque,* or * arma 

list which oontains them (the Beme MS. virum/ as important and independent 

No. 172) has them written in tho margin words, which they cease to be the 

by a later hand. They appear to have moment * arma ' is viewed in connexion 

existed in the time of Suetonius, who says with the words supposed to precede it. 

(Yita Yergilii 42) that Nisus the gram- [The words * arma vinimque^ — * litora,* 

marian had heard a story of their having are quoted in an inscription (Oorpus 

been expunged by Tucoa and Yarius; on Inscr. Lat., vol. 2, No. 4967, 31) assigned 

which Heyne remarks, '*Si res ita se by Hiibner to the first oentury a.d. 

habet, acutior sane Yarius Yergilio fuit** * Arma vimmque cano * has also been 

[Suetonius, it should be remembered, is found scribbloa on the walls of Pompeii. 

a poor authority on matters of criticism ; — H. N.] Yirg. himself, 9. 777, has (of 

he has no difficulty, for instance, in ac- the poet Clytius) ** Semper equos atque 

cepting the CuUx as genuine. Ti. arma virum pugnasque canebat.** Comp. 

Ponatus knows nothing of these four also Ov. 1 Amor. 15. 25, Prop. 8. 26. 63, 


Italiamy fato profugus, Layinaqne yenit 

Trhicli point the same way. Macrob. Sat 
^. 2 qnotes *Troiae qui primtiB ab oris' as 
part of the first yerse of the Aeneid. On 
the other hand Priscian 940 P cites 
' Ille ego qui qnondam graoili modulatns 
ayena' as Viig.'s. Henry'8 view that 
'arma Martis' is happily oontrasted with 
* arma agrioolae ' (comp. G. 1, 160) seems 
to be favoured by the structure of the 
sentenoe, and may very possibly have 
been present to the mind of the author 
of these lines ; but it clearly was not 
present to the minds of those who quoted 
^arma' by itself as war, Tastes may 
dififer as to the rival commencements, on 
wiiich see Henry in loco, and on 2. 247 ; 
but it may be suggested that Virg. would 
ecarcely in his first sentence have divided 
ihe attention of the reader between him- 
self and his hero by saying, in effect, that 
the poet who wrot^ the Eclogues and the 
Georgics, sings the hero who fou^ed 
Rome. [It should jbe added tbat sup- 
posing the Aeneid W have begui^ with 
'anna virumque cano/ the nrst seven 
lines of the poem will bo found to corre- 
spond strikiDgly in rhythm with the first 
seven lines of the Iliad. Did Ennius 
bcgin his poem with '* arma " ? Horace 
1 Bpist 19. 7, " Ennius ipse pater nun- 

Suam nisi potus ad arma Prosiluit 
icenda."— H. N.] Wagn. and Forb., 
however, as well as Henry, consider the 
lines as genuine; and they have been 
imitated by Spenser in the opening of 
the Faery Queene, and Milton in the 
opeuing of Paradise Regained. 

* Arma virumque : ' this is an imitation 
of the opening of the Odyssey. &y^pa fioi 
tvvcTt K,r.\. It may also be taken from 
the fiist line of the Cyclic poem of the 
Epigoni, preserved by the Schol. on Aris- 
toph. Peace 1270, NDv aZff dvKoTdpav itv- 
9pwy dpx<^M«^<x> Mouj-m. It is followed by 
aU the other Boman writers of epic 
poetry, Lncan, Flaccus, Statius, and, 
above aU, Silius, the most faithful copier 
of Virg., with a unanimity which strongly 
supports the view taken in tho preceding 
note. The words are not a hendiadys, 
but give first the character of the subject 
and then the subject itself. 'Arma' 
may have been intended to suggest, 
though it does not express, a contrast 
between this and Vir^.'s previous poems. 
— In commencing with 'cano' he bas 
followed his own example in the Geor- 
gics, rather than thnt of Homer, who at 
once iuvokes the Muse; and the Latin 

Epic writers have foUowed Virg. The 
earlier commentators have found a diffl- 
culty in reconcUing *primus ' with Ante- 
nor's previous migration (below, vv. 242 
foll.), and suggest that Aeneas had first 
reaoned Italy proper, though Antenor 
had previously reached Venetia. [Ti, 
Donatus says ^* primus /ato, quia alii ex 
eventu ad Italiam fuerant delati, Aeneaa 
vero compulsus." — H. N.] On the other 
hand, Heyne and Wagn. make ' primus ' 
equivalent to * olimj' thus weakening a 
word which from its position and its 
oocurrence in the first line of the poem 
must be emphatio. The more obvious 
sense is that Aeneas is so called without 
reference to Antenor, as the founder of 
the great Trojan empire in Italy. 

2.] ' Fato,' a mixture of modal and 
instrum. abl., as in 4. 696., 6. 449, 466, 
&c Here it seems to go with * profugus,' 
though it might go with ♦ venit : ' comp. 
10. 67. Perhaps the force may be " pro- 
fugus quidem, sed fato profugus, a 

florious and heaven-sent fugitive. So 
livy 1. 1., comp. by Weidner, ** Aenean 
ab simili clade domo profugnm sed ad 
maiora rerum initia ducentibus fiitis." 
For the poetic accus. *Italiam — ^Lavina 
litora,' without the preposition, see Madv. 
§ 232, obs. 4. The MS8. are divided 
between * Lavinaque,' * Laviniaque,' and 
perhaps * Lavinia.' The last, however, 
though adopted by Burm. and Heyne, 
and approved by Heins., seems to rest 
solely on the authority of Med., which 
has * Lavinia ' (corrected into * Lavina '), 
with a mark of erasure after the word. 

* Laviniaque ' is found in the Verona 
fragm., aud is supported by quotations 
in Terentianus Maurus and Diomedes, 
and in single MSS. of Priscian, Gen- 
sorinus, and Sergius in artem Donati. 

* Lavinaque ' is found in the inscription 
quoted on v. 1, in Rom., Gud., and pro- 
bably most other MSS., and is supported 
by quotations in Macrobius, Gellius, 
Marius Victorinus, Pompeius, the Schol. 
on Lucan, most MSS. of Priscian, and 
one of Censorinus. Servius mentions 
both readings, saying, **Lavina legen- 
dum est, non Lavinia." 'Lavinia' is 
supported by 4. 236 : but the synizesis, 
though not unexampled (comp. 5. 269., 
6. 33, and see on G. 4. 243), is perhaps 
awkward, cspecially in the second line of 
the poem, and the imitation in Prop. 3. 
26. 64, ** lactaque Lavinis moenia litori- 
bus," is in favour of the form * Lavina.' 


Litora, multum ille et terris iaetatus et alto 
Vi superum, saeyae memorem lunonis ob iram, 
Multa quoque et beUo passus, dum conderet urbem, 
Inferretque deos Latio, genus unde Latinum 
Albanique patres atque altae moenia Romae. 
Musa, mihi causas memora, quo numine laeso, 

Jny. 12. 71 has ** noyeroali sedes praelata 
Lavino," though there as in Prop. the 
qnadiisjllabic form might be introdueed 
and explained hj synizesis. On the 
whole, I have preferred 'Lavinaque,' 
believing the form to be poBsible in it- 
self (comp. "Campanufl," **Lucanu8," 
"Appulus," &c),and more probable in 
this mstance; the modem editors how- 
ever are generally for * Laviniaque.' 
Lachmann on Lucr. 2. 719 speakfi doubt- 
fully. The epithet which belonged to 
the place after the foundation of the city 
by Aeneas is given to it here, as in 4. 
236, bv a natural anticipation at the 
time of his landing. 

3.] The imitation of the exordium of 
the Odyssey oontinues, ^multum iUe 
iactatns . . . multa quoque passus,' being 
modelledonxoWhirXdyx&ri . . . iroWiiSh 
Zye . . . xdBey: *iUe,* as so often in Virg., 
standing for the Homeric Sye. * Multum,* 
&c., used to be pointed as a separate 
sentence; it is however evidently con- 
structed with 'venit,' so that Mlle' is 
virtuaUy pleonastio. Oomp. 6. 457., 6. 
593., 9. 479. Here it appears rhetori- 
cally to be equal to * quidem.* • lactatus' 
is naturaUy transferred from wanderiugs 
by sea to wanderings by land. In such 
passages as vv. 832, 668, we see the i^oint 
of transition. So 5. 627, " cum freta, cum 
^ terras onmis . . . emensae ferimur.'* 

4.] * Vi superum * expresses the general 
agenoy, like * fato profugus/ though Juno 
was his only personal enemy. [Ti. Do- 
natus, like Gossrau in our time, seems to 
have taken * vi superum * as = fiicf Oewy, 
in spite of heaven. " Vis enim non est," 
he says, "nisi cum fit aliquid contra 
legem, hoc est, contra fatum." — ^H. N.] 
But tnere is no authoritv for such an 
interpretation. [* Saevae r **non saevam 
potentem dixit, ut alii volunt, sed revera 
saevam, quae persequeretur innocentem." 
Ti. Donatus. — H. N.] For ' memorem 
iram ' comp. Livy 9. 29, ** Traditur cen- 
sorem etiam Appium memori Deum ira 
post aliquot annos luminibus captum." 
6o Aescb. Ag. 155, fiydfiuv firjvis. * Ob 
iram,* below, v. 251, * to sate the wrath.' 

5.] * PasBUS,* constructed like * iactatus.' 

*Quoque* and *et* of oourse form a? 
pleonasm, though the former appears to 
be connected with * multa,' and the latter 
with * bello.' * Dum conderet ' like 
**dum fugeret," G. 4. 457, where see 
note. Here we might render * in the 
struggle to build his city.* So Hom. Od. 
1. 4 foll., iroAA^ TrdOev . . . itpvitfievos ic.t.X. 
The clause belongs to *multa bello 
passus/ rather than to * iactatjis.* 
6.] " Viotosque Ponatis inferre," 8. 11. 

* Unde • may be takeu either as ** qua ex 
re," or as *'a quo," as in v. 568., 6. 766, 
&c. The latter seems more probable. 

* Genus Latinum,* * Albani patres,* * altae 
moenia Romae,* denote the three ascend- 
ing stages of the empire whioh sprang 
from Aeneas, Lavinium, Alba, and Bome. 
Oomp. 12. 823 foll., which is a good 
commentary on the present passage. 

* Albani patres * probably means not 

* our Alban aucestors,* but the senate, or 
rather the noble houses of Alba, of which 
the Julii were one. 

8—11.] * Why was it, Muse. that Juno 
so persecuted bo pious a hero ? * 

8.] * Oausae * is not unfrequently used 
where we should be content with the 
sing., e. g. V. 414., 2. 105., 3. 32., 6. 710, 
the last of which will illustrate the 
epexegetical clauso * quo — inpulerii* 
*Memora' is appropriate, as the Muses 
were connected witn memory: comp. 7. 
645, and see note on E. 7. 19.--There are 
various ways of taking *quo nimiine 
laeso.' Some think there is a chauge of 
construction, and that •* iapulsus fuerit," 
or something like it, sbould have follow.ed ; 
80 that Virgil should have imitated 
Homer, H. 1. 8, ris t^ &p o-^we Be&v ^piZi 
ivvfi\Kt fidxf(TB<u ; But this, as Heyne 
remarks, though not uoexampled, would 
be a singuiar piece of loose writing so 
early in the poem, and would moreover 
involve the inconsiatency of first saying 
that it was Juno, •saevae memorem 
lunonis ob iram,* and then asking the 
Muse what god it was. Others make 

* numine * nearly equivalent to * volun- 
tate,* oiting 2. 123, *' quae sint ea numina 
divom ; *' but even supposing that * nu- 
men ' in 'this sense might be taken dis- 


Qaidve dolens, regina deum tot volvere casus 
Insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores lo 

Inpulerit. Tantaene animis caelestibus irae ? 

Urbs antiqua fuit, Tyrii tenu^re coloni, 
Karthago, Italiam contr^ Tiberinaque long^ 
Ostia, dives opum studifsque asperrima belli ; 
Quam I\m6 fortur terris magis omnibus unetm 15 

tribntively, which the passage above 
qi^ted doee not prove, *Iae8o* would 
scarcely be appropriate to *numine' in 
this sense, wmle the words firequentlj 
occur in oonjunction in the sense of out- 
raged majesty. Comp. 2. 183, Hor. Epod. 
15. 3, and Macleane*8 note« Heyne 
acoepts Serv.'8 proposal of 'separating 
•quo' from *numine,' and taking it in 
the seuBe of "qua re," **qua causa," 
which would be extremely harsh. It re- 
mains then, with Wagn., to regard the 
expreBsion as equivalent to '*quam ob 
la^onem numinis Bui ; " refemng it to 
the cases already noticed on E. 1. 53, 
where tbe pronoun or pronomiual adjec- 
tive stands for its corresponding adverb« 
Thus the negative answer to ' quo numine 
laeso* would be '*nuUum nimien lunonis 
laesit*' Or we may say that 'numen 
laesum' alone would stand for ^Maesio 
Buminis " (see Madv. § 426), and that in 
such a construction the question could 
hardly be asked oiherwise than by making 
the interrogative pronoun agree with the 
noun. [Henry*8 interpretation now is, 
" what arbilrium of hers being offended, 
ie. her arbitrium or free will and pleasure 
being offended inwhat respect."— H. N.] 
No charge of impiety striotly could be 
brought against Aeneas, but there might 
be ' dolores,' such as are mentioned vv. 
23 — ^28, which impelled Juno to persecute 
even one renowned for piety. 

a] * Volvere : ' see on G. 2. 295, 
^ Multa virum volvens durando saecula 
vincit." The misfortunes are regarded 
as a dcstined circle which Aeneas goes 
through. [So 6. 748 "ubi mille rotam 
▼olvere per annos." Henry now supposes 
the metaphor to be from a rolling stone 
or wheel.— H. N.] 

10.] ' Insignem pietate ' (6. 403) cbarac- 
terizes the hero, as itoK^poTtov does 
Ulysses in the commencement of the 
Odyssey. The oontrast, however, between 
piety and 6u£ferings is made in the case 
of Ulyases himself, Od. 1. 60 foll., QQ 
Ml, * Pietas ' includes the performance 

of aU duties to gods, parents, kinsmen, 
friends, and country . •* Adke periculum " 
is not imcommon in Cicero ; see Forc. 

11.] It is difflcult to say whether 
< animis caelestibus ' is a dat. with an 
ellipsis of the verb substantive or the 
ablative. P Impulerit * Verona firagm., 

* impulerat^ Rom. — H. N.] 

12 — 33.] * Juno was patroness of Car- 
thage, which, she had heard, was destined 
one day to be orushed by a nation of 
Trojan descent. Hence she persecuted 
the Trojans, who were already her ene- 
mies, and kept them away from Italy.* 

12.] * Urbs antiqua,' said with reference 
to Virg.*s own age. For the parentlietical 
oonstruction * Tyriitenuere coloni,* comp. 
y. 530 below, '^ Est locus, Hesperiam 
Grai cognomine diount." * Tyrii ooloni,' 

• settlers from Tyre,' as ** Dardaniis oolo- 
nis," 7. 422, are settlers from Troy. 

13.] [' Oarthago* Kom. Verona fragm., 
— H. N.] * Longe,* as oontrasted with the 
adjacent islands. The sense is clear 
(•*Against the Tiber^s mouth, but far 
away," Dryden), though it is not easy to 
determine ihe exact gprammatioal position 
of Monge.' The choice seems to lie 
between connecting it with * contra * and 
making it an adverbial adjunct of 'ostia,' 
i. q. 'longe distantia.' The latter is a 
Grecism (Wund. oomp. rov TcXafi&vos 
TT)\6e€v otKoVf Soph. Aj. 204), but may 
perhaps be supported by the use of 
**super" 3. 489, note. It appeilrs that 
some in the time of Serv. aotually took 
*longe* with *dives.* 

14.] * Dives opum,' 2. 22. * Opum * in- 
cludes all sources of power. * Asperrima * 
is the epithet of war (9. 667., 11. 635., 12. 
124) applied to the warlike nation. 
*Given to the stem pursuits of war.' 
**Ad bella studium," G. 3. 179. 

15.] Germ. comp. Od. 8. 284, 4) ol yaiduy 
•Ho\h tpiKrdrri iffrlv a7racr4<0y, * Unam 
magis omnibus coluisse ' = ** unam om- 
nium maxime coluisse.'* The Astarte of 
the Phoenicians is identifled, in the looso 
way oommon among the anciento, with 


PoBthabita coluisse Samo ; hic illius arma^ 
Hic currus fuit ; hoc regnum dea gentibus esse, 
Si qua fata sinant, iam tum tenditque fovetque. 
Progeniem sed enim Troiano a sanguine duci 
Audierat, Tyrias olim quae verteret arces ; 
Hiuc populum late regem belloque superbum 
Vonturum excidio Libyae : sic volvere Parcas. 


Juno. On tho temple of Hera at Samos, 
see Hdt. 3. 60. 

16.] * ColuisBe,* 08 dwcUer ia tbe temple. 
Gomp. V. 447. "Pallas quas condidit 
arces Ipsa colat," E.' 2. 61. For Juno'8 
arms, comp. 2. 614, Lote. Her chariot ia 
from n. 5. 720 foU. The Phoenician 
Astarte was represented eeated on a lion. 

17.] *Kegnum gentibus,' 'tbe capital 
of the nations,' instead of Rome. The 
dative, as in 8. 65., 10. 203. For the 
pronoun taking the gender of the fol- 
lovdng Bubstantive, see Madv. § 313. 

18.] *Si qua' is simUarly used 6. 882. 
" Fata Binebant," 4. 652., 11. 701. Med. 
a m. p. bas * sinunt.' * lam tum,' in that 
early age, long before it became the 
actual rival of Rome. *Tendit* deter- 
mines tbe construotion, the infinitive 
being tho object of both verbs. [" Tendit 
et fovet, ut regnum esse possit " Serv. — 
H. NJ *Tendere' is often followed by 
an innnitive, the subject being the same 
as the nominative to the verb, as " aqua 
tendit rumpere plumbum," Hor. 1 Ep. 10. 
20, " si vivere cum love tendis," Pers. 5. 
139. * Foveo,* on the other hand, takes 
an accusative, as "fovere consUium." 
These two constructioDS are united, the 
sentence * hoc — esse * standing in the re- 
lation of an ordinary infinitive to *tendit,' 
and of an accusative to ' fovet.' Three 
MS8. give * favet,* and * vovet* has been 
oonjectured. Some have thought *hoo 
regnum — fovetque * spurious, on the 
strength of a notice of Serv., which really 
refers to v. 534 below. 

19.] * Sed enim,' 2. 164, &c., iXAi ydp, 
*however,* or *nevertheles8.* Thepresent 
infinitive, *duci,' denotes the event as 
existincr in the designs of fate. * Duci/ 
as in 10. 145. Gossrau, foUowing a sug- 
gestion of Serv., thinks the * progenies' 
is Scipio, which is very improbable, and 
besides makes *hinc,' v. 21, inexplioable; 
and the same obiection applies to Lade- 
wig^s more plausible explanation of *pro- 
genies' as the great Trojan famUies 
amonfi; the Romans. 

20.J * Quae verteret,' * to overtum.' 

See on 7. 99. * Vertere,* as in 2. 652, &c. 
As might be expected, some MSS. have 
* everteret.' 

21.] *Late regem,* comp. ^bpvnpflwvj 
and "late tyrannus," Hor. 3 Od. 17. 9. 
' Populus ' is a personification, and there- 
fore takes the epithet * rex.' * Hinc,' i.e. 
*Troiano a sanguine,* rather than 'ex 
hac progenie ; ' but it is not very clear, 
as, though in the latter case tbe distinc- 
tion between the *progenies* and the 
*populus* springing fh)m it seems un- 
meaning, the former view creates a tau- 
tology. In V. 235, wbere the expression 
is somewhat parallel, ** revocato a san- 
guino Teucri" seems epexegetical of 
'*hino." Serv. mentions that Probua 
marked this and the next line as super- 
fluous ; but it seems to have been merely 
a critical opinion. [** * Superbum,' nobi- 
lem : ut (3. 2), * ceciditque superbum 
Ilium'" Serv.— H.N.] 

22.] * Venire excidio,* like " venire 
auxilio " and ** subeidio," * Libyae * being 
probably the dative, as * Dardaniae ' 
seeros to be 2. 325. But there is room for 
doubt in both instances. It is hard to 
fix the precise meaning of * volvere.* The 
passage 3. 875, " sic fata deum rex Sor- 
titur volvitque vices,** is equally obscure ; 
and we are lefk to choose between the 
ideas of a cycle of events (which i» 
recommended by **is vertitur ordo" in 
the pnssage ;in A. 3), an um in which 
lots are shaken, the threads of a spindle 
and a book. [* Volvere * probably refers 
to the cyde or order of events ordaiued 
by fate ; so Gellius 7. 2. 1, paraphrasing 
Chrysippus, says ** fatum est . . . series 
rerum et catena, volvens semet ipsa sese 
et implicans per aetemos oonsequentiae 
ordines,** and just below he speaks of 
**agmina fati et volumina.** Was tbe 
wonl suggested to Virg. by the Homeric 
icvX/vSero irfifiaros ipx^ ^^* ^* ^^ ^ — 
H. N.] I have retumed to the common or- 
thography* excidium,* as being apparently 
the only one known to the MSS. of Virg. : 
but the word must be derived firom ** ex- 
scindo,** as **discidium** from **di8cindo,** 


Id metuens veterisque memor Satumia belli, 

Prima quod ad Troiam pro caris gesserat Argis — 

Necdum etiam causae irarum saevique dolores 25 

Exciderant animo : manet alta mente repostum 

ludicium Paridis spretaeque iniuria formae, 

Et genus invisum, et rapti Ganymedis honores ; 

His accensa super iactatos aequore toto 

Troas, reliquias Danaum atque inmitis Achilli, 80 

Arcebat longe Latio, multosque per annos 

Errabant, acti fatis, maria omnia circum. 

Tantae molis erat Bomanam condere gentem. 

tmless, deriving it from "excido," we 
pronounce it as a trisyllable by synizesis. 
** Excidio ** on the other hand seems 
olearly to come from "excido," like 
•*occidio" from "occido," so that we 
mnst Bnppose a synizesis in Plaut. Curc. 
4. 3. 2, " Sed eapse illa qua excidionem 
fiBM^re oondidici oppidis.*' 
. 23.] * Veteris ' aud * prima' are applied 
to the Trojan war, as contrasted with this 
new antipathy of Juno to the Trojans, 
caused by her anxiety for Carthage, as 
ihe former had been caused by her love 
for Argoe. 'Prima,* adverbially, as in 
0. 1. 12. [** •Prima* princeps accipienda 
est," savB Serv.— H. N.] 

25.] The words from *necdum' to 
«honores* are parenthetical. These 
*oau8ae irarum ' are distinguished from 
ihe * vetus bellum,* in other words, from 
the * irae ' tbemselves, the bittemess dis- 
plajed in or produced by the war. Virg. 
nad already, v. 24, suggested one cause in 
her love for Argos ; but Ihough this su^ 
plies a parallel to hcr present feeling, it 
scaroely accoimts for its cxistence ; so he 
goes back to show that her old quarrel 
with Troy had other grounds. * Dolores ' 
is the pang, put For the afiront. It is 
only in the senso of the afiront that it 
can properly be joined with ' exciderant 
animo,' understood of being forgotten. 
8o "dolens," v. 9. Or if *dolores' is 
taken in its ordinary sense, *exciderant 
animo' will shift its meaning, * had 
passed from her soul.' 

27.] 'The injury which oonsisted in 
her beauty being scorned,' explaining 
the * iudicium Paridis.' The legend does 
not appear in Hom. earlier tban D. 24. 
29 folL [Some anoient commentators 
explained * spretae iniuria formae ' as re- 
ferring to the act of Antigona, a daughter 
of Priam, who boasted in the temple of 
Juno that she was fairer than the goddess. 

— H. N.] 

28.] ' Genus invisum,' * tho hated 
Btock,' referring tothe birthof Dardanus, 
who was the son of Jupiter by Electra, 
daughter of Atlas. The carrying off of 
Gbnymede, who belonged to a later gene- 
ration of the royal house of Troy, was a 
further provocation. 

29.] The construction is resumed after 
the parenthesis with some variation, ' his 
accensa super' referring to the subject- 
matter of the parenthesis. [** * His super,' 
aut de his, aut super metum Carthaginis 
his quoque accensa." Sen. — H. N.] For 
'super' = "insuper" comp. 2. 71, &c. 
"Weidner connects it with * aequore,' which 
is very unlikely. *Iactatos arcebat' is 
e<}uivalent to "iactabat et arcebat," or 
** lactando aroebat." 

30.] ' Beliquias Danaum,' who had been 
left by the Greeks. Comp. Cic. de Sen. 6. 
**ut avi reliquias (Le. ** Karthaginem 
ab avo relictam ") persequare," quoted by 
Forb. Comp. Aesch. Ag. 517, (rrparhv 
8exe<r6<u rhv \f\€iixfx4vov 9op6s. [Serv. 
spelt * relliquias.'— H. N.] For the form 
*AchUli,' see note on G. 3. 91. Hero 
Kom. has * Achillis.' 

32.] * Acti fatis,' inasmuch as their des- 
tiny forbids them to rest Comp. ** fato 
profugus," V. 2. The opposition which 
Henry supposes between tho impulse of 
the fates and the repulse of Juno, though 
true in fact, does not seem to be distinctly 
intended here. They are said to wander 
round the seas rather than over them, 
doubtless for variety^s sake. In v. 667 
below Aeneas is tossed on the sea ** omnia 
circum litora." 

33.] [* Molis,' trouble,a8 in Hor. 1 Epist. 
14. 30, ** multa mole docendus aprico par- 
cere prato."— H. N.] Livy 25. 11, ** Plau- 
stris transveham naves haud magna 
mole." The metaphor may be oontinued 
in * condere.' 


Yix e conspectu Siculae telluris in altum 
Vela dabant laeti, et spumas salis aere ruebant, 
Cum lunoy aeternum seryans sub pectore yolnus, 
Haec secum : Mene incepto desistere yictam, 
Nec posse Italia Teucrorum avertere regem ? 
Quippe yetor fatis. Pallasne exurere classem 


34—49.] *The Trojanswere juat ?ail- 
ing from Sicily when Jnno saw them, re- 
membered thevengeance Pallas once took 
on the Qreek fleet, and chafed to think 
that hitherto she had done 80 little.' 

84.] Virg. pluDges ** in medias ree," as 
ihe commentators remark. See Intro- 
duction to this Book. The departure 
from Sicily closes Aeneas^s narratiye, 3. 
715. Forb. takes *e conepectu Siculae 
telluris' to moan *out of sight from 
Sicily,* or of thoae who were in Sicily, 
comparing 11. 903, **Vix e oonflpectu 
exierat ; *' but there tbe sense is deter- 
mined by the context : and the common 
rendering, *out of eight of Sioihr/ is 
moro natural, and equally good Latin. 
Comp. ©•§•** urbis conspectu frui," Oic. 
Sull. 9. Generally, though not univer- 
saUy, where the noun in the gen. is a 
thing, the gen. is that of the objeot ; and, 
in the present case, we more naturally 
think of the Trojans looking towards 
Sioily, than of SicUy looking towards the 
Trojans. [* Vela dabant in altum,* were 
settiug their sails for the open sea : Cic 
de Orat. 2. 44, ** unde aliquis fiatus osten- 
ditur, vela do " Ov. Trist. 1. 4. 15, **8ic non 
quo voluit, sed quo rapit impetus undao 
Aurigam video vela dedisse rati." — H. N.] 

35.1 Heyne puts a comma after *da- 
bant,* which is the punctuation of Med., 
but MS. authority on such points is of 
little value. Wagn. omits the comma 
altogether on the ground that *laeti' 
belongs to both verbs ; which of course it 
does, in sens^; but in oonstmction it 
must be taken with the one or the other, 
and it is obviously better taken with the 
former. Virg., in fact, is imitating Od. 
5. 269, yrj06<ruvos 8* of/py Triraa^ Itrria 5ibs 
^OZvffffthf Ulysses^s voy£^ there answer- 
ing to Aeneas^s here. * fiuebant,* * were 
driving before them ; ' see note on G. 1. 
105. ** Campos salis aere secabant," 10. 
214. ** Spumat sale " (*• sale " ncut nom.) 
occurs Enn. A. 14. 1 (378 Vahlen). 

36.] * Sub pectore,' * deep in her breast,* 
with a derivative notion of secrecy. 
Comp. Aesch. Eum. 156, trxr^tv — inrh 
<pp4yas ^h \oP6y, [Theocritus 11. 15, 
^okdphoy €\kos. Lucr. 2. 639, **aeter- 

numque daret matri sub pectore volnus : " 
1. 84, ** aetemo devictus volnere amoris." 
— ^H. N.] It is perhaps better to take 

* aetemum * dosely with * volnus * than,a8 
the order might warrant, with * servans.* 
[* Vulnus' Med. and Rom.— H. N.] 

87.] *Secum:* **sine conscio," says 
Serv., comparing v. 225 below and 2. 93. 

* Loqui secum,* as opposed to * loqui cum 
aliquo,* is to soliloquize, if the person is 
alone ; to think or mutter, if the person 
is in oompany. It is the irporl hy fufBii<raro 
Oufihy of Od. 5. 285, where Poseidon takes 
the part taken by Juno here. * Mene — 
desistere : * for this use of the accus. and 
infin. to denote indignation or surprise, 
see Madv. § 399. In Greek tbe article is 
not UDfrequently prefixed to the infia. in 
this construction. *Victam,**baffled.' For 
one aspect of the word we may comp. 7. 
810, ** Vincor ab Aenoa:" for anotner, 
Hor. 1 Ep. 13. 11, ** Victor propositi." 

38.] * Avertere,* G. 2. 172. As Henry 
remarks, it means not merely to ium 
away, but to turn back. Rom. originally 
and Gud. have * Italiam.* 

39.] * Quippe * generally gives a reason 
(comp. vv. 59, 661 below, G. 1. 268., 2. 
49., 4. 394), sometimes with irony, and 
here with indignation. — The use of * ne,' 
which implies a negative answor, ex- 

Eresses incredulity that Pallas should 
ave done what Juno cannot. Hom., 
Od. 1. 326, makes the minstrel sing to the 
suitors of the y^aroy 'Axcuuy Avyphy ty 
ix Tpoiris iirtrclXaro TlaXKhs *A04\yri, But 
in Od. 3. and 4, where the retum of the 
Greeks is describcd in detail, he says 
nothing of a gcneral storm. Ajax, in 
Od. 4. 499, is shipwrecked, but saved on 
a rock, in spite of the enmity of Pallas, 
by Poseidon, who afterwards, provoked 
by his impious boast that he would 
escape in spite of the gods, cleaves the 
rock on which he is sitting, and drowns 
him. Aeschylus, like Virg., mentions a 
general storm, and implies (through the 
forebodings of Clytaemnestra) that it was 
the punishment of some impiety. The 
crime of Ajax is fixed by Lycophron and 
others to be insolence ofiered to Oassandra 
in the temple of Pallas. Virg. however 


Argivum atque ipsoB potuit submefgere ponto, 40 

Unius ob noxam, et furias Aiacis Oilei ? 

Ipsa, lovis rapidum iaculata e nubibus ignem, 

Disiecitque rates evertitque aequora ventis, 

Illum expirantem transfixo pectore flammas 

Turbine corripuit scopuloque infixit acuto ; 45 

meiely mentions him among others in 2. 
403, where CasBandra is dragged from 

40.] *Ip809,* 'Argivoe/ the crews, as 
distingoished from the ships. Forb. 
comp. IL 14. 47, irplv nvpl yrjas iutwpriffou, 
irrcinu 84 jcal aAro^s, 

41.] So Tryphiodonis v. 650, ive Ms 
'AftYfiouruf ix^fforo Tratrw *A0^yrj. [Lyco- 
phron 365, Ms 84 A<6j8i)s &Kr(.— H.N.] I 
that 'onius' is nottobetaken with * Aiacis' 
have plaoed a comma at ' noxam,' to show 

* Oilei,' bnt that the second clanse is dis- 
tinct from and epexegetio of the first. 
Gomp. V. 251 below, "unins ob iram.** 
But it is hard to judge in cases like this, 
whereit ia aquestion of minute oonsider- 
ations. See on 3. 162. *Furias' ex- 
presses the Homeric &t9}, the in&tnation 
which impels to crime. M^7* idffOri is 
twiceused of the provoeation which Ajax 
gives to Poseidon, Od. 4. 350, 509. 
*• Oilei ' is not an adjective, but a patro- 
nymio genitive, like 'OXKrios raxi>s Aloy. 
In Cic. de Orat 2. 66, and Ov. M. 12. 
622, * Oileos ' is probably the Greek geni- 
tive. Hyginus and Dictys Cretensis 
however are oited by Freund for an ad- 
jective, 'Oilens.* [Wilkins on Oie. 1. c. 
quotes Sen. Medea 664 for an adj. 

* Oileus,' Bcannedas atrisyllable, ** fulmine 
et vento moriens Oileus." — H. N.] For 
the orthography * Oilei,* not *Oili' (which 
is however the reading of Med., supported 
by some gcammarians, and adoptod by 
Bibbeck), see "Wagn. on v. 80 above, who 
decides that where the nominative termi- 
nates only in *eus,' the genitive must 
terminate, not in * i,' but in ' ei.' Bom. 
and Gud. have • Oilei.' 

42.] So Aesch. Eum. 827, she says of 
herself, Kcil jcA^Sos oVia hufxdrvy fi6yri $€wy 
'Ey oh Ktpavy6s iariy i<T<f>pttyiirfi4yos. 
Juno, in Book 4, raises a tlmnder-storm, 
but does not herself (' ipsa ') hurl the 
thunderbolt " Pallas fulminatrix," and 
the owl graspinga thunderbolt, arefound 
on coins. 'lovis ignem' is of oourse 
merely a periphrasis for the lightning. 
See the passage from Attius cited on v. 
44. Comp. Eur. l^ro. 80, ifiol 5* 8<^€iv 
^<rl rrvp KCpauviov, BdWtiy Axaiohs yavs 

rc mfirrpdyat rrvpi (spoken by Pallas). 

43.] Eurip. 1. c. makes Zeus send the 
storm and Poseidon raise the sea, PaUas 
being merely charged with the lightning. 
Quinct. Smym. 14. 444 foU. foUows 
Yirg., makes Zeus give all his artillery to 
Athena for the occasion, and delight in 
seeing the storm which she raises. He 
imitates Virg. in the speech whioh Athena 
addresses to Zeus, w. 427 foU., and also 
in the visit Iris is represented as paying 
on Athena's aeoount to Aeolia, for the 
special purpose of making the tempest 
worse about the headland of Caphareus, 
w. 474 foU., though in tho latter case his 
narrative is more summary. 

44.] pExspirantem' Rom. — H. N.] 
Comp. Luor. 6. 391 folU, ** icti flammas ut 
fulguris halent Pectore perfixo;" and 
Attius, Cly t. fr. 5 (quoted by Serv. on this 
passage), " In pectore fulmen inohoatum 
flammam ostentabat lovis." [Serv. says 
that Probus read * tempore ' for * pectore,' 
adding " qui * tempore ' leg^nt, de topica 
histoiia traotmn dicunt ; nam Ardeae in 
templo Castoris et PoUucis in laeva in- 
trantibus post forem Capaneos pictus est 
fulmen per utraque tempora traiectus. 
Et singulare nomen pro pluraU. Totius 
antem Italiae curiosissimum fiiisse Yer- 
gilium multifariam apparet."— H. N.] 

45.] Comp. Lucr. 1. c. " Turbine cae- 
lesti subito correptus et igni." * Turbine ' 
is the wind or foroe of the thunderbolt, 
as in 6. 594. See also on 2. 649. Forb. 
is right in placing a semicoion only after 

* acuto,' to show that * Ast ego,' &c., is 
connected with the lines preceding. One 
or two M8S. have * inflixit,' which Comu- 
tus ap. Serv. preferred "ut vehemen- 
tius." [8o perhaps Ti. Donatus, who 
paraphrases by ** inlidere ; " comp. Hyginus 
116, "Aiax Locrus fulmine est a Minerva 
ictus, quem fluctus ad saxa inliserant, 
unde Aiacis petrae sunt dictae."— H. N ] 

* Infixit ' is a little awkward af ter * trans- 
fixo ; ' and the construction " inflgere ali- 
quem alicui," to impale a person upon a 
thing, is, as Heury has pointed out, un- 
usual, if not exampled. * Infixit ' how- 
ever ia supported by Sen. Ag. 571 , ** Hae- 
rent aoutis rupibus fixae rates," quoted 



Ast ego, quae divom incedo regina, lovisque 
Et soror et coniunx, una cum gente tot annos 
Bella gero. Et quisquam numen lunonis adorat 
Praeterea, aut supplex aris imponit honorem ? 

Talia flammato secum dea corde volutans 
Nimborum in patriam, loca feta furentibus austris, 


by Oossrau. Henry^s fonner interpre- 
tation, making *80opulo' abl., and sup- 
pofiing Ajax to be pieioed by a fragment 
of rock hurled at him (* turbine * being 
paraUel with '* ingentis turbine saxi,*' 12. 
531), agrees to a oertain extent with 
Quinct. Smym. 14. 567 foU. (not with Sen. 
Ag. 552 foll., who foUows Hom.) ; nothing 
however ia there said about piercing 
Aiax, who is merely said to be over- 
whelmed by the rock as Enceladus was 
overwhelmed by Aetna ; so that the paral- 
lel is hardly made out. [Henry now takes 
the (words to mean " flxed on a rock, 
stuck on a rock."— H. N.] W. Ribbeck 
oites Seneca's poem to Corduba, yy. 18, 
14 (Wemsdorfs Poet. Lat Min. vol. 5, p. 
1367), ** Hle tuus quondam raagnlis, tua 
gloria, civis Infigar soopulo," which is in 
favour of the common iuterpretation, as 
the writer evidently means to speak of 
his banishment^to a rocky island as an 

46.] Apparently from II. 18. 364 foll., 
where Here pleads her dignity as great- 
est of the goddesses and consort of Zeus, 
as a reason why she should work her will 
on the Trojans. [*Ast' is an archaic 
word revived by Virg. and Cicero in his 
De Legibm. — H. N.] *Incedo,* poeti- 
caUy substituted for the simple copula 
** sum ; " with an allusion, of course, to 
the majesty of Juno*s gait. The word 
itself, as Henry remarks, does not neces- 
sarily imply majestio movement; but this 
notion is gained by attention being di- 
rected to the movement at all, in a con- 
text like this; at the same time, of 
course, that is enforced by the qualifying 
words * divom regina,' &c. Gomp. Prop. 
2. 2. 6, " incedit vel love digna soror." It 
is probable that Prop. had seen Virg. : see 
on V. 2 above [and vol. I. (fourth edition) 
p. XXV. * Divum * Med. and Rom.— H. N.] 

47.] KcuriyirfiTTty iKox^y ^*» U- 16. 432. 
* Una : ' Juno thinks it stranee that she 
should take so long to subdue a single 
nation; Venus, on the other hand (v. 
251 below), oomplains that she [and her 
son are persecuted to gratify a single 
individual, Juno. 

48.] The old reading, unsupported ap- 

parently by the better MSS., though one 
or two have 'adoret,* was 'adorat — ^im- 
ponat.' Heins. and Heyne recommended,. 
and later editors have restored, ' adorat — 
imponet' from Med., Bom., and other 
MSS. [Ti. Donatus read ' adoret '— * im- 
ponat' — H. N.] Some MS8. however, 
mcluding. Gud. originally, have * impo- 
nit ; ' and this would appear to be the 
true reading, both from the instances 
quoted by Wagn. in support of the in- 
oicative against the subjunotive (Ov. 3 
Am. 8. 1, 2, *'Et quisquam ingenuas 
etiamnum suspicit artis Aut teneram 
dotes carmen habere putat?" and Oon- 
solatio ad Liviam Incerti Auctoris, 7, 8), 
and from the nature of the case. < Et 
quisquam adoret * would be,* can it be that 
any one will or is likely to do it?' * et quis- 
quam adorat,' * can it be that any one is 
doing it ? ' If then the subjunotive is less 
forcible than the indicative, it is precisely 
because the future is less forcible tban 
the present. Those who read * imponet ' 
explain the change of tense by saying 
that *adorat praeterea' = "adorabit." — 
' Et ' couples the presents * adorat ' and 
•imponit' with *gero* — ^*I am proving 
my imbecility, and yet I have worship- 
pers I ' * Praeterea ' then will express, 
not 80 much sequence in time, as a logi- 
oal relation, like ^irtiTa, We may still 
however comp. [with Serv.] ** praeterea 
vidit," G. 4. 502. * Honorem ' G. 3. 486. 
* Imponere,' of offerings, 4. 453., 6. 246, 
253, G. 3. 490. The general thought 
seems to be from Poseidon'8 oomplaints 
in two distinct passages of Hom., II. 7. 
446 foU., Od. 13. 128 folL 

50—64.] * She goes to Aeolia, the home 
and prison of the winds, and applies to 
Aeolus their king.* 

50.] *Talia seoum volutans.' These 
words refer to the thought rather than 
to the expression : but that they are not 
inoompatible with an actual soliloq^uy, ap- 
pears Irom 4. 533, compared with ib. 553, 
and 6. 185, 186, compared with ib. 190. 

51.] *Patriam* gives a poetical hint 
of the personality of the storms; comp. 
V. 540 below, G. 1. 52, note; Ov. 3 Am. 
6. 40, ** Nilus Qui patriam tantae tam 



Aeoliam venit. Hic vasto rex Aeolus antro 
Luctantis ventos tempestatesque sonoras 
Imperio premit ac vinclis et carcere frenat. 
Uli indignantes magno cum murmure montis 
Circum claustra fremunt ; celsa sedet Aeolus arce 


bene celat aqnae." The notion of gene- 
ration U carried stUl farther In *feta.' 
' Tbe home of the storm-cloud, the teem- 
ing womb of raging southem blasts.' 

52.] * Aeoliam * appears from 8. 417 to 
be Lipara. The Aeolia of Hom. (Od. 10) 
bas been auppoBed to unite the character- 
istics of Lipara and Stron^yle, the latter 
of which appears to be assign^ by Virg. 
(L c) to Vulcan. CJomp. also Val. F. 1. 
579 foU. The Aeolus of Hom. is not a 
demigod, bnt the king of a sort of magio 
isle, entrusted bv Zeus with the control 
of the winds, but passing his life in 
continually feasting with hls queen and 

53.] HouL^s winds are not represented 
as stfuggling, or the;object of anxious 
cnstody. When Aeolus wishes to waft 
Ulysses to his country, he lets the west 
wind blow, and ties up all the rest in a 
skin. Val. P., on the oontrary, with 
questionable judgment, makes Aeolus 
let loose the winds whenever he finds 
them ungovemable. Gud. originally had 
* luotatos.' 

54.] Henry (on v. 86) considers the 
whole picture of the winds to have been 
sugpested by the Ludi Circenses, re- 
ferrmg partioularly to the words * imperio 
premit,' *frenat,* *fremunt,* *carcere,' 
and *claustra/ and citing the imitation 
by Val. F. 1. 611, "fundunt se carcere 
laeti Thraces equi Zephyrusque," and 
tho description of a chariot-race in Sidon. 
ApoU. 1. ad Gonsentium, opening with 
"lili ad claustra fremunt" Against this 
may be urged the collocation of two of 
the most important words, *carcere' and 
'frenat;' inasmuch as *carcere frenat' 
must mean *curbs with a carcer,' not 
•curbs in a carcer.* *VincliB* also 
app^rs to fix the sense of * oarcere ' as 
a prison-house, and not a barrier in a 
race-oourse. Again, *circum claustra 
fremunt ' is not the same thing as ** ad 
danstra fremunt" The more reasonable 
thing seems to be to say that Virg. uses 
imagery principally taken from the race- 
horse and the prison, but without intend- 
ing any one connected or uniform series 
of metaphors. Lucr., in a passage from 
which tnis is partly imitated (6. 189— 

), compares the wind pent in a 
thunder-cloud to wild beasts in a cage, 
'*in*caveisque ferarum more minantur, 
Nuno hinc nuno iUino fremitus per 
nubila mittunt Quaerentesque viam cir- 
cum versantur" (vv. 198—200). [See, 
for another view, on v. 81. — H. N.] 

55.] Here we are reminded of an 
earlier part of the passage just cited 
from Lucr., where the storm-clouds in 
which the winds are confined are com- 
pared to mountains (vv. 189, 190) and 
cavems (v. 195), ** moles . . . quas venti 
cum tempestate coorta Complerunt, 
magno indignantur murmure clausi 
Nubibus." It*is possible that the Lucre- 
tian image may have suggested to Virg. 
his deviation from the account in Hom. 
*Magno cum murmure:' comp. such 
phrases as **cum magna calamitate et 
prope pernicie civitatis," Cic. 2. Verr. 1. 
24. See also Hand, Tursell. 2. p. 152, 
foll. *Montis* with *murmure,' aa v. 
245 shows, in spite of the passage in 
Lucr. * "While the huge rock roars re- 

56.] Tt is not easy to say what or where 
this *arx' of Aeolus is intended to be. 
The common notion is that it is the top 
of the mountain in which the winds are 
confined. Henry once thought it was 
an eminence within the cave; now he 
takes it of a fortress or palaoe in the 
neighbourhood. This last certainly 
seems the most natural meaning of the 
word. The citadel is the natural dwell- 
ing of a despotic govemor (comp. Juv. 
10. 307) ; in Greek history^ tyrants seize 
it when they assume supreme power; 
and so here, as Aeolia is under a stron^ 
govemment, it is supposed to be fumished 
with an 'arx,' though the govemment 
consists in keeping the key of the prison. 
So in the description of tne shades, Stat. 
Theb. 8. 21, Pluto is described as** sedens 
media regni infelicis in arce," words 
apparently imitated from Virg., and 
doubtless to be imderstood fiimply sis 
bringing out the notion of sovereignty, 
without any partioular reference to the 
appropriateness of the image. It is in 
this * arx ' that Juno has her interview 
with Aeolus, who goes from it (though 



Sceptra tenens, moUitque animos et temperat iras ; 
Ni faciat, maria ac terras caelumque profundum 
Quippe ferant rapidi secum verrantque per auras. 
Set pater omnipotens speluncis abdidit atris, 60 

Hoc metuens, molemque et montis insuper altos 
Inposuit, regemque dedit, qui foedere certo 
Et premere et laxas sciret dare iussus habenas. 
Ad quem tum luno supplex his vocibus usa est : 
Aeole, namque tibi divum pater atque hominum rex 

thia is uot direotly aaserted) to the 
dungeoD, and opens the door. 'Sedet* 
«xpresses actual sitting, not, as Henry 
thinks, merely dweUing ; but it has no 
f orther appropriateness than as carrying 
out the image of * aroe ; ' and so * soeptra 
tenens/ the Homerio (ncTprrovx^s. [Ac- 
cording to Varro quoted by Serv. Aeolus 
was kiug of the Aeolian islands.— H. N.] 

57.] ^Krjirroa in Qreek appears to sig- 
nify generally the symbols of supreme 
authority rather than the actual sceptre. 
Virg. however uses it simply for * soep- 
trum/ 7. 252, and probably this is the 
meaning here, though tiiere is no 
special appropriateness in the image; 
see previous note. * Animos/ like *' ani- 
mosi," G. 2. 441 (note), is half physicaJ, 
half mental. ^MoUit,' &c., as Henry 
observes, expresses the general effect of 
Aeolus' Bway. [Serv. may have read 
*animas,' as he says of *animos' *^ id 
est ventos iir^ t«v h^iyMv^ ut ipse alibi 
(8. 403) * quantum ignes animaeque 
valent.'"— ILN.] 

58.] *Nifaciat— ferant— verrant' The 
present tense here, as in 6. 292., 11. 912, 
is Bubstituted for the imperfect to give 
greater vividness, and ezpress the greater 
immiDence of that which is preveuted or 
averted. * Faciat,* E. 2. 44, note. Med. 
has 'faciant.' '^Terrasoue traotusque 
maris oaelumque profnnaum," E. 4. 51, 

59.] Lucr. 1. 277 foU. " venti . . . cor- 
pora caeca Quae mare, quae terras, quae 
denique nubila caeU Verrunt ao subito 
vexantia turbine raptant." [" * Verrere* 
est *trahere,* a rete, quod *verriculum' 
dicitur," Serv., inverting the etymology. 
— H. N.] 'Quippe,* as Heyne remarks, 
in prose would precede * ni faciat.* Com- 
pare the position of ' scUicet ' in poetry. 
• Per auras' is equivalent to " per inane." 

60.] [*Sed'Rom.— H. N.]. 

61.J The distinction attempted by 
Wagn. between * hoc metuens * here and 

*id metuens* in r. 23, as if *hoc* 
referred to an immediate, * id ' to a more 
distant object of apprehension, ia ground- 
less. Virg. in v. 23 would naturfdly uso 
*id* rather than 'hoc,' having just said 

* hinc populum,' &c., and being about to 
say *his accensa super.' Otherwise 
'hoc' might have stood tbere as weU as 
here, aa in either place it would only 
mean * this which I have just mentioned.' 

* Molem et montis ' = " molem montium." 

* Insuper ' is rightlv taken by Wund. as 
*above,* not 'besides.* Comp. 3. 579, 
"ingentemque insuper Aetnam Inpo- 

62.] *Regemque dedit,* &c., imitated 
from Od. 10. 21 foU. *Foedus* is here 
nearly equivalent to * lex ; ' as in 6. 1. 
60, '*Continuo has leges aetema^ue 
foedera ccrtis Inposuit natura locis" 

63.] It is dif&cult to say whether the 
object of * premere * is * ventos * or * ha- 
beuas.' If the latter, which is supported 
by "pressis habenis," 11. 600, <laxas 
dare' must be taken together as equi- 
valent to ** laxare," like ** Haec ego vasta 
dabo," 9. 323. [Sall. lug. 59 uses « dare 
victos " for " vincere."— H. N.] Other- 
wise ' dare habenas ' might stand alone, 
as in 11. 623, ** datis referuntur habenis." 

* lussus,* " a love." 

64.] ' Ad * is not " apud," as Serv. 
thinks, but * ad quem,' &o., is equivalent 
to " quem allocuta est." ' Ad quem ' is 
used elliptically 10. 742. ** Vocibus usi," 
Lucr. 5. 1046. 

65—75.] * Sho begs him to wreck the 
Trojan fleet, and promises him one of 
her nymphs as a wife.' 

65.] IlaT^p kvhfmv re Btwv tc, II. l. 544. 
The * namque ' is also Homeric, e. g. D. 
24. 334, '£f>/ie(a, <ro\ ydp tc fid\iffT<i y% 
<piKTar6v iffTiv — BdffK* Wu Macrobius 
(Sat. 6. 1) says that the words *divum 
pater atque hominum rex' are from 
Ennius. Varro, L. L. 5. 65, quotes " di- 



Et mulcere dedit fluctus et toUere vento, 
Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum navigat aequor^ 
Hium in Italiam portans viotosque Penatis : 
Incute vim ventis submersasque obrue puppis, 
Aut age diversos et dissice corpora ponto. 
Sunt mihi bis septem praestanti corpore Nymphae, 
Quarum quae forma pulcherrima Deiopea, 
Conubio iungam stabili propriamque dicabo, 
Onmis ut tecum meritis pro talibus annos 
Exigat et pulchra faciat te prole parentem. 




vumque hommnmque pater rez ** as from 

66.] Od. 10. 22, V^y irav4fi*yai ^8* 
6pyiffify 5v jc* iBi\r\<riv, •Vento,' as the 
important word in the aentenoe, is to be 
taken with *mulcere' as weU as with 
* toUere/ Comp. note on E. 2. 26. 

67.] * Navigat aequor : * oomp. Cic. Fin. 
2. 34, ** cum Xerxes mare ambulavlBset, 
terramnayigasset" (if the reading "mare" 
be certain). 

68.] Imitated by Ov., F. 4. 251, " Cum 
Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros,'' 
aud again Ep. 7. 51, "Ilion in Tyriam 
transfer feUcius urbem." See on 2. 703, 
and comp. (with Weidner) 7. 233. * Vic- 
tosque Penatis,' 8. 11. 

69.] •Inoute vim ventis,' *throw fury 
into the winds.' Serv. quotes Enn. A. 
ino. fr. 117, <*dictis Romanis inoutit 
iram." Henry adopts another su^estion 
of Serv., mc^ing 'ventis* abl., like 
•• dictis " in Enn. L c, i. q. ** inoute vim 
Troianis per ventos." • Submersas obrue 
puppis:' comp. note on "iaotatos ar- 
cebat," V. 29 above. V Summersas ' Bom. 
— BLN.] 

70.] •Diversas' was the old reading, 
supported by inferior MSS. Heins. re- 
stored * diversos,* whioh would naturally 
be changed by copyists as sUghtly the 
more diffloult The idea of *aee di- 
verBOs' is kept up in *dissice,' though 
•oorpora' belongs rather to the notion 
conveyedin •submersas.* Med. originaUy 
had * aut ' for * et.' 

71.] In n. 14. 267, Here bribes Sleep 
by the ofTer of one of the Charites in 
marriage, they being represented in Hom. 
as her attendants, Uke the Nymphs here. 
«Praeetanti oorpore,' G. 4. 638. 

72.] *Deiopea' is the reading of aU 
Bibbeck^s MSS. The oommon and easier 
reading *Deiopeam,' which Heyne re- 
tained, is supported by quotations by 

AeUns Donatns and Bfaximus Victorinus. 

• Deiopea ' is mentioned with the epithet 

• Asia ' in Qt, 4. 843, as one of the oom- 
panions of Cyrene. *Forma pulcher- 
rima,' v. 496 below. 

73.] Heyne, whom Hermann (El. Doc. 
Met p. 63) approves, gets over the diffl- 
cnlty of the ^uantity in *oonubio' by 
making it a tnsyUable. The analogy of 
**pronubu8," **innubu8,"mightbepleaded, 
as proving a variation of quantity ; a view 
strongly supported by Luc. Miiller, De 
Re Metrica, p. 258, Munro ou Lucr. 3. 
776. ♦Propriam dicabo,' *make her 
thine for ever.' See E. 7. 31, note. 
Juno speaks not only as the mistress of 
the nymph, but as the goddess of marriage. 
It is in the same character that she offers 
to dispose of the hand of Dido, 4. 126, 
where this Une is repeated. The Une in 
n, 14. 268 is Ziiffw dmUfiivai ical <r^v 
K€K\iiff6at &IC0IT1V. Virg. charaoteriBti- 
caUy keep the form, whUe expressing 
himself in a different fashion. S^v 
KtK\ri<r0ai &Koirty may remind us of *' co- 
niunx quondam tua diota," 2. 678, and 
we may remember that ** dioo," *'dicare " 
has an affinity in usage, if not in form, 
vrith **dioo," **dicere" (comp. 6. 138 
note). *Tibi' is not expressed, being 
reaUy given in the foUowing lines. 

74.] II. 14. 269, Od. 5. 210, ^s alh 
44\9€ai lifiara irdyTtL Virg. appears to 
have taken i4\d€ai as the future, which, 
as Heyne remarks, would be supported 
by Od. 6. 281, €(« U fiiy Ijfiara wdyra, 
*• Pro taUbus ausis," 2. 535. 

75.] The sense will be the same, 
whether * pulohra prole ' is taken with 

• faciat * (** per pulchroe Uberos, quos tibi 
pariat, te faciat parentem," as Forb. has 
it), or with *parentem,' as a descriptive 
ablative. Weidner comp. Hor. 3 Od. 
5. 5, **MUe8ne Crassl coniuge barbara 
Turpis maritus vixit ? " 



Aeolus haec contra : Tuus, o regina, quid optes 
Explorare labor ; mihi iussa capessere fas est 
Tu mihi, quodcumque hoc regni, tu sceptra lovenique 
Concilias, tu das epulis accumbere divum, 
Nimborumque fiacis tempestatumque potentem. 80 

Haec ubi dicta, cavum conversa cuspide montem 
Impulit in latus : ac venti, velut agmine facto, 
Qua data porta, ruunt et terras turbine perflant. 

76 — 80.] * AeolusBays he cannot refuse 
the goddoss to whom he owes his power.* 

76.] He throws the responsibility on 
her. * Thine ifi the taek to eee well what 
thou askest.' So * fas est ' is exculpatoiy. 

* I am doing my duty in executing thy 
commands.' The general sense is from 
H. 14. 196, aiiia 5 ri <f>pov4tis' T€\4(rat 94 
/i« Ovfxhs Hytoyfy, 

77.] So Juno, 4. 115, "Mecum erit iste 

78.] Lucr. 2. 15, "Qualibus in tene- 
bris vitae quantisque periclis Degitur 
hoc aevi quodcunque est." In both cases 
the form is depreciating, and here it 
denotes the depreciation of modesty. 

* This poor realm of mine.' * Tu sceptra 
lovemquo Ooncilias,' *you make power 
and Jupiter*s paironage mine.' Jupitor 
is the dispenser of the powers of the 
universe. Aesch. Prom. 229. * Concilias 
— das — ^facis,* in the present, to express 
the tenure on which he continues to 
hold his station. Aeolus is far more com- 
plaisant than Sleep in Hom., who at first 
demurs violently to the request as dan- 
gerous to himself, and when promised 
a bride, exaots an oath from Here that 
she wiU keep her promise. In II. 14. 
212, Aphrodite tells Here she cannot 
refuse one who is the partner of Zeus* 

79.] Virg. possibly, as Heyne suggestd, 
had in his mind Here's first offer to 
Sleep, n. 14. 238, of a banqaeting throne 
and a footstool; though this need not 
have been at the feast of the gods. He 
may also have thought of the " lectister- 
nium." This proof of equality, however, 
is sufficiently common: comp. E. 4. 63, 
Hor. 3. Od. 3. 11, Aesch. Eum. 351. 

80.] Virg. probably refers to some phy- 
sical theory or legend connected with the 
oharaoter of Juno as queen of the air: 
this conception of her as making interest 
with an inferior god is however perfectly 
Homeric There is an awkwardness about 
the present line, which apparently merely 

repeats v. 78, and this when the mention 
of the banquet has intervened. 

81 — lOl.j *He opens the cave, the 
winds rush out, and there is a dreadful 
tempest. Anea8,seeingnothingbutdeath 
before him,wishe8 hehad died withhonour 
at Troy, like so many of his friends.' 

81.] Henry rightly explains the mean- 
ing to be that Aeolus, going to the cave, 
pushed the mountain on the side with 
his spear tumed towards it ('conversa 
cuspide *), and so opened the " chrastra," 
which are to be conceived of as folding 
doors opening inwards. Comp. 7. 620, 
'*Tum regina deum caelo delapsa mo- 
rantis ImpuUt ipsa manu portas," and 
the imitation of Val. F. (1. 608), "Cum 
valido contortam turbine portam Impulit 
Hippotades." [Schaper supposes the 
winds to be confined in separate cages 
like wild beasts (comp. Lucr. quoted on 
V. 54), and the * claustra * to be the doors 
of these cages. The *porta* liere he 
thinks is made by removing the * montes 
impositi' of vv. 61, 62. -H. N.] The 
words and rhythm of the line are imi- 
tated from Enn. A. ino. 77, **nam me 
gravis impetus Orci Percutit in latus," 
quoted by Serv. 'Excipit in latus* 
occurs 12. 507, and Stat. Theb. 1. 119 
has '^dubiumque iugo fragor impulit 
Oeten In latus." The * cuspis * is perhaps 
the same as the sceptre, v. 57; but we 
need not press these details. 

82.] *Velut agmine facto,* as it were 
with one acoord, the sense of oombina- 
tion lying in the *facto.* CJomp. G. 4. 
167, and Juv. 3. 162, *agmine facto 
Bebuerant olim tenues migrasse Qui- 
rites.' [Serv. says ** * agmine,' vel impetu 
vel multitudine. *Agmen* enim poly- 
eemus sermo eet. Nam impetum significat, 
ut * iUi agmine certo Laocoonta petunt,' 
multitudinem, ut *vooat agmina saeva 
sororum.' Etiam incedentem exeroitum 

* agmen vocamus.' " — H. N.] 

83.] 'Qua data porta,' through the 

* claustra ' so opened. 



Incubuere mari, totumque a sedibus imis 
TJna Eurusque Notusque ruunt creberque procellis 86 
Africus, et vastos volvunt ad litora fluctua 
Insequitur clamorque virum stridorque rudentum. 
Eripiunt subito nubes caelumque diemque 
Teucrorum ex oculis ; ponto nox incubat atra. 
Intonuere poli, et crebris micat ignibus aether, 90 

Praesentemque viris intentant omnia mortem^ 
Extemplo Aeneae solvuntur frigore membra ; 
Ingemit, et duplicis tendens ad sidera palmas 
Talia voce refert : terque quaterque beati, 
Quis 6mte ora patrum Troiae sub moenibus altis 95 

84.] For the iDstantaneous effect ex- 
pressed by the transition to the perfect 
nere and in t. 90, oomp. G. 1. 330. 

* HeaTilv they are fallen on the sea.' 

85.] Od. 6. 295, :ihv 8* EZp6s re IfSros 
T* lirc<r«, Z€^vp6s re SvcrafiSt Kal Bop4rjs 
iu0priy€v4r7iSt fi4ya Kvfia KvKiyhw. Comp. 
also Enn. A. 17, fr. 5. Seneca (Nat. 
Quaest. 16) reproves Virg. for having 
made three out of the four winds blow at 
once. Trapp and Heyne try to defend 
him on the plea that shifting winds are 
oommon. But this obviously is not his 
meaning. AU the winds leave the cave 
at once. MUton*s classicism has led him 
to the same violation of nature, Par. Reg. 
Book 4: **nor slept the winds Witbin 
their stony caves, but rushed abroad 
From the four hinges of the world, and 
feU On the vexed wildemess" (quoted 
by Henry). The effect of the emission 
of aU the winds from tho skin in Hom. 
(Od. 10. 54), is that Ulysses is blown 
back to the island from wbioh he came. 

* Bunnt ' seems here to be * upheave ' (see 
note on 0. 1. 105) ; but it is possible that 
the *aequor* may be conceived of as a 
kind of ceiUng, which crashes down on 
a movement from below. 

87.] As in Od. 10. 121 foU., the havoc 
inade on the ships is not expre&sly men- 
tioned, but more vividly indicated by the 
cries of distress on board. Serv. quotes 
a fragment from the Teucer of Pacuvius : 
^'armamentum stridor, flictus navium, 
Strepitus, fremitus, clamor tonitruum, et 
radentum sibUus " (as restored bv Her- 
mann : see Bibbeck, Fragm. p. 100). 

88.'] Od. 5. 293, ehv 8^ i/€<^f (ro-i icrfA.xn^€ 
Fcuay duov #ca2 'x6vrov op^pti 8* ovpav60€v 
j^|. Comp. 8. 198, **Involvere diem 
nimbi et nox umida caelum Abstulit.'* 

90.] *Intonuere poli,* **axeB, i e. ex- 

tremae partes caeU super quibus oaelum 
vertitur, i. e. iroAerTai, unde verticee La- 
tine, Graece ir6\oi dicuntur: duo enim 
sunt, Notios et Boreos, a quibus totum 
caelum contonuisse signiflcat," 8erv. ' It 
thunders from pole to pole.* Heyne and 
others think ifc would be more forcible 
to omit * et,' with one or two M8S. ; but 
this would spoil the sense, as of course 
the lightning really comes before the 
thunder, whereas, if tho two were men- 
tioned separately, it would seem as if 
the poet actually intended to reverse the 
natural order. 

91.] ** Ostentant omnia letum," Catull. 
64. 187. 

92.] *Frigore,' *chilling fear,' in 12. 
951, where these words are repeated, the 
chill of death. In the same connexion 
Hom. (Od. 5. 297) Koi r6r* *Ohv(T<rnos \<no 
yo{fvara koX <f>l\ov ^rop. 

98.] Schirach renders * duplicis,* 
«clasped.* But see 7. 140, **Et duplicis 
caeloque Ereboque parentes." So Luor. 
6. 1146, **Et duplicis oculos suffusa luoe 

94.] *Referre* cannot here have its 
usual sense of * reply ; ' nor can it mean 
to recount, as in ** quid referam." Either 
then the word must be construed simply 
*says,' or it must be explained as an 
elliptical expression for ** refert pectore," 
which we fiud 5. 409. — *0 terque ^ua- 
terque beati,' &o. The whole of this is 
olosely imitated from part of the speech 
of Ulysses, Od. 5. 306—312. The horror 
of Ulysses is excited by the prospect of 
death without glory and without burial ; 
that of Achilles when in danger of 
drowning (II. 21. 272), by the prospect of 
death without glory. Comp. aleo for the 
Bentiment Aesch. Cho. 845 folL, 363 foU. 

95.] *Ante ora patrum' probably 



Contigit oppetere I o Danaum fortissime gentis 
Tydide ! mene Uiacis occumbere campis 
Non potuisse tuaque animam hanc efifundere dextra, 
Saevus ubi Aeacidae telo isujet Hector, ubi ingens 
Sarpedon, ubi tot Simois correpta sub undis 
Scuta virum galeasque et fortia corpora volvit ? 

Talia iactanti stridens Aquilone procella 
Velum adversa ferit, fluctusque ad sidera tollit 
Franguntur remi ; tum prora avertit, et undis 


meaDB dying with the Mends, for whom 
they are fightiDg, to oheer them on. 
VThkt Ib here the consolation of the sod, 
is elsewhere the aggravation of the 
father^s sorrow, as iu G. 4. 477, A. 10. 
443. *Troiae sab moenibus altis,' 10. 

96.1 * Oppetere * is merely a sjmonym 
for ' obire,' as appears from Fhaedr. 3. 16. 
2, Sen. Troad. 8. 6. 9 ; not, as Forb. and 
Doederlein think, especially appropriated 
to death yoluntuily or bravely encoun- 
tered. Aeneas is nearly killed by Dio- 
med, from whom he is rescued by 
Aphrodite, II. 5. 297 foll. Diomed is 
characterized as the bravest of the Greeks 
by Helenus, D. 6. 98, Achilles being 
specially not excepted. 

97.] From a fragment of Ennius quoted 
by Serv. on 2. 62, "Morti occumbunt 
oDviam," it would seem as if "morti 
oooumbere '* was the full phrase ; so that 
the preposition may thus be explained. 
"Morte occumbere" and "mortem oo- 
cumbere" however also occur. *Mene' 
with inf. V. 37, uote. 

99.1 'Saevus' has no special meaning 
here, Dut is the Homeric^^EicTopos ivBpo- 

100.] Virg. appears to have forgotten 
that in Hom. (II. 16. 667 foU.) the body 
of Sarpedou is carried away to Lycia. 
Wagn. and Forb. however understand 
* iacet ' in the sense of a historio present, 
and render it 'was slain.' Perbaps we 
may say that Aeneas, who in the line 
before speaks of the act of dying, is here 
thinking merely of the moment of death. 
The expression however is the same in 
Od. 3. 108 foU., which Heyne comp. : 

ivBa 8* lircira Kar^KTaBep HiTtToi ipioroi» 
Iy0a fi^v Mas KtTrai h^Xos^ Ma 8* 
'Ax«AXfi>5 K, T. X., 

where the meaning seems to be ^There 
we left Ajaz, AohiUes,' &c * lacet telo' 
= ^stratus est telo.' 'Ubi tot Simois,' 

&c. : imitated from Hom. (II. 12. 22), who 
however speaks of the spoils and bodies 
of thoee who fell on the banks of Simois. 
"Quos Simois premat ille viros," 11. 
257. A few MSS. read *sub undas,' a 
varietv mentioned by Serv. and sup- 

Jorted by the parallel passage 8. 5^. 
ahn and Forb. suppose the difference 
of case to be justified by the differenoe of 
tense between * volvit * and * volves,* which 
is the word there. But it is not clear 
that in the present passage we ought noi 
to oonnect 'sub undis' with ^correpta,' 
"volvit quae corripuit sub undis;" in 
which case the genius of the language 
would bear either reading. 

102—^^3.] 'The storm grows worse: 
the ships are dasbed on rocks, stranded 
on sandbanks, or spring leaks, and one is 
wholly lost.' 

102.] Virg. continues to imitate Hom. 
(Od. 5. 313 folL). 'lactare' expresses 
the * wild and whirling words ' of Shaks- 
peare. See ou £. 2. 5. ' lactanti ' is a 
variety of the ethical dative, and may be 
illustrated by such passages as Livy 
1. 8., "Locum qui nunc saeptus de- 
scendentibus inter duos luoos est, asylum 
aperit." Comp. the Greek idiom fiovKo- 
fi4v^ riyl fhai. 'Acjuilone,* "ab Aqui- 
lone,'' Serv. But it seems better to 
render 'stridens Aquilone,* ^howling 
with the north windl* Comp. Od. 12. 
407 (a passage which Yirg. had before 
him throughout this scene), al^a ykp 
^AOcv KcirAirxcbs Zt<f>vpos fiay6ikp cvy \al 
Aoiri e^r. The north wind, as Seneoa 
remarked (see on y. 85), has not been 
hitherto mentioned; but it is evident 
that the variety is in the expression, 
not in the incident. So in v. 131, Eurus 
and Zepbyrus are obviously meant to 
include all the winds. 

103.] «Velum adversa ferit,' 'strikes 
the sail full in front.* Gud. and the first 
reading of Med. have ' flnctum.' 

104.] * Franguntur remi : * the oars 



Dat latus ; insequitur cumulo praeruptus aquae mons. 
Hi summo in fluctu pendent ; his unda dehiscens 106 
Terram inter fluctus aperit ; furit aestus harenis. 
Tris Notus abreptas in saxa latentia torquet — 
Saxa vocant Itali mediis quae in fluctibus Aras— 
Dorsum inmane mari summo ; tris Eurus ab alto iio 

are broken in the portholes by the sadden 
stroke of the wave, whioh dashes them 
oat of the hands of the rowers. Yal. F., 
in his imitation (1. 618), has ''excussi 
manibos remi." Bowing and sailing at 
the saroe time is contrary to the Homerio 
practice, ao far as it can be gathered; 
and in Virg. himself (3. 207) the crow 
lower the sail first, and then take to the 
oar. Med., Gud., and some other MSS. 
(not Rom.), have * proram avertit,' which 
Jahn adopts. [*Proram' is also the 
reading of Daniers Servius. — H. N.] 
But *proceUa,' as Wagn. remarked, can 
hardly be nom. to * dat latus,* though it 
might be to *proram avertit;' and it 
would be very harsh to understand 
* navis ' with both. We have " avertens ** 
in an intrans. sense v. 402 [and * averto ' 
intransitive in Plautus Miles Gl. 202, 
1065 (Lorenz). Comp. Livy 32. 12 ** ver- 
torat perioulum in Komanos." — ^H. N.] 
Wagu. now says (Lect. Verg.) **praram 
restituo, sed paene invitus." Haupt and 
Bibbeck retain * prora.' The oars being 
broken, the ship is at the meroy of the 
waves, which tum her head round. 
Weidner comp. Val. F. 1. c ** conversaque 
frontem Puppis in obliquum resonos 
latus aocipit ictus." 

105.] *Undis dat latus,* like **telo dat 
pectus," 10. 425. * Cumulo * is an adver- 
bial ablat. So 2. 498, ** amnis Fortur in 
arva furens cumulo," * in a mass.' *Prae- 
ruptus aquae mons ' is taken from ApoU. 
R. 2. 580, Kufia — iiroTjU^^i (Tkotci^ Xffov» 
[Comp. Od. 3. 290 Kvftara tc rpo<l>6€tn-a, 
wiX^pia, Iffa SpfiTffiy, But it must bo 
observed that *mon3* often means no 
more than a great mass of rock.— H. N.] 
A huge wave comes down upon the ship. 

106.] *Hi* is seen from what follows 
(* Tris Notus,' &c.) to refer to different 
ahips, not to men in differentparts of the 
same. Here theelevation and depression 
are described as simultaneous ; in 3. 564 
foU. they are undergone successively by 
the whole fleet. * Pendent ' as in 10. 303. 

107.] Henry rightly understands * f urit 

harenis,' * raves with the sand,' not * on 

the sand ; ' comp. ** aestu miscentur 

harenae," in the parallel paseage 3. 557, 


note. As he remarks, Virg. may be 
thinking of, if not specially referring to, 
the Syrtes, which are described by aall. 
Jug. 78, **Ubi mare magnum esse et 
saevire ooepit ventis, limum harenamque 
et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt . . . 
Syrbes ab tractu nominatae." Weidner 
comp. 7. 530, G. 3. 241. Comp. also 
Soph. Ant. 590, Kv^Sy$€t fivffffSQtv KfKai- 
vcbv ffiya Kal Bvtrdy^fjLoy, and Apoll. B. 4. 
1265 (speaking of the Syrtes, and pro- 
bably imitated by Virg.), i^\i0a 8* 08»/> 
"SaiyOfieyoy xoKinaiy dmrpoxdti ^afidOoKriy, 

* Surf and sand are raving together.* 

108.] * Latentia,' i. e. in a storm, for 
in a calm they are visible, * dorsum in- 
mane mari summo.' Comp. 5. 125. 
These * saxa ' are generally supposed to 
be the **Aegimoerae insulae" at tho 
mouth of the bay of Carthage. Pliny 5. 
42, "Contra Carthaginis siniun duae 
Aegimoerae arae, scopuli verius quam 
insulae, inter Siciliam maxime et Sardi- 
niam." Mr. Long, however, identifies the 

* saxa ' with the Skerki Bocks, which are 
on the Adventure Bank« a shallow pla- 
teau between Sicilyand Tunis. [Sisenna, 
quoted by Serv.,said that the name * Arae* 
was given to the rocks by the Italians, 
** quod ibi Afri et Bomani foedus inierunt 
et fines imperii sui illic esse voluerunt." 
Serv. adds that Claudius Quadrigarius 
spoke of them as called **Arde Nep- 
tuniae," and quotes from Varro De Ora 
Maritima lib. L ** ut faciunt ei qui ab 
Sardinia Siciliam aut oontra petunt. 
Nam si utramque ex conspectu amiserunt, 
sciunt periculose se navigare, ac verentur 
in pelago latentem insulam, quem locum 
vocant * aras.' "— H. N.] 

109.] Suspioion has been oast by Hevne 
on this verse as a prosaic interpolation, 
but it is acknowledged by Quint. Inst. 
8. 2 ; and without it, as Wagn. remarks, 

* dorsum inmane mari summo' would con- 
tradict *latentia.' The order is *saxa 
quae mediis in fiuctibus (exstantia) Itali 
vocant aras.' Med. and Gud. * mediisque,' 
an obvious error. 

110.] *Dorsum,' 10. 303. [*Immane,* 
Bom. Gud.— H. N.] * Ab alto,' from the 
deep sea, contrasted with * brevia.' 



In brevia et Syrtis urgnet, miserabile visu, 

Inliditqne vadis atqne aggere cingit harenae. 

Unam, quae Lyoios iSdnmqne vehebat Oronten, 

Ipsius ante oculos ingens a vertice pontns 

In puppim ferit : excutitur pronusque magister 115 

Volvitur in caput ; ast illam ter fluctus ibidem 

Torquet agens circum, et rapidus vorat aequore vortex. 

Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto, 

Arma virum, tabulaeque, et Troia gaza per undas. 

lam validam Hionei navem, iam fortis Achati, 120 

Et qua vectus Abas, et qua grandaevus Aletes, 

111.] •In brevia et Syrtifl/ i. e. "in 
brevia Syrtimn." We have '^brevibna 
vadis," 5. 220. 80 Tac. A. 1. 70, " Neque 
disoemi poterant incerta ab solidifl, bre- 
via a profundis." Serv. compares rii 
fipax4a, [*Urget,'Med.andGud.— H.N.] 

113.] * Oronteu : ' Med. and Qud. here. 
and in 6. 334 (in the latter passage Rom. 
also), have • Orontem.' But the analogy 
of other words of the sortformed from the 
Greek, as written in the best MS8. of 
Virg., is in favour of • Oronten ; * which 
is Bupported too by Charisius (see on v. 
220), and defended by Wagn. (Q. V. 3); 
who howevcr does not appear altogether 
consistent in adopting * im * as tbe acous. 
of names in * is,' tbough the best MSS. 
snpport him. 'Fidus' is a natural 
epithet of an aUy who had foUowed the 
fortimes of Troy, not only during the 
^iege, but in exile. 

114.] 'Ipsius,* Aeneas. 'Ingens pon- 
tas,* " a vast mass of £ea,' as we speak of 

* shipping a heavy sea.' No aulhority ia 
quoted for this use of * pontus ; * and from 
the imitation by Val. F. (4. 666), "roag- 
no puppim procul aequore vestit," it 
would appear to be a phrase invented by 
Virg. himself. Od. 5. 313, (Xaaty fi^a 
Kvna KOT* &Kpri5 Ativhv ixttravfuyov, *A 
vertice * is a translation of kot* iSiKpfns» 

115.] ' Ferit (navim) in puppim,' like 
''montem inpulit in latus,'* v. 81. *Ma- 
gister,' properly the pUot, who is here the 
same as the steersman, ** gubernator." 
Both names are given to Palinurus, 6. 
337, 353 (where "excussa magistro" 
is paraUel to * excutitur '). C!omp. Od. 
12. 413. Serv. says some in his time read 

* pronum,' taking it adverbially. 

116.] •Ibidem,' on the spot. ^ r Ae- 
XixByi iraira, Od. 12. 416. 

117.] * Vertex,' not * vortex,* is the con- 
stant orthography of Med. But Bom. 

and Gud. here have * vortex ' [, a speUing 
supported by Pliny quoted by Charisius 
p. 52 P.— H. N.] * Vorat aequore,' * en- 
gulfs.' So"vorago." 

118.] ' Bari nantes,' with reference to 
*vasto.' Comp. Od. 12. 418, wbere the 
drowning crew are compared to sea-birds. 

119.] Some diflSculty has been raised 
about *■ arma ' floating, which is justifled 
by a passage in Livy, 1. 37, " fluitantia 
arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi.'' But 
the picture hero is momentary, and 
flashes before the eyes of Aeneas. ' Ta* 
bulae/ planks. Comp. idyaKds rc vt&v 
Kcd o^etf/uara ^poiTcov K^fiatt a\6s <pop4ov(rif 
Od. 12. 67. * Troia:' this is the ortho- 
graphy of the btst MSS. in Virg., though 
*Troicus* is found in otber authorg. 
* Troia gazn,* 2. 763. For * gaza ' see on 
5. 40, where, qb in 2. 763, Med. has the 
spelling * gazza.* 

120.] The names of Ilioneus and Abaa 
are from Hom. (H. 14. 489., 5. 148). but 
the persons are differcnt, both being 
killed in Hom. [Conington read * Acha- 
tae ' from Med. Bom. and Gud. But 
Pliny in the sixth book of his treatise 
*' dubii sermonis " read * Achati.' Chari- 
sius p. 107 P. " * Herculi ' pro * HercuUs ' 
et * Dlixi * pro *huiu8 Ulixis * dioi coeptum 
est, inquit Plinius eodemlibroVL, (juoniam 
regula, incjuit, illa, si genetivo smgulari 
ovs littens nomina finientur Graeca, 
velut rov Evfi.4vovs, rov Aioy4vovSi nostros 
quo^ue *huius Eumenis' 'huius Dio- 
genis ' oportet profcrre; at si rov EhptTlBov, 
rov Xpiffov, tunc demum nostros a subtra- 
here debere. Itaque *huius Euripidi,' 
' Chrysi,' debere censeri, ut * fortis Ac- 
hati,' et * acris Oronti.' Sed nostra, inqnit, 
aetas in totum istam decllnationem abo- 
levit."— H. N.] 

121.3 'Grandaevns* is said not to be 
found m any author earlier than Virg. ; 



Yicit hiemps ; laxis laterum compagibus omnes 
Accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt. 

Interea magno misceri murmure pontum, 
Emissamque hiemem sensit Neptunus et imis 
Stagna refusa vadis, graviter cbmmotus : et alto 
Prospiciens, summa placidum caput extulit unda. 
Disiectam Aeneae toto videt aequore cljwsem, 
Fluctibus oppressos Troas caelique ruina, 
Nec latuere doli fratrem lunonis et irae. 
Eurum ad se Zephyrumque vocat, dehinc talia fatur : 

Tantane vos generis tenuit fiducia vestri ? 
lam caelum terramque meo sine numine, Yenti, 
Miscere, et tantas audetis tollere moles ? 



" gTondaeritas " however ifl qnoted from 
PacuTius, Herm. fr. 1, and Attias, Al- 
cum. fr. 6. Bacch. fr. 7. 

122.] [Porthe language comp. Lncr. 6. 
1071 "quom laxare queant compages 
taurea vincla." Livy 85. 26 **omniDU8 
eompagibus aquam acciperet" Virg. A. 
6. 414, ** multam accepit rimosa paludem." 
— H. N.] 

123.] * Imbrem : ' Serv. quotes Ennius 
(Ann. 490), " ratibusque fremebat Imber 
Neptuni.** Lucr. ufles "imber" for the 
element of water, e. g. 1. 715. Med. ori- 
ginally and Qud. * remis.* 

124—141.] 'Neptune riscfl from the 
deep, and dismiflaes the winds with 

124.] Ulysses in the Odyssey (5. 382) 
ifl saved by Leucothea and Pallas, from 
pity and interest in his fate ; but Nep- 
tune appears to intervene only to assert 
his own autUoriiy and repross Aeolus. 
See however 5. 801. *Magno misceri 
mnrmure,' 4. 160. 

126.] Berv. takes * stagna ' as the stiU 
water at the bottom of the sea. Heyne 
oonsiders it to bo the Homerio \lfxvrf. 
There is no difficulty in fixing the general 
sense of *refufla* as *disturbed.* Stat. 
Theb. 1. 359, "Stagnoque refusa est 
Funditufl et veteri spumavit Lema ve- 
neno." But the specific sense, and the 
connexion of that sense with other uses 
of the word in Virg. (see 6. 107., 7. 225, 
G. 2. 163), are more doubtfol. It may 
mean no more than that the water is 
noured back or worked up from the 
bottom. * Alto prospicieDs,* * looking out 
over the sea.' Comp. v. 154. To the 
other interpretation, *in care for the 
main/ it may be objected that we should 

rather have expected *suis regnis,' or 
some fluch expression, and that Yirgil 
nowhere else uses * prospicio ' metaphori- 

127.] Repeated from 'G. 4. 352, with 
the substitution of * placidum * for ** fla- 
vum." *Placidum caput,' because he 
was about to still or make placid the 
waves (Heyne). [Henry now explains 
it of "the cool, calm countenance with 
which a Napoleon or a Wilhelm enters a 
chamber of miaisters or a house of assem- 
bly which has displeased him.** — H. N.] 
There is no inconsistency between * com- 
motus* and 'plaoidum,' a subject on 
which Heyne has written an Excursus. 

129.] •Caeliruina:' comp. G. 1. 324, 
" ruit arduus aether." * The downfall of 
the sky.' Rom. and Gud. 'ruinam,' the 
* m ' being erased. 

130.] * Nec latuere,' ouBl \deoy, Apoll. 
R. 4. 753. 

132.J *Generi8 fiducia vestri,* confl- 
dence in your semi-divine origin. 

133.] * lam— ,' * is it come to this, that' 
&c. *Caelum terramque miscere' is a 
proverbial expression Ibr nniversal con- 
fusion. *' Quid tandem est cur caelum ac 
terras misceant?" Livy 4. 3. Another 
variety of the same image is found in the 
paraUel A. 5. 790 (note), " maria omnia 
caelo Miscuit." ** Sine onmine divom " 
2. 777., 5. 56, where as here • numine ' 
may be taken nearly in its strict sense of 
"nutu" (comp. 2. 123 note). The ex- 
pression is not oonfined to poetry: Cic. 
Fhil. 13. 5 has "Mihi quidem numine 
deoram immortalium videtur hoc Fortuna 

134.1 We may either take *moles' 
metaphorically, as * confusion ' (* tollere ' 



Quos ego — ! Sed motos praestat componere fluctus. 
Post milii non simili poena commissa luetis. 
Maturate fugam, regique haec dicite vestro: 
Non illi imperium pelagi saeyumque tridentem, 
Set mihi sorte datum. Tenet ille inmania saxa, 
Yestras, Eure, domos ; illa se iactet in aula 
Aeolus, et clauso ventorum carcere regnet. 

Sic ait, et dicto citius tumida aequora placat, 
CoUectasque fugat nubes solemque reducit. 
Cymothoe simul et Triton adnixus acuto 
Detrudunt navis scopulo ; levat ipse tridenti ; 
Et vastas aperit Syrtis, et temperat aequor, 




being " excitare "), or as " moles unda- 
rum/' which is more poetical. Bil. 14. 
123, ** molem maris." See on 5. 790. 

135.] * Quos ego — ! * A similar apo- 
siopesis in a threat is quoted by Serv. 
firom Ter. Andr. 1. 1. 187, ** Quem quidem 
ego, si sensero^! Sed quid opus est ver- 
bis?" Emm. remarks that they are 
oommonl^ foUowed by ^sod/ as in the 
passage just given. Comp. Oy. Her. 12. 
207, ** Quos equidem actutum . . Sed quid 
praedicere poenam Attinet ? ingentis par- 
turit ira minas." 

136.] It matters Httle whether we toke 
* non * with * simili * • luetis : * but the 
former is best * Post,* * another tlme.* 

137.] ' Maturate,* * accomplish betimes,* 
a sense which here would be equivalent to 
« properate," though in G. 1. 260 (note) 
the two are naturally distinguished. 

138.] • Saevum/ P terrible,* iuv6v : so 
*formidable'in] Tibull. 1. 1. 22, "Ter- 
reat ut saeva falce Priapus aves." 

139.] *Sorte datum,* the division be- 
tween the three brothers was by lot, II. 15. 
187 foll. * Tenet Ule,' * his province is.' 
Hor. 3 Od. 4. 62, *^qui Lyciae tenet 
Dumeta natalemque silvam Delius et Pa- 
tareus ApoUo," [* Immania ' Eom. Gud. 
— H. N.] 

140.] * Vestras,' referring to the whole 
company, though only one is named. So 
9. 525, •* Vos, CaUiope, precor, adspi- 
rate canenti." ' Euri domus,' in a dif- 
ferent Bense, G. 1. 371. *Illa,' &c. Hom. 
II. 1. 179, OficoS* litv ahy yyivffl re aps Koi 
aois krdpouTi MvpfuBSycaaoiy &yaaa€. 

141.] ' Clauso ' is emphatic and a pre- 
dioate {iy KtK\ttafjiiytf rf Btafixernpl^X 
though it may also be abl. abs., as Henry 
prefers to regard it. The words are weU 
rendered by Trapp, ** But bid him bar the 

prison of his winds." This and the pre- 
vious olause may seem to favour some 
other interpretation of v. 56 than that 
adopted there; but without extending, 
as Henry does, 'aula* to the whole of 
Aeolia, we may suppose that Aeolus ooca- 
sionally visits and rebukes his prisoners. 
"Regnet in aula," G. 4. 90 (quoted by 

142 — 156.] * He allays the storm, and 
extricates the ships.' 

142.] ' Dicto citius,' before he had done 
his speech the waters were calm. So in 
Aesch. Suppl. 598 (of Zeus), xdptori 8* 
fpyoy ebs ^iroy ^xevaai ri r&y fio^Kios <p4p€i 
<f>p-fiy, One of Bibbeck*s cursives has 
* Haec ait.* 

143.] The reversal of v. 88, '* Eripiunt 
subito nubes caelumque diemque." 

144.] * Cymothoe,' one of the Oceanides, 
Hes. Theog. 245. In ApoU. R. 4. 1602 
foll. Triton pusbes the Argo into the sea, 
as Thetis and the Nereids had guided it 
through the Symplegades, ib. vv. 930 foU. 
Comp. the agency of Cymodoce, 10. 246. 

145.] * Navis,* i. e. the three ships men- 
tioned v. 108. * Levat,' raises them with 
his trident, so that they may float off the 

146.] *Vasta8 aperit Syrtis,' makes a 
way through the Syrtes, so that the three 
Bhips (V. 1 10) may get out. [Pliny 2. 122 
" ver ergo aperit navigantibus maria." — 
H. N.] Henry objects that ' vastas * shows 
that the action is on the whole Syrtes, 
which he acoordingly supposes Neptune 
to level. But in the very instanoe which 
he quotes (10. 13, " Alpes inmittet aper- 
'tas ^) the meaning is not that the Alps 
are levelled, but that a way is made 
through them. 'Vastas* and *aperit' 
are explained by v. 112, "aggere oingit 



Atque rotis summas levibus perlabitur undas. 

Ac veluti magno in populo oum saepe coorta est 

Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, 

lamque faces et saxa volant (furor arma ministrat) ; 160 

Tum, pietate gravem ac meritis si forte virum quem 

Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auribus adstant ; 

Ille regit dictis animos, et pectora mulcet : 

Sic cunctus pelagi cecidit fragor, aequora postquam 

Prospiciens genitor caeloque invectus aperto 166 

Flectit equos curruque volans dat lora secundo. 

harenae." The ships are siirroimded bj 
the sandbank on all ddes. 

147.] * Rotis levibuB perlabitnr :' comp. 
in Hom/s desoriptiou of the progress of 
Poseidon, IL 13. 29, roi 5' iirirovTo 'Plfuf^a 
/*dx*y ow8* iw4yfp0€ ttaiptro x<^^' Hittv. 
8o 5. 819, *'Oaeraleo per snmma leyis 
volat aeqnora ourru." Heyne observes 
that such a Neptune is often found on 

148.] Tliis simile, rperhaps, as Henrj 
says, suggested by Hesiod Theog. 81 
folL,] is remarkable as an illustration of 
Nature from man, the reverse of which is 
the general rule in Yirg. as in Hom. The 
image was no doubt suggested bj the 
riots in the Boman fonmi during the 
furious politioal contests of the later 
repubUc. — [From Cicero pro Oluentio 49 
it would appear that the converse of 
this simile was oommon. — H. N.] *Ao 
velutL' Tbis passage, which has been 
ab-eady referred to in the note on G. 3. 
19C, is an instanoe of a simUe where the 
oonstniction of the sentence ia f uUy drawn 
out. * Ac * couples the whole (vv. 148 — 
156) with what has gone before. The 
apodosis to * veluti' is ' sic ' (v. 154) ; that 
to * ciun ' would seem to be * tum ' (v. 
150), as it is there tbat the point of tbe 
simile is introduced. 'Cum saepe,' as 
Lucr. 3. 912., 4. 1203, quoted by Forb. ; 
apparently a confusion between **sa6pe 
cum" and ^'curo, ut, saepe fit:" see 
Munro on Lucr. 5. 1231. 'Magno in 
populo,' *in a oonoourse of people,* not 
• in a mighty people.* It may be ques- 
tioned whether the position of the words 
here and in 6. 707, " Ac velut in pratis," 
11. 908, ** Ac velut in somnis," does not 
show that * magno in populo ' is meant to 
indicate the scene of tne whole, so that a 
comma should be put after 'populo.' 
[Bibbeck writes *cohorta' from the cor- 
rected reading of Med.— H. N.] 

149.] * Animis,' * in their minds ; ' like 
" obstipuere animis," 9. 123, not, as Heyne 
renders it, *with passion.' In 5. 462, 
which Weidner comp., ^'saevire animis 
EnteUum haud passus acerbis," theaddi- 
tion of an epithet of course makes a dif- 

150.] * lamque,' * and at last they have 
begun to throw,' &c. Comp. 12. 656, 
** lamque faces ad tecta volant." * Faces,' 
to fire buUdings with, were regular arms 
of a Roman mob. Tac. A. 14. 45, ** con- 
globata multitudine saxa et fiEtces mini- 
tante." Serv. mentions another reading 

* volunt,' [which was as old as Comutus, 
who rightly objected to it — H. N.j 
'Furorarma ministrat' is parenthetical. 
Comp. 7. 507, ** quod cuique repertum 
Bimanti,'telum ira facit." 

151.] *Pietate,' general discharge of 
duty; *meriti8,' servioes to the state. 
For the constmction *pietate gravem,' 
see on G. 3. 506. 

152.] * Adstant.' Here and in 2. 303 
(where the same words reour), *ad' ex- 
presses attention. C)omp. the expression 
** adesse animo," * to attend to a speaker.* 

153.] *Animos,' like *animi8* in v. 
149. * Iste ' had at one time crept into 
the text (Heyne's, e. g.); but it was a 
mere typographical error. 

154.] *Cecidit fragor,* like **ventosi 
cecidemnt murmuris aurae," E. 9. 58. 

155.] * Aperto,* cleared of olouds. * With 
clear sky all round him.' * Gtenitor,* 5. 
817, note. 

156.] * Curm * (his chariot and horses) 
is the dat. after * dat lora.' The idea in 

* secundo ' is that of easy gliding ; and the 
expression may be oompared with ** cursus 
Becundus" and **secundo amne," and, 
what oomes still closer, **vela secimda" 
in Ov. A. A. 264, F. 3. 790 (quoted by 
Wagn.). See also 6. 146, ** namque ipse 
volens facilisque sequetur Si te fata vo- 



Defessi Aeneadae^ quae proxima litora^ cursu 
Contendunt petere, et Libyae vertuntur ad oras. 
Est in secessu longo locus : insula portum 
EfiScit obiectu laterum, quibus omnis ab alto 
Frangitur inque sinus scindit sese unda reductos ; 
Hinc atque hinc yastae rupes geminique minantur 
In caelum scopuli, quorum sub vertice late 
Aequora tuta silent ; tum silyis scaena coruscis 


cant." [Henry takes * seoundo * as = * obe- 
dient to the reins/ *ea8ily foUowing.' — 
H. N.] * Volans : * see on G. 2. 41. * Dat 
lora,' V. 63, note. For • cnrru * Bom. has 

157—159.] *The Trojans find a oon- 
venient harbour \nth a cavc at the end, 
land, and prepare a meal.' 

157.] *Aeneadae,' in Lucr. 1. 1 the 
title of the Boman nation. So ^ Thesidae," 
G. 2. 383, of tho Athenians. *Quae 
proxima litora : ' comp. v. 72, **quae forma 
pulcherrima." So E. 1. 5. 3, *'quae 
semper." The relative supplies the want 
of an article. * Cursu ' = ** rapide," as in 
2. 321, &c. 

158.] * Vertuntur ad oras : " comp. v. 528. 
The more usual expression would be ** ad- 
vertuntur oris." * Vertuntur * seems to be 
middle in sense, though Weidner takes it 
**ca8u vertimtur." 

159.] Serv. seems right in treating this 
as an imaginary description. All the parts 
of it except the island are taken from or 
^ested by the harbour of Phorcys, in 

i. 13. 96 (comp. also Ulysses' descrjptiou 
of the coast on which he is thrown, Od. 5. 
411 foU.. also Od. 10. 89 foll.). Some have 
traoed the island to the harbour of New 
Oarthage, or the bay of Naplcs ; but, as 
Heyne says, it is common to many har- 
bours. See bis Bxcursus. *ln secessu 
longo,' * in a deep retiring bay.' Henry 
eays it cannot =** recessus ; " but the dio- 
tionaries show (what he seems to ques- 
tion) that it may mean a place of retire- 
ment ; and the notions of a plaoe where 
men withdraw, and a place which with- 
draws itself, easily pass into eaoh other. 
The words recur 3. 229. 

160.1 [* Effecit,' i. e. * efficit,' Med.. and 
80 Ribbeck.— H. N.] * Obiectu laterum' 
= **obiectis lateribus," *by the shelter of 
its sides.' Oaesar has almost the same 
words (B. 0. 3. 112), **Haeo insula obiecta 
Alexandriae portum efficit." 

161.] *Inque sinus,' &c *Part6 into 
the deep hollows of the shore.' Oomp. G. 
4. 420 (note), ** quo plurima vento Oogitur 

inque sinus scindit seae uuda reduotos ; " 
in whioh passage there is no island or 
break-water, though the place is said to 
be **.8tatio tutissima nautis." Heyne, who 
there interprets the words as I have done, 
here, not very consiBtently, explains them 
of the curves of the retiring wave : and so 
Wagn., Forb., Gossrau, and now Henry. 
[Serv. interprets * reductos ' as = ** repU- 
cabiles," and must therefore have taken 
•sinus' in the latter way^ — H. N.] 

162.] It seems best to take *va8tae 
rupes ' as the line of cliffs, and * soopuli ' 
as the peaks at ita extremities. * Gemini ' 
implies likeness ; comp. 3. 535, ** gemino 
demittimt bracchia muro Turriti scopuli." 
Silius (4. 2) seems to have taken * minan- 
tur in caelum' as **minantur caelo,"' 
threaten the sky , not threaten those below, 
— tho difference between * towering * and 
*,beetling.' O ther passages in Virg. (2. 242, 
628., 8. 668) would rather support * beet- 
ling : ' in this case the words would be 
equivalent to ** surgunt minanter in cae- 
lum." Such too would be the analogy of 
*mineo,' which occurs in Lucr. 6. 562: 
** Ad caelum(^u6, magis quanto suut edita 
qnacque, Inclmata minent in eandum pro* 
dita partem," where however Laohm. 
reads ** meant," Munro ** tument." That 
i}\e two words are radically tlie same, ean- 
not bo doubted, whether the moral or the 
physical was the primary sense of * minor.' 
Wagn. oomp. Od. 12. 73, ot 8i S^ oK&irtXoi, 
6 fi^v ohpavhv tbpby iKdy€t 'O^c/p Kopv^. 

163.] *Late:' there is an expanse of 
sleeping water below. 

164.] * Tuta' seems to include the two 
notions, proteoted from the wind, and safe 
for ships. The latter seems to come trom 
the context : the former is establlBhed by 
Od. 13. 99, df r* kv4pMV (rK€Tr6<a<ri hv<rafici>v 
fifya Kvfxa, Forb. comp. Ov. M. 4. 525, 
** Imminet aequoribus scopulus : pars ima 
cavatur Fluctibus et tectas defendit ab 
imbribus undas ;" Henry, Claud. Bell. Gild. 
523, ** Elfficitur portus medium mare, tuta- 
que ventis Omnibus ingenti mansuescunt 
stagna recessu." * Scaena' was the wall 



Desnper horrentique atrnm nemus imminet mnbra ; 165 

Fronte sub adyersa seopulis pendentibus antrum^ 

Intus aquae dulces viyoque sedilia saxo^ 

Nympharum domus : hic fessas non yincula nayis 

Ulla tenent, unco non alligat ancora morsu. 

Huc septem Aeneas collectis nayibus omni 170 

Ex numero subit ; ac magno telluris amore 

Egressi optata potiuntur Troes harena 

Et sale tabentis artus in litore ponunt. 

Ac primum silici scintillam excudit Achates 

Succepitque ignem foliis atque arida circum 175 

which cloaed the stage behind (Dict Ant. 
* theatnun *) ; here it is that which closes 
the view. *A background of waving 
woodfl.' [Or • soaena * may be nsed here 
in the sense of canopy, as it is ezplained 
by Placidus p. 82 (Deuerling) "scaena 
dicitur arborum in se inctunbentium 
quasi conoamerata densatio.'* The word 
originaUy means a covering, from the 
root ska, — Serv. explains it here as = 
**inumbratio."— H.N.] 

165.] [Henry would put a oomma after 
•desuper.' — ^H. N.] •Horrenti,* *shaggy.* 
{Bery. however says the epithet " ad vene- 
rationem pertinet.'' Isid. Orig. 1. 35. 18 
quotes " horrendis . . . umbris." — H. N.] 

166.] * Fronte sub adversa/ under the 
front of the cliffis facing the entrance of 
the harbour ; i e. at the head of the cove. 
Henry tbinks there may be a reference to 
the « frontes scaenae " (G. 3. 24). ' Saxis 
pendentibus,' from Lucr. 6. 195, '^ Spelun- 
. casque velut saxis pendentibu' structas," 
who in tum has imitated an old poet (sup- 
posed to be Ennius) in Gic. Tusc. Disp. 1. 
16, •* Per speluncas saxis struotas asperis, 

167.] ' Dulcis;.' of fresh water, G. 2. 
243. * Vivo saxo,' 8. 688, not hewn, but 
natural, and as it were growing. Comp. 
O. 2. 469, note. Tbese details are ez- 
tracted from the much more fanciful 
descniption in Hom. above referred to, 
Od. 13. 103 foU. Comp. also Od. 12. 
818, from wbich Yirg. took the seats. 

168.] •Nympharum domus' may be 
either in vague apposition to the two 
preoeding lines, or in strict apposition to 
•antrum,' v. 168 being a sort of paren- 
thesis, like that in v. 12, above. [Luor. 
5. 948 •• sUvestria templa tenebant Nym- 
phamm, qnibus e scibant umoris fluenta 
Lubrica proluvie larga lavere umida 
8axa;"BeealsoLivy88. 11. SoSchomann 

^ould take yvfjupucay ^^Klwv in Aesch. 
Choeph. 71 of •springs and streams,' the 
abodes of the Ny mphs.— H. N.] * Fessas : * 
Gomp. Shaksp., Bom. and Jul., Act 5, Sc. 
4, •*Thou desperate pilot, now at once 
run on The dashing rocks thy sea-sick, 
weary bark." The weary ship reposes 
without the strain which the strong 
cable and biting anchor imply. Od. 13. 
100., 9. 136. 

169.] * Uncomorsu,* prob.with 'alligat,* 
as " dente tenacl " ^in the parallel 6. 3 
with "fundabat." Anchors are post- 
Homeric. Homer^s ships are moored with 
wvaif large stones. fMed. gives • anchora,' 
a spelling supportea by Serv. — H. N.] 

170.] 'Septem,' three from the reef, 
three irom the sandbank, and his own^ 
* CJollectiB ' (mustered) may be either an 
abl. abs. or an instrumental abl. Comp. 
V. [381, " Bis denis Phrygium oonscendi 
navibus aequor." 

171.] * Amore ' for " desiderio," as fpw9 
ioT ir6eos, Heyne and Wagn. needlessly 
and arbitrarily punctuate •ao, magno 
telluris amore Egressi, optata.' 

172.] Virg. thought of Ulysses' land- 
ing. Od. 5. 462, 6 S' 4k xora/AOio \teurdtls 
Sxo/i^y iw€K\iydri, Kixrt 5^ (tiiupoy &povpay, 
♦Potiuntur,' 3. 278., 11. 493. 

173.] * Tabes ' is properly the moisture 
of decomposition, as in Livy 21. 36, " Per 
nudam glaciem fluentemquetabem liques- 
oentis nivis ingredielMintur." Here 'ta- 
bentis ' is simply dripping, perhaps with 
a notion of foaJness. Od. 5. 455, edXtur<ra 
5i K^Kie iroXAi^ *Ay ffr6fia tc ^iyds re. 

174.] Comp. G. 1. 135, A. 6. 6. * SUicis ' 
is read by some MSS. of Yirg. and of 
Serv., and by those of Priscian; but the 
beginning of the next word aocounts for 
the corruption. 

175.] The form •sucoepit' is found in 



Nutrimenta dedit rapnitqne in fomite flammam. 
Tum Cererem cormptam nndis Cerealiaqne arma 
Expediunt fessi rerum^ fmgesqne receptas 
Et torrere parant flammis et frangere saxo. 

Aeneas scopnlum interea conscendit et omnem 
Prospectum late pelago petit^ Anthea si qnem 


Med. and Bom., and snpported by Serv. 
here and in 6. 249, note. The verb, 
however written, harmonizee with * nutri- 
menta,' bringlng out the image of infancy. 

176. ] r* Nutrimenta,* it may be obeerved, 
is given by Nonius p. 9 as the equivalent 
of "focula."— H. N.] Serv. explains 
« rapuit,' " raptim fecit ; ** Heyne, " raptim 
excepit" Wag^. thinks the word has 
reference to a practioe of waving the 
tinder to fan the flame. The question 
seems to be whether the motion expressed 
in * rapnit * belongs to the act of Achates, 
or to the flame : either view would be 
defensible. [Paulus p. 84 MuUer says 
of 'fomes' «^^fomites* sunt assulae ex 
arborihuB, dum caeduntur, excussae . . . 
At OpUius adustas iam vites vocari ex- 
istimat fomites. AUi vocari putant 
scintiUas, quae ex ferro candenti mal- 
leis excutiuntur; dicta autem ita quia 
igni Bunt confotae.'* Serv. says here, 
***fomites' sunt assulae ^uae ab arbo- 
ribus cadunt quando inciduntur, quod 
foveant ignem." The word, which in 
formation resembles 'Hrames" and 
** Umes," probably means a chip of dry 
wood, or bark. — ^H. N.] Pliny, appa- 
rently with reference to this pasaage, 
says (IG. 208), "teritur Ugnum Ugno 
ignemque ooncipit attritu excipiente 
materia aridi fomitis fungi vel fohorum 
facilUmo conceptu." The process would 
be dear if we might take the ^arida 
nutrimenta' to be the * foUa,' the tinder 
in which the spark is first caught and 
kept aUve, and from which the chip or 
match fomes') is then lighted. CJomp. 
the imitation in Val. Fl. 2. 449, " citum 
strictis aUus da cautibus ignem Ostendit 
foUis et sulpure pascit amioo;" where 
** sulpur " (perhaps the match) seems to 
perform the part of the *fomes' here. 
Weidner inclines to identify *foUa* and 
* fomes/ which is not impossible. 

177.] 'Cerealia arma,' the hand-mUl, 
or quem (Dict. A. * mola *), and perhaps 
tbe kneading-trough, /idKTpa. *Ck)r- 
reptam ' Rom. originaUy. 

178.] • Expediunt,' v. 702. * Fesei re- 
rum,' weary of the struggle with fortune, 

weary of their way. Comp. 12. 589 (of 
bees attacked in their homes), " trepidae 
rerum." Both expressions are apparently 
oopied by Sil. 2. 234, *»trepidi rerum 
fessique salutis," where it would seem 
more natnral to read, '^fessi remm tre- 
pidique salutis." Comp. also v. 462, 
"lacrimae rerum," "fessis rebus," 3. 
145., 11. 335. *Receptas,' saved from 

179.] Comp. G. 1. 267, note. [Serv. 
quotes from the Troades of Attius ** noo- 
turna saxo iruges franges torridas," 
quoted by Nonius p. 447 with " frendas" 
for "franges." Nonius 1. c. quotes also 
fh)m the Antiopa of Pacuvius "fruges 
frendo sola saxi robore." — H. N.] 

180—207.] 'Aeneas, looking for the 
missing ships, falls in with a herd of 
stags, and uills seven of them, which 
he distributes among his crews, encour- 
aging them with the thought that they 
have escaped worse hardships, and that 
Italy wUl be theirs at last' 

180.] Ulysses cUmbs a rock to reoon- 
noitre the territory of Circe, Od. 10. 148. 
The prep. in * conscendo ' inipUes energy 
or efibrt, 'scales.' For this force of 
**con" in composition, see Key, Lat 
Gr. 1323. Serv. rightly points out that 
the chief is painted as occupied with 
nobler cares ; as in 6. 9, where he goes 
to oonsult the Sibyl while the rest are 
kindling their fire, and scouring the 
woods. The stags are an accidental 
piece of good fortune (*te]a gerebat 
Achaiee '), which serves as a comfort and 
an omen of further comfort to the fleet. 
*Omnem* belongs more properly to 
*pelago' than to * prospectum,' which 
denotes rather the faculty or opportunity 
than the view or prospect in our sense. 
* Prospectum petere ' is found in CatuII. 
64. 241. Comp. also Pacuv. Chrys. fr. 9 
(Ribbeck), **incipio saxum temptans 
scandere Yerticem, summusque in omnis 
partis prospectum aucupo." 

181.] *Siquem*=*sicubi.* Comp.,be- 
sides V. 8, ** quo numine laeso," the more 
exact parallel. Aesch. Ag. 55, fhraros S* 
iitMv 1i ris 'Ait6\Xfioy for ff tow, * ApoUo it 



lactatum vento videat Phrygiasqne biremis, 
Ant Capyn, ant celsis in pnppibus arma Caici. 
Kavem in conspectn nnllam, tris litore cervos 
Prospicit errantis ; hos tota armenta secuntur 186 

A tergo, et longum per vallis pascitnr agmen. 
Constitit hic, arcumque manu celerisque sagittas 
Corripuit, fidus quae tela gerebat Achates, 
Ductoresque ipsos primnm, capita alta ferentis 
Comibus arboreis, stemit, tum volgus, et omnem 190 
Miscet agens telis nemora inter frondea turbam ; 
Nec prius absistit, quam septem ingentia victor 
Corpora fundat humi et numemm cum navibus aeqnet. 

Bttay be.' *Si,* in the hope tbat. *Si 
qua,' the second reading of Gnd., is 
mentioned bj ChariBins p. 194 and Serr., 
was onoe read in the common texts, and 
is now preferred by Weidner. 

182.1 * Biremis.* It is an anachronism 
to speak of biremes or, as Virg. in 5. 119, 
of triremes, in the Homeric age. 

183.] * Arma* is rightly taken by Wagn. 
and Wnnd. in its strict sense, compnring 
8. 92, "Miratnr nemus insuetum ful- 
gentia longa Scuta virum fluvio pictasque 
innaie oannas.'* ^Gomp. Yal. Fl. 1. 339 
"primus in aeratis poeuissem puppibus 
arma : " ib. 495 ; 5. 8, 214.— H. N.] 

184.] "In conspectu," 10. 260. In the 
parallel passage Od. 9. 154, Ulysses kills 
goats. It is needlessly inquired whether 
there are deer in Africa. Shaw, Travels, 
p. 243, says there are: others interpret 
• cervi ' asantelopes. 

185.] ^Armenta,' thongh striotly nsed 
of oxen, is applied 3. 540 to horses, and 
by Pliny, 7. 31, to apes. See on G. 3. 
286. r* Sequuntur' Bom. and fragm. Yat. 
— H. N.] 

188.] * Fidus quae tela gerebat Achates' 
is condemned by Peerlkamp, and regarded 
by Bibbeck as a * stop-gap * (" tibicen ") 
which Virg. would have removed in cor- 
recting the poem. Eeally however it 
marks the acoidental character of the 
affair, whioh is important, as remarked 
on V. 180. *Quae tela* follows *aroum 
sagittasque,' as "quo litore" follows 
**locum** in 7. 477, conip. by (Jossrau. 

189.] We sbould probably oonnect 
*alta' with •cornibus arboreis.' For 
*arboreis' comp. £. 7. 30,**ramo8a oomua 
cervi." The antlers, of oourse, denote 
the age and size of the stags. * Ferentis ' 
implies conBcious dignity, as in v. 503, 
" talem se laeta ferebat." 

190.] 'Volgus' of beasts Q. 3. 469. 
[Serv. quotes ** volgus avium " and ** has- 
tarum'* from Ennius. *Vulgus' Rom. 
and fragm. Vat.— H. N.] 

191.] *Miscet,' breaks np the array 
(* agmen '). Weidner well comp. 10. 721, 
**Huno ubi miscentem longe media ag- 
mina vidit" pTurbam,' not proleptic, 
as CioDing^n tlionght, but a variation of 
*vulgus': comp. Lucr. 2. 921 **praeter 
volgum turbamque animantum." This 
use of * turba ' may perhaps be illustrated 
by Plautus Aulul. 338, 340, where the 
word is used of a number of slaves. — 
H. N.] Gonnect *agens telis,' as in 4. 
71. *Agens' occurs alone in a similar 
connexion G. 3. 412. *Nemora inter 
frondea : ' comp. 4. 70. 

192.] *Victor' continues the imagery 
of a battle. 

193.1 Jabn on 5. 347 is right in saying 
that the sense of *fundat — aequet* in 
this passage must be subjective, asit can- 
not 00 indefinite; *Aeneas refnses to 
stop UII— .' The best MSS. (fragm. 
Vat., Med., Rom., Gud.) have *humo,' 
and 80 Non. p. 312, who however quotes 
the line to iUustrate * fundo : ' * humi ' is 
supported by Serv., and some copies of 
Virg., including one of Ribbeck's cur- 
sives correoted. But the universal prao- 
tice is in favour of * humi ' for * on the 
gronnd,' while * humo * is * from ' or * in 
the ground.' In the parallel instanoes 
2. 380., 5. 78, 481., 6. 423., 9. 754., 10. 
697., 11. 640, 665, the best MSS. seem to 
read *humi' without variation, though 
Arusianus quotes 2. 380 with *humo.' 
Wagn. thinl^ the elision was the cause 
of the error, as in 3. 670., 5. 502 (and v. 
104 above), where wrong readings have 
similarly been introduoed into first-olass 
MSS.; it is possible too that a tran- 



Hinc portum petit, et socios partitur in omnis. 
Vina bonus qaae deinde cadis onerarat Acestes 195 

Litore Trinacrio dederatque abeuntibus heros, 
Dividit, et dictis maerentia pectora mulcet : 

O socii, — neque enim ignari sumus ante malorum — 
O passi graviora, dabit deus his quoque finem. 
Yos et Scyllaeam rabiem penitusque sonantis 200 

Accestis scopulos, yos et Cyclopea saxa 
Experti : revocate animos, maestumque timorem 

soriber may have reooUected G. 2. 460. 
Ovid however (M. 4. 261) has «sedit 
humo nnda," though there one MS. gives 
** humi.nudae." * Numerum ' &c. : Ulys- 
ses killB nine goats for each ship vfiih one 
additional for his own. 

194.] *Hino/ *then.* 'Portum' is the 
landing-plaoe where the orew was en- 
camping. * Socios partitur in omnis : ' he 
gives each ehip a stag, in which each man 
shares equally. Forb. remarks that 
Aeneas must first have summoned his 
comrades to belp him to carry the seven 
stags ; an instance of Virg.^s brevity in 

195.] The order seems to be 'deinde 
dividit vina quae,' &c., as there is no 
other way of making sense of * deinde.* 
There are other passages in Virg. where 

* deinde * may be regarded as out of place, 
3. 609., 5. 14, 400., 7. 135, but none where 
the necessity is at once so harsh and so 
inevitable as here. ^Onerarat oadis,' 

* had stowed in jars,' instead of the usual 
phrase " onerarat cados vinis." [* Onus * 
was the technical word for cargo. Cic. 
De Inv. 2 § 153, Verr. Act. 2. 5.' § 145; 
and Petronius 76 says " quinque naves 
aedificavi,«neravi vinum," I put wine in 
them as their cargo. It is possible there- 
fore that 'cadis onerarat' means simply 

* had put on the ships in jars.' — H. M .] 
Wagn. quotes 3. 465, " stipatque carinis 
Ingens argentum;" and 8. 180, **one- 
rantque [.canistris Dona." The gift of 
wine is from Od. 9. 197. [Henry rightly 
wams us against translating ^cadus' 
•cask.'— H.N.] 

196.] *Hero8' is in apposition to 
Aoestes, not the nom. to * dividit.' Gomp. 
8. 464., 12. 902, and vv. 412, 691 below. 
It denotes the noble oou^esy of the 
donor. Pierius' Medicean read Miospes.' 

198.] *Neque enim.' Comp.^^v. 65, 
^'Aeole, namque tibi," note. There 
seems no oocasion to foUow Servius and 
the modem oommentators (Gossrau is an 

exception) in joining * ante malorum ' — 
ray irp\y tccucwy. ' eumus ante ' (includ« 
ing the present time in the past) corre- 
ponds to the idiom tcUoi fafify. So 
in the Greek use of the superlative 
for the comparative the object com- 
pared is inoluded in the objects of 
oomparison. The speech is modelled on 
Od. 12. 208 foU. Macrob., Sat.; 5. 11, 
thinks Virg. the •* locupletior interpres " 
here. Serv. says Virg. has borrowed it 
from Naevius' Punic War, which, if it 
means anything more tban that Naevius 
imitated Hom., may apply to the latter 
part, where Virg. has deviated ttom his 
Greek original. See p. xli. above. 

199J *0 passi graviora:' probably 
from Hor. 1 Od. 7. 30, ** O fortos peio- 
raque passi Mecum saepe viri, nunc vino 
pellite curas," the ultimate source being 
Od. 20. 17, rdrXaBi 8^, KpaZiyi- ko) K^yrtpov 
&Wo iroT* l^rXrjs. 

200.1 *ScyIlaeam rabiem,' like $in 
*HpaK\ii(lri. * Rabiem * probably has re- 
fcrence to the dogs with wbioh Scylla is 
encirclcd in Virg. Comp. Lucr. 5. 892, 
**rabidis canibus succinctas semimarinis 
Corporibus Scyllas." * Penitus sonantis ' 
(*resounding through their caverns ') also 
has reference to the dogs. Comp. 8. 432,. 
^ Scyllam et caeruleis canibus resonantia 
saxa." [Serv. mentions the alternative 
of taking 'penitus' with *accestis:' 
" have approaohed closely." — H. N.] 

201.] *Acce8tis.' There is a similar 
synoope in 4. 606, "exstinxem," 4. 682, 
"exstinxti," 5. 786, "traxe," 11. 118, 
** vixet." Forb. has oolleoted similar in- 
stanoes on Lucr. l. 71. [In spite of the 
fact that ' Cyclopia ' woxdd properly oor- 
respond to KvkK^iosj and * Cyclopea ' ta 
KvK\<i>Tfiosy the best MSS. here and Serv. 
unite in spellinff * Cyolopea.' The ana- 
logy of Latin adjectives such as ** &on- 
deus"may have mislcd the Bomans. — 
H. N.] * Cyclopea saxa : ' they did not 
aotually enter the cave of the Cydops, 



Mittite : forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit. 

Per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum 

Tendimus in Latium, sedes ubi fata quietas 205 

Ostendunt ; illic fas regna resurgere Troiae. 

Durate/et vosmet rebus servate secundis. 

Talia voce refert, curisque ingentibus aeger 
Spem vultu simulat, premit altum corde dolorem. 
lUi se praedae accingunt dapibusque futuris : 210 

Tergora diripiunt costis et viscera nudant ; 
Pars in frusta secant veribusque trementia figunt ; 

but they landed on the shore, and bo may 
be Baid to have known it. So they did 
not actually pasa Scylla, but they came 
near enough to be in danger. In Od. 12. 
209 Ulysses consoles his crew by remind- 
ing^ them of their escape from the Cy- 
clopsy but carefully avoids mentioning 
Scylla, which they were juat approach- 

203.] Od. 15. 400, /lerA ydp t€ ical 
HXytai rdpwtrou Aj^Pj^Gctis ^h fid^aitoWh 
Tdip Kttl ir6w' iira\rief : ib. 12. 212, kuI 
wov T&yBt fjLv4i(r€(r0at oia, Macrob. Sat. 7. 
2, quotes from Eur. (fr. 131), &s ^5t5 rot 
trtoQivra fiffunjaBai ir^puy, whioh is trans- 
lated by Cic. Fin. 2. 32. Contrast 11. 
280, ** nec veterum memini laetorve ma- 
lorum." Two assertions are included in 
Virg.*s words : * we shall remember these 
tiimgs* (ie. we shaU li?e to think of 
them as past, and recall them as we are 
now recalling preyious perils, which is the 
meaning of Od. 12. 212), and*we shaU 
remember them with pleasure.' [Ribbeck 
reads * forsam * from Rom. — H. N.] 

204.] * Disorimina rertmi * = ** res peri- 
ciilosas." Comp. '* miracula rerum ** G. 
4. 441. *Tot* thon will go with *dia- 

205.] Heyne inquires how Aeneas 
came to know the name of Latium, when 
elsewhere he exhibits so much ignorance 
about his destination, and answers that 
he must have been told it by Anchises in 
tiie shades, — ^meaning probably by He- 
lenus in Epirus, as Aeneas does not yisit 
the shades till afterwards. But the pro- 
portions of Aeneas* knowledge and igno- 
rance atvarious times even Virg. himself 
would probably have found it difficult to 
adjust (compare e. g. his knowledge of 
Italy from Creusa 2. 781 with his igno< 
rance afterwards, 3. 100 foU.), so that we 
need hardly invent an explanation where 
the poet most likely had none. " Sedes 

quietae " Lucr. 3. 18 of the abodes of the 

206.] * Ostendunt,* * promise.' '* Quo.l 
mihi saepe ostendis, to esse facturum," 
Cic. Ep. Div. 5. 12, quoted by Gossrau. 

207.] *Durate,* * hold out,* as in G. 2. 
295. TX^T€, iplhoh H. 2. 299. * Servate 
rebus secundis/ like " exitio reservat " 5. 

208—222.] * They prepare, cook, and 
eat their meal, and theu lament for their 
lost comrades.' 

209.] Traoes of a reading *voltus' are 
found .in fragm. Vat., Gud., and another 
of Bibbeck*8 cursives ; but the corruption 
is easily accounted for: see on v. 174 
above: The balance of the sentence re- 
quires that too much stress should uot be 
laid on *premit,* which wiU mean not 

* represses.* but simply ' holds conoealed.* 
In 4. 332 the word has more force. 'Altum 
corde dolorem* ismuch the samo as **alto 
oorde.** " Spem fronte serenat ** 4. 447. 

210.] * Praedae dapibusque futuris,* the 
game which is to be their banquet. 

211.] pDiripiunt* aU the good MSS. 
and Noniup, p. 414. Conington, after 
Heinsius, Heyne, and Wagn., reads * deri- 
piunt,* underrating, as I think, tbe au- 
thority of good MSS. on this point. 
*Deripere' means to pull down or 
straightoff: ' diripere * to puU in differ- 
ent directions: hence * diripiunt * wonld 
mean here *tear away.' 'Diripiunt* is 
adopted by Bibbeck and Forb. in his last 
edition. *Diripient' should also be read 
in 4. 593, * deripere ' (in spite of Med.) 3. 
267. In G. 2. 8 *dereptis'is probably 
right.— H. N.] * Viscera,* not only the 
intestines, but whatever is beneath the 
skin, the flesh. Sei^. The passage is 
partly imitatod from II. 1. 459 foU. 

212.] *Secant,* sc. *viscera.* Henry 
seems right in saying * veribus figunt * is 

* pierce with,* not * stick on, spits.* * Tre- 



Litore aena locant alii, flammasqne ministrant. 

Tum victu revocant vires, fusique per herbam 

Implentur veteris Bacchi pinguisque ferinae. 215 

Postqu6un exempta fames epnlis mensaeque remptcte, 

Amissos longo socios sermone requirunt, 

Spemque metumque inter dubii, seu vivere credant, 

Sive extrema pati nec iaqi exaudire vocatos. 

Praecipue pius Aeneas nunc acris Oronti, 220 

mentia,' as Wond. remarks, shows their 

213.] There is a doubt about the pur- 
poee of the * aena.* Boiled meat was un- 
known to the Homeric age; but Virg. 
may have introduoed the habit of his own 
time; and such seems to be the inter- 
pretation of Val. Fl. in his imitation 
8. 254, where the caldron ifl akinmied. 
But, as Henry observes, the other view, 
that water was heated for bathing before 
the meal, is strongly supported by a pas- 
sage in Apoll. R. 3. 271 foU., which Virg. 
probably nad in his mind. 

ro\ fx^y fiiyau iifKf>€ir4yovro 
Tavpoy &Kis S/iwcs* rol 8i |jJAxi KdyKCwa 

K6irroy' ro\ Bh Xotrph Tvpl (4oy, 


Afi&fs 8* bmrort Zii (T^iv ivaprda OrJKay 

Aifroi T€ \iapoioiy i^HuBpiyayro Koerpois 


214.] *Fu8i^' *8tretched,* not *8cat- 
tered,* as Henry observes. Comp. " fusus- 
que per herbam," G. 2. 527. 

215.] [' Inplentur ' Med.— H. N.] • Im- 
plentur' is middle, *fill themselves.* 
[Tbe word seems in this sense to have 
been colloquial : Petronius 16 ** nos im- 
plevimus cena:" Juv. 5. 75 "vin tu 
consuetis audax conviva canistris Im- 
pleri"?— H. N.] Elsewhere in Virg. 
it is found with an abl., not with a gen. 
One MS. here actuaUy adds *munere,' 
as a hemistich. No use of * ferina,' i. q. 
"ferina caro," is quoted before Virg. ; 
but he is not likely to have invented it. 
Comp. **agnina,** **bubula," **vitulina," 
all occurring Plaut. Aul. 2. 8. 4. 

216.] Ahrh,p iirtX v6(Tios kcSl iBrirvos i^ 
^poy %yrot Myriad/j.tyoi 8^ Kirura <f>l\ovs 
KK\aiov iraipovs, Od. 12. 309, 310. * Post- 
quam exempta fames' occurs 8. 184, 
«mensaeque remotae* below v. 723. 
* Epulis ' here is an instmm. abl. * Mensae 
remotae' is not appropriate to this occa- 
sion, but is the general phrase for con- 

c luding a meal, derived from the Boman 
praotice of removing the * mensae ' (Dict. 
A. *men8a'). 

217.] *Kequirunt,' they utter their 
regret for their companions. **In quo 
equidem maiorum nostrorum saepe re- 
quiro prudentiam," Cio. Psrad. 1. 1. 7. 

218.] Comp. Aesch. Ag. 667 foU., 
which Virg. perhaps imitated. "With 
*seu' after *dubii' Wagn. comp. 2. 739, 
**8eu lassa resedit, Incertum.' Serv. 
says that some separated * spemque me- 
tumque inter' from *dubii.' 

219.] It is not neoessary to limit the 
meaning of *extrema' actually to tho 
crisis 01 death, (which would seem to be 
the sense of tiie phrase *extrema pati* 
in Tac. H. 4. 54, **famem, ferrum et 
extrema pati,") as in that case **pa880s 
esse" would be required hero. The ex- 
pression rather implies death as a con- 
tinuing state: 'to be lost.' — *Neo iam 
exaudire vocatos.' Wund. distin^uishes 
between the **conclamatio" whicn took 
place at the moment of death, and the 
*• inclamatio " or ** acclamatio " whioh 
took place after tbe burial, and of which 
we have instances 3. 68, 6. 231, 506; and 
he thinks that the first is referred to 
here, on the ground that tbe Manes were 
supposed to hear the ** inclamatio." Henry 
may be right in going farthor, and sup- 
posing tbe words to mean that the 
•* oonclamatio," which, aa ho obaerves, 
was originally a means of ascertaining 
whether a person was really dead, actually 
takes place. 

220.] Wagn. retains the oomma after 
* Aeneas ; ' but there is no reason to sepa- 
rate * Aeneas ' aud * gemit,' though in 6. 
176 **Praecipue pius Aeneas" refers to 
what had preceded. * Oronti,' the ^uasi- 
Greek gen., as **Oronten" v. 113 is the 
Greek acc. *Oronti* is supported here 
by [Pliny ap. Charis, p. 107 P.], fragm. 
Vat., Med., the second reading of Rom. 
and Gud., Serv., and Prisoian; but the 
first reading of Rom. and one or two 
grammarians have * Orontis.' 



Niinc Amyci casum gemit et crudelia secum . 
Fata Lyci, fortemque Gyan, fortemque Cloanthum. 

£t iam finis erat, cum luppiter aethere sunmio 
Despiciens mare velivolum terrasque iacentis 
Litoraque et latos populos, sic vertice caeli 
Constitit et Libyae defixit lumina regnis. 
Atque illum talis iactantem pectore curas 
Tristior et lacrimis oculos sufPusa nitentis 
Adloquitur Venus : O qui res hominimique deumque 


221.] 'Secam' may imply that while 
taking part in the general sorrow he in- 
dulged his own special griefiB, as Achilles 
weeps for his fatber and Patroclus while 
Priam is weeping for Hector, II. 24. 509 

222.] Weidner Temarks well, that *for- 
temque Gyan, fortemque Gloanthum* 
serve to represent the monotony of the 
lamentation, "O fortis Gya, O fortis 

223—258.] *Jupiter is surveying the 
Bcene in Africa, when Yenus addresses 
him, reminding him of his promise of em- 
' pire to her Trojans, and contrasting their 
raeeent sufferings with tho success of a 
Trojan migration under Antenor.' 

223.] * Finis erat ' is an imitation of the 
Homerio transitions, &s ol iikv roiavra 
Trphs &AA^Aovs iey6p€vov k.t.A. * And now 
at last their mourning had an end.' ' Et 
iam ' foUowed by * cum,' like ** iamqne " 

224.] The scene between Venus and 
Jupiter is said to be from Naevius, by 
Macrob. Sat. 6. 2, quoted p. xli. aboYe. 
* Velivoliun * is said by Maorob. Sat. 6. 5 
to be borrowed from the Helena of Livius 
(Laevius?): **tu qui permensus ponti 
maria alta veUvola." It occurs as an 
epithet of ships in Lucr. 5. 1442,"* and 
in two fragments of Ennius. The word 
here may be meant to recall the scene 
"Which has just taken place on the sea ; 
but it need mean no more than the 
sea with all its sails, as the earth with 
aU its peoples. Comp. Lucr. 1. 2, **caeU 
Bubter labentia signa Quae mare navi- 
gerum, quae terras frugiferentis Concele- 
nras." * Terras iacentis,' the earth lying 
outstretohed beneath his gaze, as ** glaebas 
iacentis " (G. 1. 55) is the soil lying out- 
stretched to the sun. * Dispiciens,' the 
reading of two MSS., mentioned as pos- 
sible by Serv., is restored by Bibbeck, 
who refers to Laohm. on Lucr. 4. 236. 
Lachm.^B position is that * despioere ' only 

takes the aoc. in the sense of contempt, 
an opinion improbable in itself, as the 
metaphorical meaning must have come 
from the Uteral, and requiring the altera- 
tion of various passages. Tho chimge, 
as remarked on v. 211, is slight, and 
might be made even without MSS. ; but 
the reason for it appears to fail ^m- 

Sletely. [Nonius, p. 288; ^^Despicere, 
esuperaspicere:" VergiUusGeorgicorum 
IL (186), **qualem saepe cava montia 
oonvaUe solemus Despicere." * M. TuUlus 
iu Hortensio . . . **humanarumopinionum 
alta quaedam despectio." Serv. here 
***despicien8,* deorsum aspiciens."— -H.N.] 

225.] * Latos populos ' ooours in Ennius, 
Ann. 1. fr. 4 (Vahlen). [Serv. well 
remeurks **oum populos niunero pluraU 
dicimus, iirbes significamus: cum vero 
populum, unius multitudinem civitatis 
mteUigimua."— H. N.] *Sic,' i. e. *8io 
despiciens.' Comp. 7. 668, where **sio 
Bubibat" refers to **torquens" and **in- 
dutus." — * Vertice caeli : * Virg. has evi- 
dently taken these words from II. 8. 51, 
aitrhs 8* iu KOpwp>p<n Ka04(€ro, Comp. 
also ib. 5.754, aKpordrp Kopv^ voKvBeipddos 
oMfiiroio, Hom. however intended tha 
snmmit of the mountain Olympus ; whUe 
Virg. appeurently had a notion of the 
highest point of a celestial region, the 
same which he calls ** caeli arcem," v. 250. 

227.] The import of *talis' is to be 
gathered ftom. the preceding lines, 
especially from *Llbyae defixit lumina 

228.] The euphemistic comparative 
'tristior* may be explained witn refer- 
ence either to the haDitual joyousness of 
Venus, iptXofjifui^s *A<f>po^irrjf or, as Henry 
thinks, to the tearless serenity of the 
gods, for which he comp. Ov. F. 4. 521. 

229.1 *Hominumque deorumque,' 2. 
745, whioh Heins., Bentley, and Wake- 
fleld prefer here. Ribbeok observes, in 
confirmation of this, that elsewhere in 
Virg. *deum' always oocurs in the 



Aetemis regis imperiis, et fulmine terres, 
Quid mens Aeneas in te committere tantum, 
Quid Troes potuere, quibus, tot funera passis, 
Cunctus ob Italiam terrarum olauditur orbis ? 
Certe hinc Bomanos olim, Yolyentibus annis, 
Hinc fore ductores, revocato a sanguine Teucri, 
Qui mare, qui terras omni dicione tenerent, 
Pollicitus : quae te, genitor, sententia vertit ? 
Hoc equidem occasum Troiae tristisque ruinas 
Solabar, fatis contraria fata rependens ; 


middle, *deorum' at the end of a yerse: 
but this is more likely to haye been the 
reeult of ordinarj metrical convenience 
than of design, and other oommentators 
seem right in claiming for the poet 
liberty to use a hypermeter or not as he 
pleases. — ^^Res hominumque deumque,' 
taken in a loose sense for the nniverse, is 
the objeot of • terres.* 

231.] The language, as Heyne re- 
marks, is mDdelled on II. 4. 81, the sense 
on Od. 1. 62. 

232.] * Quibus clauditur.* In prose we 
should have had "claudatur," as the 
logical reference of the clause *quibus 
clauditur' is evidently to *tantum.* It 
matters little whether we explain * funera * 
of tbe deaths that had actually thiuned 
the Trojan nation, or as a strong ex- 
presslon for " clades." 

233.] •Ob Italiam,* *for the sake of 
Italy,* i. e. to prevent their reaching 
Italy. This seems clcarly better tban 
with some ancient scholars meutioned by 
Serv. to explain the words "errantibus 
circum Italiam." 

234, 235.] We may either take * hinc— 
hinc* as a mere repetition, or suppose 
that there are two clauses: *hino fore 
Romanos, hino fore ductores a^sanguine 
Teucri.' *Voiventibu8 annis' is Hom.'8 
"KtpiirXoiiitfooif iviavray. See on 8. 47 
** redeuntibus annis." *Revocato,* *re- 
vived,* after the national extinction of 
Troy. Comp. G. 4. 282, «Nec genus 
unde novae stirpis revocetur habebit." 

236.] * Omni dicione,' with every kind 
of sovereignty, i. e. with fuU sovereignty ; 
as Serv. says, ** pace, legibus, bello." So 
**omni cura" 7. 487 = "summa cura." 
*0nmi8* Cterraa*) is read by frs^m. 
Vat. and Veron., and mentioned, though 
not with approval, by Serv. [Henry now 
prefers it.— H. N.j 

237.] Wagn. (after Heyne) supposes 
an anaooluthon, as if ** quam sententiam 

vertisti " should have foUowed ; but this 
would be very harsh, resembling rather 
the licences of the Greek poets than 
tbose ci Virg. The omission of the verb 
subst. with Uie second person is paraU- 
eled by 5. 687, 10. 827. Ribbeck, who 
has attacked the omission of the verb 
subst in various passages where it is 
aoknowledged to be right in Wa^'8 
elaborate essay on the whole subjeot, 
Q. V. 15, here reads *pollicitu 's,* as 
in 5. 687 '*exosu *s," in 10. 827 
**lactatu V In defending these read- 
ings in his Prolegom. p. 154, he fails 
to show that contractions admissible in 
Terence or even in Gatullus are equally 
suited to a poem like the Aeneid, while 
he admits that in 5. 192 *'usi*' stands 
for **usi estis." Rau proposed *poIli- 
citum,* which would he awkward. — 
* Quae te sententia vertit : * * quae * is for 
** cur,** or ** quomodo " (like ** quo numine 
laeso " for ** quam ob laesionem numinis," 
V. 8); as appears from v. 260, **neque 
me sententia vertit.*' 'Te sententia 
vertit' is poetical for **tu scntentiam 
vertisti," the opinion being supposed to 
change the mind as external persuasion 

288.1 * Solabar occasum Troiae.' Comp. 
Cic Mil. 35, **8olari brevitatem vitae." 
*Ocoasum,*2. 432. 

239.] The meaning of * fatis contraria 
fata rependens ' is clearly, * compensating 
or repaying destiny (of the destruction of 
Troy) with destiny ' (of reaohing Italy). 
** Rependere et compensare leve damnum 
delibatae honestatis maiore alia hones- 
tate," Gell. 1. 3. * Contraria ' expresses 
the opposition between dcstiny and des- 
tiny as in 7. 293, •* fatis contraria nostria 
Fata Phrygum." Strictly then the epi- 
thet would agree with * fatis,* as the latter 
of the two correlatives, but by a poetical 
variety it is joined with *fata,' the 



Nunc eadem fortuna yiros tot casibus actos 240 

Insequitur. Quem das finem, rex magne, laborum ? 

Antenor potuit, mediis elapsus Achiyis, 

Illyricos penetrare sinus atque intima tutus 

Begna Libumorum, et fontem superare Timavi, 

Unde per ora novem vasto cum murmure montis 245 

240.] Comp. 6. 62, " Hao Troiana tenug 
fderit fortnna secnta.*' No MS. appears 
to give 'actis/ which mi^ht have been 
expected as a variety, as in the parallel 
passages '^omnibus exhanstos iam casi- 
Das," V. 591, " pelagi tot temp^tatibus 
actus,** 3. 708, the abl. is founa in some 
of the best MSS. 

241.] * Das : ' Jupiter is addressed not 
merely as the interpreter of fete, but as 
identified with it, and answers accord- 
ingly " Imperium sine flne dedi," v. 279. 
So "pollicitus," V. 237. CJomp. 3. 375. 
Otherwise * dare ' would bear the modi- 
fied signification of announcing; see 

242.] The legend of Antenor is given 
by Livy, 1. 1, where it is said that he led 
a colony of Trojans and of Heneti from 
Paphlagonia to the head of the Adriatic, 
whence lie expeUed the Enganei; and 
that the place where he and his foUowers 
first landed was called Troia. His story 
was variously told, Pindar, Pyth. 5. 19,. 
taking the Antenoridae to Cyrene: the 
Romans however cherished naturaUv the 
legend of a migratlon to Italy, and one 
Largus, a contemporary of Ovid, wrote a 
poem on it. See Heyne's Excursus on 
this passage. ' Elapsus : ' others, such as 
Sophocles, Quule him escape by coUusion 
with the oonquerors. 

243.] [*Intuma' fragm. Vat— H. N.] 
'Tutus' is contrasted with 'tot casibus 
actos,' as Forb. remarks. *Penetrare' 
is not 80 muoh to penetrate into, as to 
make his way through or past; Illy- 
rioum, the Libumi, and the Tergestinus 
Sinus, In which is the *fons Timavi,* 
being all left on Antenor*8 right as he 
BaUed to Yenetia. The expression seems 
to denote the difficulty of a coasting 
Toyage, such as Antenor would make up 
the east of the Adriatic, whether arising 
from ihe dangerous nature of the coast 
itself, or from the barbarity of the in- 
habitonts. * Illyricos sinus ' may be either 
the Adriatic, as washing the shore of 
Illyricum, or the indentations in the H- 
lyrican ooast. * Intima regna Libur- 
norum' is not so muoh the interior of the 

Libumian territory, whioh Antenor oom- 
ibg by sea would not penetrate, as the 
kingdom lying farinward in the Adriatic. 
* Superare ' is said to be a nautical word 
by Serv., who quotes from Lucilius 
" promuntorium remis superamus Mi- 
nervae." [Liv. 31 . 22 ** superare Sunium " 
and so elsewhere in Livy. — H. N.] Here 
and E. 8. 6, where it is also applied to 
the Timavus, it probably denotes diffi- 
culty. It is just possible, however, that 
Virg. may intend to represent Antenor as 
sailing up the stream of the Timavus, 
in ^which case we may comp. 8. 58, 
"Adversum remis superes subvectus ut 

244.] [Following a description of the 
locality oy Dr. Kandler, which he con- 
firms from his own inspection, Henry 
now (Aeneidea I. p. 523) aays that ** the 
so-called * fons Timavi * is not a * fons * or 
spring, or source at all, but only the re- 
appearance, in several streams gpishing 
forth from under tlie mountain at very 
short distances from each other, of the 
river . . . Timavus, which had become 
subterranean at San Canziano, eighteen 
miles higher up in the mountains . . . 
and that it is the occasional sudden 
bursting forth of this river with unusual 
violenoe and in unusual quantity through 
the * ora * at San Giovanni di Tuba — in 
other words, a flood of the Reca below 
San Giovanni di Tuba — ^which our author 
describes ia our text" That Virg. is 
describing a flood it is not necessary to 
suppose, for Varro quoted by Serv. on v. 
24G says that the river was called * mare* 
by the iuhabitants of the region, owing 
doubtless to its habit of overflowing. 
Another theory mentioned by Serv. was 
that *mare' in v. 246 means the sea, 
which was said at high tide to burst 
through the * ora.' " The sea only throws 
back the river upon us, never comes 
itself," says Henry*s informant (1- ^' 
p. 629). It is on all accounts, then, the 
simplest course to understand *mare* 
as the local name of tlie river itself. — 
H. N.] 

245.] *Per ora novem;* the general 



It mare proruptum et pelago premit arya sonanti. 
Hic tamen ille urbem Fatayi sedesque locavit 
Teucrorum, et genti nomen dedit armaque fixit 
Troia, nunc placida compostus pace quiescit : 
Nos^ tua progenies^ caeli quibus adnuis arcem, 
NayibuSy infandum ! amissis, imius ob iram 
Prodimur atque Italis longe disiimgimur oris. 
Hic pietatis honos ? sic nos in sceptra reponis ? 


aocoQDt, as intimated above, appears to 
be that there were eeyen of tbese ' ora,' or 
soarces. Cluverius however 1. c. speaks of 
the whole of the country to tiie sea as 
*<unuin perpeiuumque saxum innumeria 
passim altissimisque antris perforatum ; " 
and it seems from Wittmann^s account 
tbat the * ora' are constantly overflowed, 
80 that their number is not easy to ascer- 
tain. [** The numerous * ora * are there, 
and are as differently counted as ever 
by different visitors." Heniy. — H. N.] 
"Magno cum murmuro montis" v. 55 
note. [*Mare,' see on 244— H. N.] 
*Proruptum,* *bursting up:* oomp. 7. 
459, **toto prorupius oorpore sudor." 
Gud. originaliy and fragm. Yeron. cor- 
rected have * praeruptum,* wliich is men- 
tioned but disapproved by Serv. This 
description of the Timavus has been 
censured as out of place in the speech of 
Venus ; it however expresses the porten- 
tous character of the region into which 
Antenor is allowed to penetrate with 

" Tamen,' in spite of aU these 



*Genti nomen dedit,* probablv 
which was identified with 
Henry however argues from 
* Troia arma * that Troia is meant : see on 
V. 242. * Arma fixit,' hung up his arms 
and those of his comrades, in token that 
their sufferings by fiood and field were 
over. Serv. comp. Hor. 1 Ep. 1. 4, 
** armis Herculis ad postem fixis.'* 

249.] *Nunc,' &c. : Wagn. and Jahn 
nnderstand th^ words of the death of 
Antenor; but in spite of the special 
pleading of the former that a peaceful 
aeath would naturally be mentioned as 
the climax of the wanderer^s happiness, 
and that Antenor, even during the Trojan 
war, must have been near the grave, it is 
evident that the sense required is rather 
that of a tranquil settlement foUowing 
on labours. The language undoubtedly 
ifi such as is more generally applied to 

death or sleep, but the occurrenoe of 
suoh expressions as ** oomponere pacem '' 
(7. 339., 12. 822), or **foedus" (10. 15), 
**componere bellum foedere" (12. 109X 
and ** urbem tuta componere terra " (3. 
387), proves abuudantly that the words 
*compostus pace' may well have beea 
used of the repose of a peaceful life. 
Possibly too Virg. may have thought of 
Ennius' celebrated lines (A. 18. 7), 
**Siout fortis ecus, spatio qui saepe su- 
premo Vicit 01ympi£i, nuno senio con- 
fectu* quiescit/' where of course peace- 
ful old age, not death, is meant. [So Ti. 
Donatus; **ut . . . tutus in plenissima 
quiete perduret." — H. N.] The antithe- 
sis between * fixit ' and ' nuno quiescit * 
merely implies that, after having foimded 
his oity, named his nation, and hung up 
his arms for ever, he entered on a pros- 
perous reign. 

250.] *jNo8:* she rhetorically identi- 
fies herself with her son. * Arcem caeli ' 
(for which see note on v. 225) denotes 
here the fullest enjoyment of divine 
honours which had been promised to 
Aeneas after death. *Adnuis' with 
aoc. 12. 187. *Adnuis' has a special 
propriety as applied to a promise of 
Jupiter. vW<rx€To iciU Karivwatv. H. 
2. 112. 

251.] *Infandum' interjected, like 
**miserum" 6. 21, **nefas" 8. 688. 
* Unius ob iram ' recalls ** saevae memo* 
rem lunonis ob iram,*' v. 4. 

252.] * Prodimur,' forsaken by Jupiter, 
not, as Heyne takes it, betrayed to de- 
struction by the wiles of Juno. 

253.] * Honos,* * reward,' as in 6. 249, 
308. * Beponis,' restore us in Italy to the 
empire we have lost at Troy, though 
Weidner^s interpretation of the prefix, 
referring it to the performance of a 
promise, is not impossible. * Beponere ' 
is oonnected with * in sceptra,' which vir- 
tually means * into the possession of the 
sceptre.' * Is this to restore a king to \n& 



OUi snbridens hominum sator atqne deomm 
Vnltn, qno caelnm tempestatesqne serenat, 
Oscnla libayit natae, dehinc talia fatnr : 
Farce metn, Cytherea, manent immota tnomm 
Fata tibi : cernes nrbem et promissa Layini 
Moenia, snblimemqne feres ad sidera caeli 
Magnanimnm Aenean ; neqne me sententia yertit. 
Hic tibi — fabor enim, qnando haec te cnra remordet, 
Longins et yolyens fatornm arcana moyebo — 


254—296.] *Jupiter reassureB her, 
teUing her what tne course of the des- 
tined Trojan empire Ib to be, beginning 
'with Laviniom, passing into Alba, and 
ending in Bome, whose greatness is to bo 
perfected in the golden age of Angustus.' 

254.1 * OIU:* Heyne comp. Enn. A.'l. 
31, "Olli respondet rex Albai longai." 
Niobuhr, Lect vol. ii. p. 155, ed. 1844, 
says that Yirg;. admitt^ a few archaic 
forms in compliance with the precepts of 
the Alexanoriaq grammarians about 
epio composition. * Subridens,' * smiling 
gently.' The line is nearly repeated 12. 
829. ^Hominum sator atque deorum/ 
11. 725. 

255.J Serv. quotes Enn. (A. fr. inc. 3X 
" luppiter hic risit, tempesiatesque sere* 
nae Siserunt omnes risu lovis omnipo- 
tentis." [Apuleius (?) De Mundo 37 
mentions **Serenator" as one of the 
titles of Jupiter.— H. N.] »Tempes- 
tates ' means the weather rather than the 
storms, so that there is no occasion to 
suppose a zeugma, with Wagn. 

256.] * Oscula libavit : ' see note on G. 
2. 523, and comp. 12. 434, and Sueton. 
Aug. 94, " osoulum pueri delibatum di- 
gitis ad os suum detulisset." The word 
however, even in its primary sense, 
seems to mean, not simply lips, but lips 
for kissing. Heyne remarks that * natae ' 
is used after 'olli' as Hom. uses^^E/cro^t 
after r^ 8c. There is great delicaoy in 
the use of the subst. here, which has the 
force of "pater natae." See on E. 8. 

257.] ' Metu,' the old dative, for which 
Weidner refers to GeU. 4. 16. 5. 
•Paroe:' see on G. 2. 339. *Tuorum 
fata,' like "fata Phrygum," 7. 294. 
*Tibi' is the ethical dative connected 
with the whole sentenoe, as we might 
say, * to your comfort.' 

258.] * Urbem et promissa Lavini moe- 
nia' is a hendiadys, Many in Serv.'s 

VOL. ir. 

time omitted ' et.' lObserve the change 
of quantity from " Lavina," v. 2, which 
is Uke that in "Italia," "Italus," a 
larger licenc6 being aUowed for metrical 
convenience in proper names than in 
other words. 

259.] Heyne quotes Enn. A. 1.47, " unus 
erit quem tu tolles ad caerula caeli Tem- 
pla," which he supposes to be said, not by 
Venus,'but by Mars, becauso Ovid intro- 
duces the line (F. 2. 487) in a speech of 
Mars pra^ring for the deification of Bomu- 
lus. * Ad sidera: ' see on 3. 158. Here 
apotheosis of course is meant. Gud. has 

* subUmen,' a word which Bibbeok intro- 
duces here and elsewhere on very slender 

260.] * Neque me sententia vertit : ' see 
note on v. 237, and comp. 10. 608, ** neo te 
sententia faUit." * Magnanimus' of Aeneas, 
5. 17., 9. 204, the Homeric fieyddufws. 
[* Aenean ' Bom.— H. N.l 

261.1 Wagn. has rfghtly changed 
Heynes punctuation, *Hic, tibi fabor 
enim/ which is also approved by Serv. 

* Tibi ' impUes * thou shalt seo him victo- 
rious in Italy.' * Qaando * has the force 
of * quandoquidem,' as 5tc that of 5ti. The 

* re ' in • remordet ' may expres3 either a 
single recurrence or frequent repetition ; 
the latter sense seems more natural herc. 
« Cura recursat," below, v. 662. * Bemor- 
dere' is found Lucr. 3. 827., 4. 1135. 

262.] * Volvens ' is probably a metaphor 
from a book unroUed. "Volvendi sunt 
Ubri cum aUorum tum inprimis Catonis," 
Cic. Brut. 87. [Livy 34. 5 " tuas adversus 
te Origines revolvam." — H. N.] Jupiter 
says he wiU open yet farther the secrets 
that Ue in the oook of fate. The notion 
in " movebo " is that of " quieta movere." 
" Fallax historias movet,'*^ Hor. 3 Od. 7. 
20, quoted by Grossrau. 8o " excitare," to 
cite, as we say coUoquiaUy, to rake up. 

* Awaken the secrets of Fate'3 book from 
the distant pagea where they slumber.' 




Bellum ingens geret Italia populoBque ferocis 
Contundet, moresque viris et moenia ponet, 
Tertia dum Latio regnantem yiderit aestas^ 
Temaque transierint Butulis hibema subactis. 
At puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen lulo 
Additur, — Ilus erat, dum res stetit Ilia regno — 
Triginta magnos yolyendis mensibus orbis 
Imperio explebit, regnumque ab sede Lavini 
Transferet, et Longam multa vi muniet Albam. 
Hic iam ter centum totos regnabitur annos 


[Henry would join *fabor' with ' longiuB.' 
— H. N.] 

263.] * BeUum ingens,' G. 2. 279. « Po- 
pulosque ferocis contundet/ * will crush 
ita bold nations.' CJomp. 4. 229., 5. 730, 
&c. [Hor. 1 Od. 35. 10 "Latium ferox." 
— H. N.] 

264.] *More8' convoyed to a Boman 
many of the notions which political insti- 
tutions and a social system convey to ua. 
Comp. 8. 316, "Quis neque mos neque 
cultus erat ; " and see on 6. 4. 5. There is 
not a mere play on the double sense of the 
word * ponere, as the buildlng of a city 
implies a settled civil govemment. ' Mores 
ponere,* like vofju}0(T€7v in Greek. ** Inpo- 
nere morem," 6. 852 ; ** posuere urbem," 
8. 53. There may be a notion too of giving 
(* ponere * = ** dare," as Ottyeu = SoDycu), as 
* viris * seems to show. 

265.] The legend was tbat the first 
settlement (represented in Virg. by the 
camp) endured for three years, Lavinium 
for thirty, after which the kingdom was 
transferred to Alba, which lasted for three 
hundred. For the form of expression 
comp. V. 755 below. 

266.] The propriety of * hibema,' as de- 
noting that he was still in tbe camp, has 
not beien noticed. * Rutulis subactis ' may 
very weU be the abl. absol. ; but it is more 
probably the dative, an idiom common in 
Greek, and found also in Juv. 14. 10, 
** Cum septimus annus Transierit puero." 
It is a variety of the ethical or personal 
dative. See on v. 102 above. 

267.] Fragm. Vat. originaUy had * quo,' 
from which Bibbeck extracts * quoi.' 

268.] Heyne without reason suspects this 
linc. It is a natural attempt to stxengthen 
a weak point of the legend, the absence of 
any connexion between lulus and any 
character in the Trojan story. * Dum res 
stetit nia regno ' may either be rendered 
with Wagn., * dum res stetit Ilio regno ' 
(* res stetit * = ** fortuna stetit "), or, which 

seems better, while the Trojan state (* res 
Ilia,' like * res Romana') stood with power 
unbroken (* stetit regno,* * stood in respect 
of its power *). In the latter case we may 
compare 2. 88, *' Dum stabat regno inco- 
lumis." With the perfect aftOT *dum,' 
in the sense of duration, comp. 3. 15, 
*« Dum Fortuna fuit." 

269.] * Volvendis mensibus : ' here and 
in •*volvenda dies," 9. 7, Virg. has fol- 
lowed the usage of Enn. A. ino. 69, ** cla- 
mor ad caelum volvendus per aethera va- 
git," and of Lucr. 5. 1276, **Sic volvenda 
aetas oommutat tempora rerum." Both 
in this passage and in 9. 7, however, the 
ordinary sense of the gerundive would 
have force, as in each case it is a god 
who may be speaking of destiuy, so ^at 
we may doubt whether Virg, would have 
used the word in a connexion where he 
could not have availed himself of com- 
mon as well as of archaic associations. 
Understood in the ordinary sense, *vol- 
vendis mensibus ' wiU be an instrumental 
or modal ablative. *Orbis:* **annuu8 
orbis** occurs in 5. 46. The epithet 
which is here wanting must be supplied 
from the context, especially from * men- 

270.] * Imperio ' may be either dative, 

* for his reign,' or modal abl. = * impe- 
rando.' Heins. restored * ab sede ' for * a 
sede,' from Med., Rom., &c. 

271.] •Muniet,* *buUd and fortify.' 

* Multa vi,* * with great power and might,' 
not, *with strong fortifications.* Virg. 
doubtless foUowed Lucr. 1. 728, ** multa 
munita virum \i" where however popula- 
tion seems meant. Wagn. retains * lon- 
gam ' as more poetical than ' Longam ; ' he 
however writes *Longam' in 6. 766. A 
similar inversion of the names of persons is 
found even in prose writers. See Madeane 
on Hor. 2 Od. 2, 3. 

272.] Serv. mentions a reading * hinc,' 
supported by a correotion in one of Bib- 



Gente sub Hectorea, doneo regina sacerdos 

Marte gravis geminam parta dabit Uia prolem. 

Inde lupae fulvo nutricis tegmine laetus 375 

Bomulus excipiet gentem, et Mavortia condet 

Moenia Bomanosque suo de nomine dicet. 

His ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono ; 

Imperium sine fine dedi. Quin aspera luno, 

Quae mare nunc terrasque metu caelumque fatigat, 280 

Consilia in melius referet, mecumque fovebit 

BomanoSy rerum dominos, gentemque togatam. 

beck^s cmsives. Wagn. and Forb. cxplaia 

* iam ' 818 ** de 60 qnod nondum est, sed suo 
tempore oerte flet,'* referring to 4. 566., 6. 
676., 8. 42., 11. 708, Tibnll. 2. 5. 66, inaU 
of whioh passages ' iam ' means * at once,' 
a senae inapplioable here. Wemnstrather 
take it therefore as contrasting Alba and 
its long-lived dynasty with the preceding 
members of the series. ' And here the 
kingdom shall endure three hundred 
yeara.* ^lam' then will mean, at this 

Soint of the series of events. As * regna- 
itur' is impersonal, we should rather 
have expected ** a gente Hectorea." The 
epithet * Hectorea ' is of course not strictly 

273.] It is difficult to say whether 
' reg^na' or 'saoerdos' is to be taken sts 
the adjective. With the combination 
Weidner comp. v. 382 below, ** matre dea." 

* Regina,* * princess,' 6. 28, note, ag Anti- 
gone is termed T^y fiourtXiSa in Soph. Ant. 
941. * Saoerdos,' a Vestal. 

274.] For the oonstruction *Marte 
gravis,* and the meaning represented by 
it, see note on Q. 3. 5CS. ** Gravida ex 
aliquo" is used by Ter. Hec. 3. 3. 32, and 
Ovid (Met 3. 260) has **gravidam do 
semine lovis." * Partu dabit ' = ** pariet ." 
Comp. ** furtivo partu sub luminis edidit 
oras," 7. 660. 

275.] • Lupae tegmine laetus : * comp. 
Hor. 3 Od. 4. 34, **laetum ecjuino san- 
guine Concanum," and the similar use of 
** gaudeo." Prop. 5. 10. 20 describes Bo- 
mulus with a helmet of wolf-skin ; but 
Virg., as Henry remarks, doubtless 
meant the * tegmen ' to cover the whole 

276.] Comp. note on G. 2. 345. The 
notion here is that of succession. * The 
nation shaU then pass into the hands of 
Romulus.' There is nothing to warrant 
the notion of Thiel and Forb. that * exci- 
piet '=** accipiet asylo." * Mavortia * may 
point at once to the birth of Bomulus, the 

worship of Mars at Rome, and the martial 
character of the nation. 

278.] * His,* as opposed to their prede- 
cessors, whose date was limited. * Metas ' 
probably refers to the bounds of the em- 
pire (* rerum '), * tempora * to its duration. 

* Meta ' however may be transferred firom 
space to time, 10. 472. With * his tem- 
pora pono' we may compare '*Stat sua 
cuiqne dies," 10. 467. 

280.] * Metu ' is commonly taken with 
*fatigat (like **omnia magno Ne cessa 
turbare metu," 11. 400), expressing the 
terror which Juno sproads through the 
universe. It may however, and perhaps 
better, be taken, as Serv. suggests, for the 
alarm which Juno feels at the course of 
destiny, if we compare v. 23, ** id men- 
tuens," and 10. 9. *Fatigat' will then 
mean, keeps earth, air, and sea astir, by 
constantly traversing them and exciting 
their powers ; so ** remigio noctemque dl- 
emque fatigant," 8. 92. Thus Virg. may 
have had in his eye II. 4. 26, where Here 
oomplains of the toil which she and her 
horses have undergone in persecuting the 
Trojans : comp. also II. 8. 478 foll. 

281.] Tho phrase * in melius referre' is 
twice used in Virg. (here and 11. 425) for 

• to amend.* [Serv. quotes from a nrag- 
ment of Sallust ** ad mutandam modo in 
melius servitutem." — H. N.] He refers 
to Ennius (A. 289) as sa^ring that Juno 
became reconciled to the Bomans in the 
second Punic war. There wonld naturally 
be different opinions about the time when 
her sentiments changed : Horace has his 
own, 3 Od. 3. 16 foU. : Virg. seems to put 
the date earlier, 12. 841, though else- 
where, as in lO. 11 foll.,he intimates that 
the gods take part in the struggle be- 
tween Bome and Carthage. 

282.^ Macrobius (Sat. 6. 5) says that 
Labenus was the author of the line ; and 
Suetonius (A\ig. 40) tells a story of Au- 
gOBtUB' quoting it, It had probably be- 



Sic placitam. Veniet lustris labentibus aetas, 
Cum domus Assaraci Phthiam clarasque Mycenas 
Servitio premet ac victis dominabitur Argis. 285 

Nascetur pulchra Troianua origine Caesar, 
Imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris, 
lullus, a magno demissum nomen lulo. 
Hunc tu olim caelo, spoliis Orientis onustum, 
Accipies secura ; vocabitur hic quoque votis. 290 

Aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis ; 
Cana Fides, et Vesta, Bemo cum fratre Quirinus, 
lura dabunt ; dirae ferro et compagibus artis 

come a stock line to exprees the grandeur 
of imperial Rome. * Grentem togatam * is 
not a tame addition, being sufficiently 
oharacteristic; so that there is no need 
with Heyne to seek a point in any anti- 
theeis between " arma " and " toga." Hor. 
3 Od. 5. 10, " Anciliorum et nominis et 
togae Oblitus." 

283.] 'Sic placitum,' olhws Moktou 
Jupiter is speaking destiny. It will be 
observed that Muatra' being a strictly 
Boman measure of time, Jupiter is thus 
made to speak the language of the gpreat 
uation. * As Rome's years roU on.' 

284.] Assarocusis the ancestor through 
whom Aeneas was related to the n>yal 
house of Troy. Comp. II. 20. 230. *The 
desoendants of Aeneas shall triuniph over 
thoee of AchiUes C Phthiam '), Agamem- 
non (*Myoena8 '), and Diomed (*^gos ').* 
Ck)mp. 6. 838, **Eruet iUe Argos Aga- 
memnoniasque Mycenas, Ipsumque Aea- 
ciden, genus armipotentis Achilli." 

286.] *Caesar,' Augustus (Julius Caesar 
by adoption) ; not, as Sery. tninks, JuUus, 
who could hardly be said to be laden with 
the spoils of the East, and who was not 
the primary objeot of a Roman's homage. 
We may observe that he is not distinctlv 
spoken of here as Julius Caesar, which 
would hare been ambiguous, but is called 
Caesar, the gentile name Julius being 
mentioned as oonnecting him with lulus. 
It may seem against this that his apo- 
theosis is spoken of v. 289 ; but we may 
be meant to understand the deification 
as taking place during his Ufe, as we 
know it to have done, E. 1. 44 note, Hor. 
2 Ep. 1. 15. With the whole passage 
comp. 6. 791 foU. * Pulohra Troianus 
origine,' from the high line of Troy ; as 
though it had been **pulchra Troianorum 
origine." This oonnects the line with 
those which precede. It is conceivable, 

however, as has been suggested to me, 
that * pulchra ' mayrefer to Augustus^per- 
sonal oeauty, an aUusion to which would 
be appropriate in a speech to Venus. 

287.] *Qui terminet,' *de8tined to 
bound.' See on 7. 99. 

288.] For the aUeged origin of the 
JuUi from lulus see Merivale, Hist. vol. i. 
p. 97, who observes that the great JuUus 
seems to have been the firdt to assert it. 
** Caesar et omnis luli Progenies," 6. 789. 
* Demissum : ' oomp. G. 3. 35. For the 
apposition * luUus— nomen ' [comp. *' Sil- 
vius, Albanum nomen " 6. 763, and Hor. 
2 S. 6. 62, ** iuvenis Parthis horrendus, 
ab alto Demissum genus Aenea." 

289.] * Spoliis Orientis onustum.' For 
similar compliments to Augustus as con- 
queror of the East, seb G. 2. 171., 4. 560, 
A. 8. 724 foU. Serv. mentions another 
reading, * honestum,' whioh would easUy 
arise from the speUing * honustum,' fre- 
quently found in old MSS. 

290.] * Hic quoque,' as weU as Aeneas, 
V. 259. ** Damnabis tu quoque votis " E. 
5. 80. See on v. 286. 

291.] As it is expressed elsewhere, 6. 
792, E. 4. 8, the iron age wUl pass into 
the golden. 

292.] These four deities are chosen, as 
Henry remarks, as typical of the primi- 
tive and golden age of Rome. Yesta has 
been mentioned before in a similar oon- 
nexion G. 1. 498, Romulus and Remus G, 
2. 533. The union of the two latter, as 
Heyne obeervee, symbolizes the end of 
civU broUs. Numa (Livy 1. 21) estab- 
lished the worship of Fides. Comp. 
Hor. Carm. Saec. 57, ** lam Fides et Pax 
et Honor Pudorque priscus." *Cana' 
occurs 5. 744 as an epithet of Vesta, [ond, 
as Henry remarks, is to be taken literally. 
— H. N.] 

293.] [*Iura ' in this cont«xt means 



Claudentur Belli portae ; Puror impius intus 
Saeya sedens super arma et centum vinctus aenis 
Fost tergum nodis fremet horridus ore cruento. 

Haec ait> et Maia genitum demittit ab alto, 
Ut terrae, utque novae pateant Karthaginis arces 
Hospitio Teucris, ne fati nescia Dido 


Btiicily 'ordinances,' ^deorees in par* 
tioular cases/ ^provisions to meet par- 
ticnlar caflefl/ * mleB of law.' Gicero De 
Jny. 2. 22 disting^shes **iara naturae," 
**iura consuetndinis," and *<inra legi- 
tima ; ** provisions or ordinances of nature, 
of onstom, and of **lege8/' or written 
formnlae; and he constantly nees the 
word of the mles of law on which the 
praetors choee to base their deoisions: 
e. g. Top. 4 *< aeqnitas, qnae paribns in 
cansis paria inra desiderat." Thns ** inra 
dare" or "reddere" is to give or lay 
down mles of law, or decisions in par- 
tionlar cases : and so in a general sense 
•to govem,' *bear sway.* The corre- 
lative of * inra dare * is ** iura petere," 
which is nsed of the govemed : Livy 23. 
5, 10 : so Statins 1 Silv. 4. 12 **quae tua 
longinquis implorant inra querellis."' — 
H. N.] The ranction in Virg. is gene- 
rally a royal one, v. 507., 3. 137., 5. 758 
note: seehowever 8. 670. * Ferro et com- 
pagibns artis' (a hendiadys) shonld be 
taken, as Henry says, with * dirae.' * The 
gates of war grim with closely-welded 
platee of iron.' It will auswer then to 
** ferratos postis " 7. 622. * Compagibus ' 
tronld not be a natural expression for 
bolts or bars, in spite of the paraUel 7. 
609. The word is twice used for plank- 
ing, above v. 126 and 2. 51. The allu- 
sion is to the closing of the temple of 
JanuB A.U.C. 725. Virg. prefers calling 
it the temple of War here and in 7. 607, 
where it is described at length ; and this 
agrees with Plut. Numa 19, quoted on 
the latter passage. Oomp. also the lines 
of Enniu8(?) cited by Hor. 1 8. 4. 60, 
** postqnam Discordia taetra Belli ferratos 
postis portasque refregit." 

294.J * Impius,' on account of the civil 
wars. G. 1. 511. The imagery in this 
passage is snpposed to be derived from a 
painting of Apelles mentioned by PJiny 
35. 98,repre8enting War fettered, (** belli 
imaginem restrictis ad terga manibus ") 
which was placed by Augustus in his 
own fornm. Germanus Valens thinks 
tbat there is an allusion to a statue of 
Ares, mentioned by Pausanias, represent- 

ing the god bonnd and seated on a pile 
of arms; the meaning of the binding 
being apparently that he was not to pe^ 
over to the enemy. 

295.] * Saeva arma ' 8. 482, &c. * Ma- 
nns post terga revinctum ' 2. 57. Here 
'manus' is inferred from 'post tergnm.' 

* Nodi * are oonpled with * vincla ' Lncr. 
6. 356. 

296.] [Ribbeck reads <po8 tergum' 
from two of his cnrsives. — H. N.] 

297 — 304.] •Mercury is sent dovm to 
dispose Dido and the Oarthaginians to 
welcome the Trojans.' 

297.] Mercnry s mission is rather inde- 
finite, as Virg. can have hardly meant 
him actnally to convene Dido and the 
Carthaginians as he convenes Aeneas in 

4. 265 foll. There may be a confusion 
between the Homerio character of Her- 
mes as the messcDger of the gods and 
his otber oharacter 8ts the god of elo- 
quence and the civilizer of mankind; 
for which see Hor. 1 Od. 10 and Ov. F. 

5. 663. — * Demittit — pateant — aroeret' 
Jahnrightly remarks that *ut pateant' 
expresses Jupiter^s charge to Mercury, 
*arceret' his object in giving it The 
former, it is obvious, would naturally 
come uuder the historio present, bnt it 
could hardly have been extended to the 
latter. [PaL has * dimittit — H. N.] 

298.] * Terrae— arces:' that they might 
be allowed to enter the territory and be 
received into the city. Pal. originally 
had * terra.' * Novae * is to be taken with 

* Karthaginis,' as is proved by v. 366, on 
which Serv. says **Karthago est lingua 
Poenomm Nova Oivitas, ut docet Livins." 
In the same way Virg. uses epithets ex- 
planatory of the etymology of the name 
3. 693, **Plemvrium undosum;" 698, 
** stagnantis Helori ; " 703, ** arduus Acra- 
gas ; " 705, ** palmosa Selinns ; " ** parva 
Petelia" 3. 402. With *pateant' Forb. 
comp. "dauditur orbis" above v. 233. 
[The MSS. read * Oarthaginis.'— H. N.] 

299.] «Hospitio Teuoris:' a double 
dativo after *pateant' Oomp. **excidio 
Libyae " v. 22. * Fati nescia' is observ- 
able, as showing Virg.'s conception of 



Finibus arceret. Volat ille per aera magnum soo 

Bemigio alarum^ ac Libyae citus astitit oris. 
Et iam iussa facit, ponimtque ferocia Poeni 
Corda volente deo ; ,in primis regina quietum 
Accipit in Teucros animum mentemque benignam. 

At pius Aeneas, per noctem plurima volvens, 805 

XJt primum lux alma data est, exire locosque 
Explorare novos, quas vento accesserit oras, 
Qui teneant, nam inculta videt, hominesne feraene, 
Quaerere constituit, sociisque exacta referre. 

fate as a power wbioh other agencies may 
thwart, though they caimot ultimately 
overcome it Hejme^s explanation, that 
Dido^s iguorance of destiny might lead 
her to suppose that the Trojans widhed 
to settle at Garthage, seemB less likely. 
Rom. originally had * fatis.' 

301.] ♦Astitit,' *alighted.' Comp. 6. 
17, ** Chalcidicaque levifl tandem super 
oBtitit aroe." [' Adstitit,' Med. and Hom. 
— H. N.] For *remi^o alarum' comp. 
Lucr. 6. 743, *'Remigi" (so Lachm. for 
**remigio") **oblitae pennarum vela re- 
mittunt." The original author of the 
metophor, which has become a common- 
place iu poetry, is supposed to be Aesoh. 
Ag. 52. 

302.] *Ponimtque* shows that the 
effect of Mercury'8 mission is almost 
fiimultaneous with the discharge of it. 
Comp. the use of ** que " after ** vix " 
2. 692 &c., and that of *'iamque " foUowed 
by a sentence witbout.a oonnecting par- 
ticle 2. 132 foU. **Iu88a faceasunt'^ 4. 
295. **Pone animos" 11. 366. It may 
be doubted wliether the meaning is ' to 
lay aside' or *to allay,* as in Hor. 1 Od. 3. 
16, *'toUere seu ponere freta" (comp. 
^*animos toUent sata" G. 2. 350); but 
such expressions as ** ponere inimicitias" 
seem rather in favour of the former. So 
probably **iram ponit" Hor. A. P. 160, 
as tiie antitbesis to *'oolli^t " appears to 
show. Here possibly "aocipit* may point 
the same way, though * quietum * might 
be piessed on the other side. 

803.] *Volente deo.* Btov edxom-os 
ooours Aesch. Theb. 427 and elsewhere 
in the Bense of $§wv 0€\6yr<»y : so that it 
is possible that * volente deo ' is meant to 
be nnderstood generaUy, not taken of 
Meioury, which is the common intcrpre- 
tation. The partioiple will of courso bear 
the sense either of * if he wills,' or, as 
here, * since he wills.' * Quietum,' * peace- 
ful,' opp. to **turbatu8" (8. 435) and 

** turbidus " (11. 742 &c.). * Animum— 
mentem : ' comp. ** magoam mentem ani- 
mumque" 6. 11, and the Homeric Karh 
^piva Kol Kara 0vfji6v, Lucr. couples **mens 
animusque" 1. 74 (where see Munro), 3. 
142, 403 : in 3. 94 he uses the words oon- 
vertibly, ** animum . . . mentem quam 
saepe vocamus," and in 6. 1183 he talks 
of ** animi mens." * Accipere mentem ' 
is used differently below, v. 676. 

305—324.] *Aenea8 goes out in the 
moming to reconnoitiu After hiding 
his fleet in the cove, he meets his mother 
in the shape of a huntress,' and is aooostcd 
by her in that cliaracter. 

305.] There is a slight Inaocuraoy ia 

* volvens,' as if the thoughts of the night 
oontinued into the day ; the present par- 
ticiple being perhaps suggested by iro?<Xa 
ipp^aiv Spfudvovraf U. 10. 4. Wagn., who 
will not aUow that ^volvens' can be 
equivalent to *'qui volvorat," followed 
by Forb., supposes tho sense to be that 
Aeneas resolved during the night to go 
out at daybreak ; but this would only in- 
troduoe worse confusion, as * nt primum 
lux alma data est ' cannot mean, * as soon 
as the day should dawn : ' not to mention 
the abruptness of the transition from 

* constituit,' thus explained, to * ocouUt.' 

307.] * Explorare ' has an object olause 
over and above the accusative in 7. 150, 
80 that it may be constructed here with 
•quas— oras,* *quaerere* being added as 
a pieoe of surplusage for the sakeof olear- 
ness, like ** memoret " after ** fari " 2. 75. 

* Vento,* by stress of weather, as in 4. 46. 
With the general senseoomp. 7. 130 foU., 
148 foU. 

308.] * Inculta * seems to have the force 
of a Bubstantive, like **culta" in the 
Georgics. ' For he sees a desert before 

309.] * Exacta,' probably the result of 
his inquiries; •exigere' being *to inquire.' 
Ov. A. A. 2. 129. ** iUic quoque pulohra 



Glassem in conyexo nemorum sub rupe cavata «sio 

Arboribus clausam circum atque horrentibus umbris 
Occulit ; ipse uno graditur comitatus Achate, 
Bina manu lato crispans hastilia ferro. 
Cui mater media sese tulit obyia silva^ 
Yirginis os habitumque gerens et yirginis arma, 815 

Spartanae^ yel qualis equos Threissa fatigat 
Harpalyce yolucremque fuga praevertitur Hebrum. 

Oalypflo Exigit Odrysii fata onienta dn- 
ois." It may however mean no more 
tban r^ vtirpayfi^vat as in '^his demmn 
exactiB " 6. 637. Weidner makes it mean 
" aocnrate," oomparing 9. 193 " mittique 
▼iros, qni certa reportent" with 8il. 1. 
684, "mittique viroe, qui exaota repor- 
tent*' Ulysses reoonnoitres alone Od. 10. 
144 foU. 

310.] • In oonvexo nemomm,' where the 
woody shores of the cove (v. 164) nar- 
row. The expression is like " caeli con- 
vexa." [*Oonvexu' one of Ribbeck'8 
cnrsives. — H. N.] 

811.] • Olausam occnlit ' like ** snbmer- 
sas obrue " v. 69 above. 

312.] «Oomitatus' with the abl. with- 
ont the preposition is found even in prose. 
Oic. pro. Oael. 14, " mulier alienis viris 

313.] Henry takes * manu crispans has- 
tilia ' as equivalent to *' crispans manum 
in hastilia, and interprets * crispans ' as 
^olenching.' Heobiectsto tiie ordinary 
sense * brandishing * (makiog the spear 
cnrl or quiver), on tho groimd that it is 
nnsupported and inappropriate, wheu, as 
here and in 12. 165, where the lino re- 
eura, the person is peacefuUy engaged. 
Whiie however it may be granted that 
* orispans' is a strong expression for the 
motion of the spear merely as carried 
in the hand in walkicg, it must be 
remembered that it ia hazardous to 
aMume that one expression is put for 
another, whioh itself has no example in 
the Latin language. Hom.'8 heroes 
oarry two spears. *' Lato venabula ferro " 
4. 181. 

814.] * Sese tulit obvia : ' comp. 6. 879., 
10. 552. 

815.] Heyne remarks that Virg. had 
before him Od. 7. 19., 13. 221, where 
Athene meets and gnides Ulysses, in the 
one plaoe as a girl carrying water, in the 
other plaoe as a shepheid. Maorobius 
had abeady observea (Sat. 5. 11) that 
Venns to some extent performs the part 

of Nausicaa in Od. 6. • Oerere * of an 
assnmed appearance 12. 472. Wagn. 
rightly understands the meaning to oe 
"virginis os habitumque gerens, et vir- 
ginis arma vel Spartanae vel Thressae." 
Venus assnmes the face and appearance 
of a virgin and the aocoutrements of a 

317.] *Harpalyoe.* There is more 
than one mythological character of this 
name; but the one meant here appears 
to,be a Thraoian prinoess who took to 
the woods upon the dethronement of 
the king her father, [and whose story 
seems to have been the origin of that 
of Oamma.--H.N.] The MSS. have 
' Hebrum.* Rutgers oonjeotured * Eumm,* 
which has been received by several edi- 
tors, including Heyne and Ribbeck, on 
the ground that it is no proof of swiftness 
to outrun a rirer, and that Hebrus in 
particular, as Serv. remarks, is not swift. 
Wagn. and Forb. however rightly defend 
the MSS. reading, as in perfect conformity 
with classical usage, and particularly 
supported by Sil. 2. 73, ** Quales Threi- 
ciae Khodopen Pangaeaque lustrant 
Saxosis nemora alta iugis cursuque fati- 
gant Hebrum innupta manus.*^ The 
Thracian huntress outstrips the rivers of 
her own country. A similar attempt has 
been made to correct the text of Hor. Od. 
1. 25. 20, where see Macleane's note. 
Heyne, Wagn., and Forb. take ^equos 
fatigat,' as ^presses her horses,' "quod 
proprium Amazonibus." But Serv.'s ex- 
planation, * tires by outrunning them,' is 
supported by the imitation from Silius 
just quotcd (comp. also Sil. 3. 807), and 
oorrosponds with the story of Harpalyce, 
very circumstantially given by Serv. In 
Soph. Ant. 981 foll. (a passaRO which 
oorresponds remarkably with uiis story 
of Harpalyoe), we have the expression 
Bopc&s ifuwiros. Ck)mp. Jeremiah 12. 5, 
"If thon hast mn with the footmen, 
and they have wearied thee, then how 
canst thou contend with horses ? " Both 



Namque umeriB de more habilem suspenderat arcum 
Venatrix, dederatque comam diffundere ventis, 
Nuda genu, nodoque sinus coUecta fluentis. 820 

Ac prior, Heus, inquit, iuyenes, monstrate, mearum 
Yidistis si quam hic errantem forte sororum, 
Succinctam pharetra et maculosae tegmine lyncis, 
Aut spumantis apri cursum dctmore prementem. 
Sic Venus ; et Veneris contra sic filius orsus : 825 

^praevertor' and 'praeverto' are used 
in this sense: comp. 7. 807., 12. 945. 
^Fuga* of rapid moyement in general, 
G. 3. 142, 201. 

318.] ' Umeris suspenderat arcmn : ' 
r6^ &fiouriy ^x"»'» !*• !• *5. The bow, and 
sometimes the arrows, appears to have 
been placed in the bow-oase, or ywpvr^s 
(10. 169, ** Gorytique levee umeris **), and 
80 slung over the shoulder. See Dict. A. 
* arcus.' * Habilem ' is perhaps beet taken 
olosely with * suspenderat,' the bow being 
slung conveniently. Comp. 9. 305, " habi- 
lem vagina aptarat ebuma." * De more ' 
is explained by v. 315. above, v. 336 

319.1 * Venatrix,' * as a huntress ; * oomp. 
11. 648. note, and perhaps ib. 780; also 
below V. 493. * Dederat comam diffundere 
ventis,' [not, as Serv. thought, a Grecism, 
biit the old Latin construction of the in- 
finitivo to express purpose. This use is 
found in Plautus and Terence, according 
to Roby Syntax § 1362, mainly with verlJ 
ofmotion; but it is also found fairly 
often with " dare " and " ministrare,'*^[e. g. 
Plautus Persa 821 (Bitschl) " age circum- 
fer mulsum : bibere da usque plenis can- 
tharis : " Cato R. R. 89 " bibere dato." 
In Plaut Truo. 4. 2, 26 " dedi . . .'quinque 
argenti deforri minas" modem editors 
insert " iussi" melri gratia. Li?y 40. 47 
" ut bibere sibi iuberent dari : " Hor. 1. 
Od. 26. 2 "tradam protervis in mare 
Creticum Portare ventis." See Drager 
Hist. Syntax § 433. 1.— H. N.] 

320.] * Nuda genu,' i. e. her tunic did 
not reach the knee. Ov., M. 10. 536, 
** Nuda genu, vestem ritu suocincta Dia- 
nae " (quoted by Forb.). A representation 
of Diana with her tunio girt up above the 
knee, and the folds gathered into a knot 
or bunch on the breast, is givcn in Dict. 
A. * chlamys.' It is difficult however, on 
a comparison of paraUel passages (4. 139., 
11. 776; Stai Theb. 4. 265 ; Claud. Cons. 
Prob. et Olyb. 1. 89), to detormine whe- 
ther the * sinus ' is the folds of the tunio 
or the chlamys, and whether the * nodus ' 

18 the knot or bunch into which the folds 
were gathered, the brooch, or the belt. 
The usage of Virg. seems in favour of 
taking * nodus ' strictly of a knot. Comp. 
6. 301. Heyne's note on this passage is 
perhaps scarcely oonsistent with his third 
Bxcursus on Aen. 11. 

321.] * If you have by any ohanoe seen 
one of my sisters, point oat to me where 
she is ; ' not * tell me whether you have 
seen,' a sense whioh * monstrate' wiU not 

323.] * Maoulosae tegmine lyncis : ' this 
would be wom as a chlamys or soarf. 
See Dict. A. * chlamys.' * Pharetram,' 
which is found in some inferior MSS. and 
(from a correction) in Rom., would seem 
to have been an old reading, as Priscian, 
p. 1081, savs **pharetram . . . sedmelius 
in quibusaam codicibus sine m pharetra 
ablativus iuvenitur : quidam tamen lyncis 
cursum a oonmiuDi aooipiunt," a strange 
intcrpretation. Madvig however would 
take *■ cursum ' with *• lyncis ' as well as 
with * apri : ' and Ribl^eck, Prolegom. p. 
328, admitting the justiceof the objection 
to tbis, that ** togmen " is the hide of a 
dead beast, not tbe skin of a living one, 
would adopt * tegmina * from Gud. (ori- 
ginalJy), supposing that * tegmina lyncis 
prementem' oould mean ^hunting the 
lynx for itshide.* 

324.] * Apri cursum prementem ' is op- 
poeed to * errantem.' * Clamore premen- 
tom ; ' see G. 3. 419, where the dogs, to 
which * clamore * refers, are the principal 
subject of the paragraph. [" Pressor " was 
a technical term for a hunter whose 
businees it was to foUow up tbe game. 
Isid. 10. 282.— H. N.] *Apri cur8um' = 
"aprum currentem," a boar that has 
broken covert. See Hor. Epod. 5. 28, 
and Macleane's note. 

325—334.] ' Aeneas replies, suppoeing 
her tobe a goddess, and inquires the 
name of the oountry.' 

325.] * At,* tho reading of some of the 
early editions, is supported by Serv. on 9. 
656; but Wagn. justly olwerves that, 



Nulla tuarum audita mihi neque visa sororum^ 

O — quam te memorem, virgo ? namque haut tibi vultus 

MortaliSy nec vox hominem sonat : O dea certe ; 

An Phoebi soror ? an Nympharum sanguinis ima ? 

Sis felixy nostrumque leves, quaecumque, laborem, 330 

Ety quo sub caelo tandem, quibus orbis in oris 

lactemur, doceas : ignari hominumque locorumque 

Erramus, yento huc et vastis fluctibus acti : 

Multa tibi ante aras nostra cadet hostia dextra. 

Tum Yenus : Haut equidem tali me dignor honore ; 335 

coupled with ' oontra,* it wonld create too 
strong an opposition. 

326.1 ' Audita ' is commonly rendered 
* heara of ; ' in which sense ** audituB " is 
frequently oonpled with ** yisua," even in 
the case of persons. Here howcTer there 
woidd he no particular force in it, and it 
seems hetter, on the whole, to follow the 
BUggestion of Sery., and Buppose the 
referenoe to be to * clamore.' 

827.] *0,' aa Wund. remarks, should 
have been followed by a Tocative of the 
name of the goddess ; for he is sure she 
is a goddesa (* O Dea oerte '), though he 
knows not woat goddess. Wund. comp. 
Demosth. de Cor. p. 232, eTt* 2— t^ hp 
€hrifp ir4 ru 6p0&s irpofffiiroi ; — ^ffriy Znrov 
K^r, X. To whioh may be added Aristoph. 
Clouds 1378, iri a' fftrw ; Weidner refers 
to a passage in Ad Herenn. 4. 4, ^ tu istud . 
ausus es dioere, homo omnium mortalium 
— quonam te digno moribus tuis appellem 
nomine ? " which is g^ven as an example 
of oratorical " dubitatio." There is pro- 
bably some sense of solemnity in * memo- 
rem.^ * Virgo' is not to be pointed as a 
separate interrogative sentence (* what 
shall I oall thee? a virgin?'), as some 
have supposed, the word beiDg applicable 
to a goddess as weU as to a mortal maiden. 
'Haut— nec' 7. 203 note. nVoltus' 
Pal.--H. N.] 

328.] ' Hominem sonat : ' ** humanum 
sonat" would be the oommon idium. 
Persius however (3. 21) has ** sonat 
vitium." "Sapimus patruos" (Pers. 1. 
11) is a similar ezpression. There is a 
slight similarity to this passage in Od. 6. 
149 foll., and a somewhat stronger one in 
ApolL B. 4. 1411 folL 

329.] Heyne appears to be right in 
dividingthis line into two separate ques* 
tions. Hand's notion (Tursell. 1. 315) 
that it is a case similar to those in which 
' certe * follows " nescio an," * whether or 
Bot— at all events,' seems far-fetched. 

[Serv. mentioDS that in his time some 
took 'an' as simply disiunotive, 'or'; 
he quotes a fragment of Sallust *' per- 
rexere in Hispaniam an Sardiniam." 
This use is not unknown to Cicero : see 
the lexicoDS. — H. N.] Looking to * una,' 
it seems better to take 'sanguinis' as 
equivalent to ** generis " ( " sanguis 
meus," 6. 835), not as an attributive 
genitive. Comp. however 6: 778, ** Assa- 
raci quam sanguiuis Uia mater Eduoet.*' 
Perhaps it may be regarded here as a 
oonfusion of two modes of expression. 

330.] * Sis felix,' * be propitious.' Comp. 
E. 5. 65, **Sis bonus o felixque tuis." 
Wund., foUowingahintof Heyne, thinks 
it may stand for xa^<» which is so oommon 
in Greek hymns; but the passage just 
cited is against this. * Quaecumque (es),' 
a sort of vocative clause : comp. 8. 122, 
**Egredere o quioumquo es." For the 
thought comp. Od. 16. 183. [Od. 6. 445 
K\v€t ivci^, Sris iaai : where aUo Homer^s 
iroXK^ fAoyfiiras may have suggested * nos- 
tnim laborem.* — ^H. N.] 

331.] * Tandem ' does little more than 
lend emphasis, like 8^. 

333.] * Vastis et fluctibus ' is tbe read- 
ing of Pal. and other MSS. Rom. and 
Med. a m. pr. read * et vastis fluctibus,' 
which is approved by Pierius, and re- 
stored by Heinsius and Heyne. It is 
undoubtedly true, as Wagn. says, that 
the former rhythm is that which we most 
frequently find in Virg.*8 hexameters. 
The other however is by no means un- 
common. It is therefore a question of ear 
in the particular passage, and the fuller 
close which, as Pierius says, is produced 
by * et vastis ' seems appropriate here. 

334.] Comp. Od. 16. 181 foll. 

335—371.] *Venu8 informs him that 
he is in the territory of Carthage, and 
tells the story of Dido*s flight firom Tyre 
to Africa.* 

335.] * Honoie ' i. e. being addressed as 



Virginibus Tyriis mos est gestare pharetram, 
Furpureoque alte suras vincire cothumo. 
Punica regna vides, Tyrios et Agenoris urbem ; 
Sed fines Libyci, genus intractabile bello. 
Imperium Dido Tyria regit urbe profecta, 
Germanum fugiens. Longa est iniuria, longae 
Ambages ; sed summa sequar fastigia rerum. 
Huic coniunx Sychaeus erat, ditissimus agri - 
Phoenicum, et magno miserae dilectus amore, 
Gui pater intactam dederat, primisque iugarat 
Ominibus. Sed regna Tyri germanus habebat 
Pygmalion, scelere ante alios immanior omnis. 
Quos inter medius venit furor. Ille Sychaeum 



a goddess or nymph, not a saorifice, as 
Serr. and Heyne say. [Od. 7. 208 ob 
yhp #y«yf *AOavdroioiif ^oi/ra. — H. N.] 

836.] ' Thifi garb is not that of a god- 
dess of the ohase, but merely of a Tyrian 

337.] Oomp. E. 7. 32 (note), " Puniceo 
stabis suras eviDcta cothumo " (of Diana). 

* Alte ' refers to the height of the co- 
thumus, which rose more than half way 
to the knee. [* Cotumo* Pal. and Serv. 
— H. N.] 

338.] * The oity in whose domain you 
are is that of Agenor (one of Dido'8 an- 
cestors) ; but the couutry around is 
Libya.* "CJocyti stagna alta vides," 6. 
323. [* Urbes ' Med. originally.— H. N.] 

339.] [*Set' Med.— H. N.] Henry 
compares 4. 40, **Hino Gaetulae urbes, 
genus insuperabile beUo," in support of 
Heyne'8 interprotation, whioh refers 

* genuB intractabile bello,' to the Libyans, 
against Wagn., who refers it to the Car- 
thaginiauB. * Intractabile,' &carros. 

340.] * Imperiura regere ' occurs Ovid, 
3 Pont. 3. 61, cited by Wagn. * Imperium * 
is the command, not, as an English reader 
might think, the domain. Elsewhere 
Virg. talks of "regere imperio aliquem'* 
(v. 230 above); here he varies the ex- 
presaion. [On the names Dido and 
Sychaeus Serv. says "Dido nomine Elissa 
ante dicta est, sed post interitum a Poenis 
Dido appellata, L e. YirAgq Punica lingua 
. . . SychaeusSicarbasdiotusest: Belus, 
Didonis pater, Methres: Carthago a 
Cartha, ut lectum est et in historia Poe- 
norum et in Livio. Sane Sychaeus * Sy ' 
brevis est per naturam, sed hoo loco 
ectasin facit ea licentia quae est in pro- 
priis nominibus." — H. N.J 

341.] * It is a long and intricate tale of 
wrong/ '^Longis ambagibus," Lucr. 6. 

342.] ' Summa fastigia' is nearly equi- 
valent to " capita." * Sequar ' = " perse- 
quar," * recount in order.* 

343.] • Ditissimus agri ' has been ob- 
jected to as inappropriate in the oase of 
the Phoenioians, who were a commerciid, 
not an agricultural, people ; and * ditissi- 
mus auri' has been proposed by Huet, 
approved by Heyne, and adopted by 
Bibbeck. But *ditissimus agri' is a 
common phrase, oocurring 10. 563 (comp. 
7. 637), Sil. 5. 260. Wagn. (Q. V. 39) 
suggest» that Yirg. was thinking of the 
great estates of the Boman nobles in his 
own time. The orthography * Syohaeus * 
was introduoed by Heins. from Med., and 
is snpported by Pal. For the variety of 
the quantity in the first syllable (comp. 
V. 348) see the note on v. 258 above. 

344.] *Miserae,* because her love was 

345.] *Iugare' is similarly used of 
marriage, CatulL 64. 21, quoted by 

846.] 'Ominibus,' the omens of the 
marriage sacrifice, and so the marriage 
rite. Comp. Prop. 4. 20. 24, ** Contineant 
nobis omina prima fidem." * Primis * 
with reference to * intactam.' 

847.] ' Immanior ante alios omnis : * the 
comparative is pleonastio. Comp. 7. 55, 
<*petit ante alios pulcherrimus omnis 
Turaus," and Hand, Tursell. 1, p. 387. 

348.] ' Medios * is tbe reading of Serv. 
and Ti. Donatus, of Med. and some other 
MSS.; but <medius' is the idiomatic 
expression, and the origin of the variation 
is obvious. Serv. and TL Donatus oon- 



Impius ante aras atqae anri caecus amore 

Clam ferro incautum superat, securus amorum 850 

Germanae ; factumque diu celavit, et aegram^ 

Multa malus simulans, vana spe lusit amantem. 

Ipsa sed in somnis inbumati yenit imago 

Coniugis, ora modis attollens pallida miris ; 

Crudelis ara^ traiectaque pectora ferro 855 

Nudavit, caecumque domu3 scelus omne retexit. 

Tum celerare fugam patriaque excedere suadet. 

nect these words with the preoeding line, 
80 as to make * omnis ' tbe anteoedcnt to 
*quoe,' "ac si diceret, Sceleratior Atreo 
ei Thyeele, vel Eteocle et Polynice;" 
but this punctuation, though approved 
by Trapp, is dearly less natural. * Furor ' 
may perhaps refer to the nnnatural cha- 
raoter of the qnarrel, as in Hor. Epod. 7. 
13, Lucan 1. 8. 

349.] ' Atque ' couples ' oaecus ' with 
« impius.' * He was bo blinded with the 
love of gold that he did not even respeot 
the altar.' Henry refers * impius' to the 
nnnatural character of the murder, comp. 
Ov. Her. 7. 127; and this is doubtless 
included in the notion of the word here ; 
but that it also denotes impiety in our 
sense is plain from such passages as 2 
163. [So now Henry.— H. N.] *Aras,' 
the altar of the Penates. Ck>mp. 4. 21, 
and see on v. 355 below. 

850.] *Superat ' is oompared by Heyne 
with iafif (' lays him low '), as not neces- 
sarily implyiDg a struggle. With the 
passage generally comp. 3. 332. * Securus 
amorum ' in a different sense 10. 326. 

352.] * Malus,' to be taken adverbially. 
Comp. the phrase ** dolo malo." The 
best commentary on *vana spe lusit 
amantem ' is Eeats' Isabeila, st. 29, — 

•* Poor girl ! put on thy stifling widoVs 

And 'scape atonce from Hope^saccnrsed 

To-day thou wilt not see hira, nor to- 

And the next day will be a daj of 


353.] *Inhumati,' as Heyne sugffosts, 
may aooount for the unrest of the uiade 
^oomp. II. 23. 71 foli.), as it enhances the 
barbarity of the murderer. P In somnis,' 
see on 12. 908.— H. N.] 

354.] Burm., fbUowed by the recent 
editors, plaoes a semicolon at • ooniugis,' 
and a comma at * miris ; ' but * ora modis 

attoUens pallida miris ' is obviously a 
description of *imago.' Comp. Lucr. 1. 
123, **8imulacra modis pallentia miris," 
already oopied by Virg. G. 1. 477. Seo 
on 10. 822. * Attollens* in fact expands 

* venit,' much as Byron makcs the witch 
of Endor call up Samuel in the words, 
** Samuel, raise thy buried head ! " 

355.] * Crudelis aras,' not unlike " cru- 
delis terras," 3. 44. There the co-opera 
tion of the country in tho crime of its 
king might be assumed naturally ; here 
it is uncertain whether the Penates are 
those of Pygmalion, and so conoerned in 
the murder, or those of Sychaeus, and so 
merely witnesses of it Perhaps 4. 21, 
Ov. Her. 7. 113, point rather to tne latter, 
whioh is also more probable if we suppose 
that Dido is made actually to see the altar 
and the treasure (see on next line). On 
the other hand, we should more naturaUy 
think of the crime as perpetrated, like 
that of Atreus, in the house of the mur- 
derer, and the concealment would then 
have been more easy. But where the 
data are so few conjecture degenerates 
into licence. 

356.] * Nudavit ' will bear the general 
sense of * revealed,' which is applicable to 
both the objects of the verb (see Forc^ ; 
but it is more probably to be referred 
speoiaUy to 'pectora,' so that we shall have 
a zeugma. Whether the poet intended a 
vlBion strictly speakingor a dream, is not 
quite clear; if the former, * nudavit ' and 

* tellure recludit * must be taken of words 
spoken by the apparition ; if the latter, 
Dido was actually made to see the altar 
and the cavem where the treasure lay. 
The former seems more conslstent with 
analogy; but the latter is supported by 
2. 297, where Hector, after appearing in 
much the same way as Sychaeus here, 
brings out the sacred things from the 
penetralia. * Domus soelus,' * the domestic 
crime,' as perpetrated by her brother, not 
as perpetrated before the Penates. 



Auxilitimqae viae veteres tellure recludit 

ThesauroSy ignotum argenti pondus et auri. 

His commota fugam Dido sociosque parabat. 860 

Conyeniunt, quibus aut odium crudele tyranni 

Aut metus acer erat ; naves, quae forte paratae, 

Corripiunt, onerantque auro ; portantur avari 

Pygmalionis opes pelago^; dux femina facti. 

Devenere locos, ubi nunc ingentia cemis 866 

Moenia surgentemque novae Karthaginis arcem, 

Mercatique solum, facti de nomine Byrsam, 

Taurino quantum possent circumdare tergo. 

358.]] Pieriii8'8 MecUcean MS. reads 

* auxihoque viae/ which might be worth 
adopting if it had more authority. * Tel- 
Inre/ *from the earth,' a oonstmction 
freqnently fonnd with words compounded 
with * re/ as Wnnd. remarks. Comp. 5. 
99. The course of the narrative, especiaUy 
V. 349, shows that these are hereditary 
treasnres belonging to Sychaeus, not an 
ancient and forgotten hocuxL 

359.] [* Thensauros.* Med. and Rom. 
'Thesauros/ Pal. and Serv.— H. N.] 

* Ignotum * ia explained by * recludit.* 

360.] * His' must be taken with * com- 
mota,' *by these revelations,' not 'his (the- 
sanris) parabat.* "With * fngam parabat ' 
comp. "cursum parari," 4. 299, with 

* socios parabat,' ** deos parant comites," 
2. 181. 

361.] [See Essay on Aeneas* Wander- 
ings, p. lix foll.— H. N.] * Crudele * seems 
to mean * fierce,* or * savage.* Serv. and 
others call it a hypallage, and probably 
the juxtaposition of ' tyranni * partially 
accounts for the epithet. 'Metus acer' 
occurs again 3. 682, of the Trojans escap- 
ing from the Gyclops. The epithets here 
are emphatic. The word *tyrannus' in 
Virgil sometimes seems to bear a neutral 
sense, but more fre^uently it occurs in 
oonnexions which imply the notion of 
arbitrary if not of abused power. Here 
the circumstances of the story rather re- 
mind us of Greeks flying &om a r^poMyos. 

362.] For the omission of the verb subst. 
after a participle in a relative clause, 
Weidner comp. 9. 675, E. 8. 24, G. 4. 89, 
to whioh may be added A. 10. 162, 655, 

364.] The «opes' are evidently the 
*anrum;' not, as Forb. supposes, the 
resouroes which oonstituted tne power of 
Pygmalion, a sense, wliich would not 
weU agree with * portantur.' Pygmalion 

may not have actnally taken possession 
of the treasures, but they were his from 
the time when he slew their owner. The 
epithet *avari' shonld be remarked. 
The wealth for which he has oommitted 
the orime is wafted away from him over 
the eea* The expression is meant to be 
terse and ahnoet epigrammatic, as * dux 
femina facti * shows. Gomp. Dido'8 words 
Ov. Her. 7. 149, " fios potius^popnlos in 
dotem, ambage remissa, Accipe, et ad- 
vectas Pygmalionis opes," where there 
is evident reference to paying a dowry in 

365.] Heyne and Ribbeck, from Pal., 
Bom., and Gud. reads * cernes ; ' ' which 
you wiU see when you are at the top of 
the hill ; ' but Wagn. with apparent jus- 
tice objects that * nunc ' with the future 
couid not mean, * you will see by and by.' 

* Cemis ' in the reading of Med., and may 
be rendered with snfficient accuracy, 

* where now meetyour eye.' 

366.] * Novae Karthaginis : * see on v. 
298. rCarthaginis,' Pal. and Bom.— 

367.] *Mercatique* (snnt) to be con- 
pled with * devenere.' Jahn makes it a 
part., supposing that Venus interrupts 
herself at the end of v. 368,— not a very 
natural thing, as there is no abruptness 
in the context (the case of 2. 100 foll. is 
obviously different) ; and Ribbeok thinks 
the passage nnfinished, and encloses this 
and the next line in brackets. Byrsa, 
whence the legend of the bnll's hide 
ifi^para) arose, appears to have been the 
Greek cormption of Bo8ra,the Phoenician 
name for the citadel of Carthage. * Facti 
de nomine ' is oopied by the author of the 
Ciris, V. 487. 

368.] * Taurino tergo.* The story was 
that they cut the hide so as to make one 
thong ; tiie bargain beingthat they diould 



Sed vos qui tandem, quibus aut venistis ab oris, 

Quove tenetis iter ? Quaerenti talibus ille 370 

Suspirans imoque trahens a pectore vocem : 

O dea, si prima repetens ab origine pergam, 
Et vacet annsdis nostrorum audire laborum, 
Ante diem clauso componat Vesper Olympo. 
Nos Troia antiqua, si vestras forte per auris 375 

have as muoh Rrouud as they could com- 
pass with a hull*8 hide. 

369.] ' Tandem : ' see on v. 333 . Bom. 
and 8ome ofchers have *ad?eui8tis* for 
'aut venistis,* 'which was restored by 
Heins. Med. has *aud/ altered into ' aut/ 
and other MSS. show signs of correction 
or erasure. 

370.]*Quove tenetis iter?' 9. 377. 
For * ve * following * aut * comp. 6. 842 
foU., where" vel" is similarlyused. There 
seems to be no means of determining 
whether * talibus ' should be taken witn 
^ quaerenti ' or with * ille/ as in itself it 
may refer either to a speech just made or 
to one to oome. 

371.] ApoU. R. 2. 207, i^ Mroto 
CTfi0€os i^i-wviinras. 

372 — 386.] 'Aeneas tellshisnameand 

372.] The thought seems to be from 
Od. 11. 330 (oomp. ib. 3. 113 folL). The 
words * prima repetens ab origine ' are re- 
peated uom G. 4. 285, where the object 
of 'repetens' ("famam") is expressed, 
not as here left to be implied &om the 
oontext. *If I should teU my story 
throughout, beginning at the first.' 

373.] Maorob. Sat 3. 2 fanoies that 
* annaUs' is used with singular propriety, 
the ^annales maximi" at Bome being 
made by the Pontifex Maximus, with 
which character Virg. is supposed to 
imply that Aeneas is invested. Yirg.^s 
love of recondite half-aUusions to tradi- 
tions which he does not expressly adopt is 
imquestionable ; but where, as here, tbere 
is no more than a possibility of such a 
reference, we may perhaps maJke theques- 
tion one of poetical taste, which here 
would certainly seem to exclude any thing 
of the sort. The word doubtless has a 
propriety of its own, but it is merely as 
suggesting the notion of a minute and 
rather tedions narrative. 

374.] * Componat,' The MSS. authority 
is divided between ^oomponet' (Med., 
Gud.) and 'oomponat' (Bom., Pal., the 
latter however altered into * componet '), 
^oomponet' being further supported by 

quotations in Maorob., Priscian, Konius, 
and other earlv writers, as weU as by 
Serv. here. The question is argued in 
favour of the future indicative by Forb. 
against Wagn., who in his large edition 
supports ' componat,' but in his smaller 
editiontacitlyadmits *componet.* * Vacet,' 
implying tbat the oondition will not 
happen, separates this passage from suoh 
as " Si fractus inlabatur orbls Impavidum 
ferient ruinae"(Hor. 3 Od. 3. 7), where 
it is implied that the condition may very 
oonceivably happen, as Wagn. remarks. 
In the only strictly paraUel passage 
quoted, Cic. Tusc 5. 35. **Dies de- 
noiet, si velim paupertatis oausam defen- 
dere," there is the same yariety of reading 
as here. Being thus left todeoide between 
the authority of MSS., which in a caselike 
this proves little, and what would seem 
to be the propriety of language, I have 
preferred * componat' * Okuso Olympo,' 
olosing the gat^ of heaven through which 
the day issues. Oomp. the expreesion 
" porta caeli " G. 3. 261. Weidner refers 
to II. 5. 749 foll. * Oomponat,' * would lay 
the day to sleep.' Oomp. G. 4. 189, " Post 
ubi iam tlialamis se composuere." 

375.] * Troia ' with • vectos.' See Madv. 
§ 275. * Per auris iit,' passed through jrour 
ears and so entered your mind. A simi- 
lar expression is found Lucr. 1. 417, where, 
thougn the thought is different from that 
in the present line, it bears a strong re- 
semblance to that in the lines immediatelv 
preoeding. The whole passage is worth 
quoting, as showing the variety of small 
obligations which Virg. has incurred to 
his predecessor, now borrowiug thoughts 
without words, now words without 
thoughts : — 

** Usque adeo largos haustus e fontibu' 

Lingua meo suavis diti de pectore 

XJt verear ne tarda prius per membra 

Serpat et in nobis vitai daustra re- 




Troiae nomen iit, diversa per aequora vectos 
Forte 8ua Libycis tempestas adpulit oris. 
Sum pius Aeneas, raptos qui ex hoste Penatis 
Glasse veho mecum, fama super aethera notus. 
Italiam qusiero patriam et genus ab love summo. 
Bis denis Phrygium conscendi navibus aequor, 
Matre dea monstrante viam, data fata secutus ; 
Vix septem convolsae undis Euroque supersimt. 
Ipse ignotus, egens, Libyae deserta peragro, 


Quam tibi de quavis una re Tersibns 

Argumentorum Bit copia missa \per 

auris : 
6ed nunc ut repetam coeptum pertexere 


With the sense generally Weidner oomp. 
Od. 15. 403, cT irov iuco^us. 

376.] * Diversa per aequora vectos ' may 
merely mean * over various seas/ as in v. 
756, " Omnibus errantem tenis et flucti- 
bus ; " or we may take it with Heyne as 

* out of our course.* He quotes Od. 9. 261 
(which Virg. doublless had in view, as 
the entire passago shows). OtKoZf Itfifvoiy 
AWnv 6Z6v, iiXAo Ktktvea "HA^ofccy : \mV 
the other sense of Miversa' might be 
supported from the previous lines, 'HfitTs 
rot Tpolri$€v AiroirAcryx^^'^*! 'Axoiol ITai'- 
rolois i.v4iioi<riv \nr\p fjidya \curfia da\d(r<rris. 

377.] * Forte sua * is an adaptation of 
the phrase * sponte sua ' to the nature of 
the weather. The tempest drove us hither 
by mere acoident without any purpose 
of ours. Contrast Ilioneus' language to 
Latinus 7. 213 foll., especially ** consilio" 
V. 216. [*Appulit,' Pal. and Bom.— 
H. N.] 

378.] Od. 9. 19, EV 'OWcirj Aatprtd- 
irjSt ts iraat 96\otariv *KvBp6iroi<n fi4\Wt Kal 
fi€u k\4os obpavhv 1k(i. 

380.] Some inferior M8S. which Burm. 
and lleyne follow, omit * et.* The llne 
would then run " Italiam quaero patriam ; 

fenus ab love summo," ' My country is 
taly which I am seeking ; mydescent is 
from Jove/ Rctaining • et,* we must of 
course couple ^genus" with *patriara.' 

* I am on my way to Italy my country, 
and to my forefathers, sprung from Jove,* 
referring not to his own descent from 
Jove through Venus, but to that of his 
nation through Dardanus. Comp. 3. 129, 
** Oretam proavosque petamus,'' and see 
7 240 foll. Rom. has * love magno.' 

381.] Serv. considers *conscendere 

aequor ' to be saidof physioally olimbing 
the sea, — **secundum physicos, qui di- 
cunt terram inferiorem esse aqua^ quia 
omne quod continetur supra ulud est 
quod oontinet." It would be more 
natural to suppose that the poet referred 
to somo oommoner appearanoe or sen- 
sation such as the elevation of the 
horizon or the rising of the Wave; 
** climbing ever up the climbing wave " 
(Tennyson). * Conscendo ' however is so 
oompletely appropriated as a technical 
term for embarking, being used in that 
sense cven without an accusative, that 
we can hardly avoid giving it such a 
. meaning in a connexiou liko this. Here 
as elsewhere rsee on G. 2. 364) it seems 
that Virg. wnile he secured the sense 

* embark * by the use of * conscendo,* ar- 
ranged his words so as to give him the 
advantage at the same time of some other 
ideas, of which that of climbiug the wave 
just mentioned may have been one, and 
the notion opposed to **demittere" 
(**quove magis fessas optem demittere 
navis " 5. 29), whether of actual ascent 
or of effort, may have been another. 

Navibus' constmcted as in 10. 213, 

* ter denis navibus ibant." 

382.1 Serv. thinks there is an allusion 
to the legend that Aeneas was led by the 
star of Venus to Italy: see note on 2. 
801. *Fata,' oracles. Oomp. 8. 444, 
** quae rnpe sub ima Fata canit ; " and 
4. 345, ** Sed ntmc Italiam magnam Gry- 
naeus ApoUo, Italiam Lyciae iussere 
capessere sortes." The oracle iteelf is 
given 3. 94 by Apollo at Delos. 

383.1 *Undi8 Euroque' with *con- 
volsae, not, as Serv. suggests as an alter- 
native, with * supersunt.' The two how- 
ever come virtually to tho same thing, 
as the meaning seems to be * survive the 
strain of wind and wave.' [* Convulsae ' 
Pal.— H. N.] 

884.] * Ignotus,' in a land where I am 
unknown, far firom friends. * Libyae : ' 



Eoropa atque Asia pulsus. Neo plura querentem 885 
Passa Yenus medio sie interfata dolore est : 

Quisquis es, haut, credo, inyisus caelestibus auras 
Vitalis earpis, Tyriam qui adveneriJs urbem. 
Perge modo, atque hinc te reginae ad limina perfer. 
Ndmque tibi reduces socios classemque relatam ^390 
KuDtio et in tutum versis aquilonibus actam, 
Ni frustra augurium Tani docuere parentes. 
Aspice bis senos laetantis agmine cycnos, 
Aetheria quos lapsa plaga lovis ales aperto 
Turbabat caelo ; nunc terras ordine longo 395 

Aut capere aut captas iam despectare videntur : 

he profits by Yenus' infonnatioii that he 
is in Africa, and contraats it with the 
better known parts of the globe. 

385^ *Nec plura querentem passa' 
sbould be taken together, not *interfata 

?[uerentem.' There seems to be a con- 
dsion between *' nec plura queri pctssa " 
and *• neo amplius querentem passa/' 

387—401.] 'Venus assures him of a 
weloome from the queen, and also of the 
safety of his missing ships.' 

387.] Od. 3. 27, ob ytu> Siw Otf ae Ofwu 
hiiatri y€y4a0cu T€ rpa^tfAty tc. [6. 240 
ob irdyrcty i.4it:i\ri BtSoy, o\ "OXvfiToy ^x^^^h 
^ai^iKtffif 8^ i»)ip infAlffyfrou kyriOiouriy. 
— ^H. N.] In * quisquis es ' Venus seems 
to speak as a Tyrian maiden, to whom 
the nistory of Troy is unknown. * Auras 
vitalis * is oommon in Lucr., 3. 405, 575., 
6. 857., 6. 1227. [* Haud ' Med.— H. N.] 

389.] The commentators have been un- 
able to fiud instances of ** se perferre ad 
aliquem locum." " Se ferre ad aliqnem 
locum " however ia common enough, and 
**per" is naturally prefixed here as 
Aeneas is bidden to go on tiU he reaches 
the palace. 

890.] The * namque ' refers to her in- 
junction to go straight without further 
anxiety to the palace. * Belatam ' is to 
be explained by * reduoes,' * brought back 
to haven.' A few MSS. have * receptam.' 

391 .] The wind has shifted, and instead 
of driving it into danger now drives it 
into safety. 

392.] * Vani,' false pretenders. Comp. 

2. 80, '* vannm etiam mendacemqne in- 
proba finget." [Serv. quotes Ter. Phorm. 

3. 2. 40 "non te pudet vanitatis"? i.e. 
" mendacii: " SaU. lug. 24. 9 ** vellem . . . 
haec auae scribo . . . vana forent potius " 
&C.— IL N.] She sees the swans, and 

professes to interpret the omen on the 
spot by the rules her parents have given 
hor. The parents are those of the sup- 
posed. huntress, not, as Ti. Donatus, 
" maiores nostri." 

393.] [" Dicit cycnos ipsoe post aquilae 
perturbationem, ut naves tempestatibus 
constabat esse turbatas, hoc est dispersas, 
hilaritatem omnem laetitiamque rece- 
pisse; et ut cycni ordine soluto seouri 
volitant, sic, in^uit, et naves tuae et 
omnes tui securi degunt et tutl sunt." 
Ti. Donatus. — H. N.] The swans are the 
birds of Venus, and their number is that 
of the missing ships. Serv. quotes Ae- 
milius Macer in his dpyiBoyovia., " Cycnus 
in augurio nautis gratissimus augur: 
Hunc optant semper, quia nunquam mer- 
gitur undis." *Agmine,* *in order,' is 
opposed to * turbabat,' and explained by 

* ordine longo.' Comp. " ag^en " in v. 
186, contrasted with " miscet " in v. 191. 
Connect * laetantis agmine,' * in jubilant 
order.' [Serv. however takes 'agmine' 
as = " volatu," " impotu."— H. Nj 

394.] *Aetheria lapsa plaga,' * swooping 
f rom the sky ; ' the * aetheria plaga ' beiog 
higher than the * caelum.' * Aperto oaelo,' 

* the wide air,' harmonizing with ' turba- 
bat.' As Forb. remarks, it is paraUel to 
the wide ocean over which the ships were 
tossed. Forb. weU oorap. Ov. M. 6. 692, 
**Idem ego [Boreas], cum fratres caelo 
Bum nactus aperto (Nam mihi campus is 
est), tanto moiimine luctor." [*Ii)Eibsa' 
St. Gallen fragm.— H. N.] 

396.] This line seems to answer in 
structure and tberefore probably in sense 
to V. 400. Its meaaing has been the sub- 
ject of much controversy ; the word * ca- 
pere * being variously understood either 
as to settle on or to mark out for settling 



Ut reduces illi ludunt stridentibus alis, 

Et coetu cinxere polum, cantusque dedere, 

Haut aliter puppesque tuae pubesque tuorum 

Aut portum tenet, aut pleno subit ostia velo. 400 

Perge modo, et, qua te ducit via, derige gressum. 

Dixit, et avertens rosea cervice refulsit, 
Ambrosiaeque comae divinum vertice odorem 
Spiravere, pedes vestis defluxit ad imos, 
Et vera incessu patuit dea. Hle ubi matrem 405 

(**capere oculifl"^ which latter would 
agree with the military sense of " locum 
capere." The difficidty in eaoh case 
ooDsifits in the words * captas despectare/ 
which oould not vcry naturall j, as Henry 
thinks, stand for the action of the swans 
rising again and hoyering over the place 
where the^ had settled, while Wagn/s 
view (in his smaUer edition), that somc 
mark their ground, others look down on 
it after having marked it, is open to the 
obvious objection tbat such a aistinction 
could not possibly be observed or pointed 
out by a spectator. It seems best then, 
with Burm., to take ' captas * in the sense 
of ** captas ab altera cycnorum parte," so 
that the seuse would be, * some alight, 
others still hover in the air and look 
down on those who have aligbted.' * lam,' 
expresses that they are just looking down 
on their companions and alreaay pre- 
paring to foUow them. * Coetu cinxere 
polum ' is no objection to this interpreta- 
tion, as Henry thinks, those words being 
evidently omamental and only vaguely 
descriptive. Bibbeck*8 ^capeos respec- 
tare ' C respectare,' Pal.) is a sufficiently 
unhappy conjecture, introducing a most 
un-Virgilian word. *Captos' however 
is read by Pal. (corrected) and Gud. 

397.] This and the following line ex- 
press no more than the joy of the swans 
at their safety, the exact paraUel between 
the swans and the ships having been an- 
ticipated at v. 396. *As surely as the 
swans are rejoicing in their safety, so 
surely shaU you see your ships safe again.' 
* Beduces ' answers to * reduces * in v. 390, 
the swans raUied from their oonfusion 
corresponding to the Trmans retuming to 
port aher the storm. Hom. has a simile 
from an eagle swooping on a flock of 
swans, II. 15. 690. 

398.] * Cinxere polum ' like " cinxerunt 
aethera nimbi'* 5. 13, tbough there is 
probably a notion of the swans wheeUng 

399.] * Puppesque tuae pubesqne tuo- 
rum tenet* = "pubes tuorum cum pup- 
pibus tuis tenet.^' II. 1. 179, oricoJ* iioy 
ffly yrival Tf a^s ical ffois kripouriy. * Tuo- 
rum ' is distinguished from * tuae ' merely 
for variety*s sake. 

400.] [*Portum tenet,' is making for 
the harbour : so Ov. Fasti 1. 498, 4. 290. 
— H. N.] 

401.] ** Quo via ducit " E. 9. 1. [* Di- 
rige'Med.^H. N.] 

402—417.] •Aeneas discovershis mo- 
ther as she leavea him. Bhe makes him 
and Achates invisible.' 

402.] ** Boseum os " is attributed to 
Venus 2. 593. Comp. Hor. 1 Od. 13. 2, 
** Telephi cervicem roseam." Comp. also 
Anacreon, 53, 'PoJoJcUtwAos /iiv 'Htij, 'Po- 
hoir/ix^^i 5i N^/x<^ai, *Voh6xpovs 5* *A^- 
hirti, *?oMdKrvhos ifds in Homer is not 
a parallel, as the colour there does not 
stand simply for beauty. In II. 3. 396 
the first of several marks by which Helen 
recognizes Aphrodite is the beauty of 
herneck. *Avertens' v. 104 above. 

* Befulsit ' probably expreeses the sudden 
burst of splendour. Comp. v. 588 below, 2. 
590, Hor. 1 Od. 12. 27, and Pers. Prol. 12. 

403.] *Divinumodorem.' Oomp. ectov 
o^firjs iryivfxa Eur. Hipp. 1391, and Ov. 
F. 5. 375, ** tenuis secessit (dea) in auras ; 
Mansitodor; posses scire fuisse deam." 
*Pragrance such as the gods diffuse.' 
Otherwise we might have expected 

* divino vertice,' as the passage is evi- 
dently imitated from D. 1. 529, 'Afifip^- 
0*101 8* &pa x^^ 4T€pp<i<rayro AyaKros 
Kparhs &V &0av(iToio. 

404.] Her short hunting tunio ("nuda 
genu " V. 320] changed into the nowing 
robe (** palla '*) characteristic of a god or 
goddess. Comp. Tibull. 3.4.35 (ofApollo), 
** Ima videbatur talis inludere palla,' Prop. 
4. 17. 82 (of Bacchus), ** Et feries nudos 
veste fluente pcdes," &c. 

405.] * Incessu ; ' comp. v. 46, ** quae 
divom incedo regina," and 5. 647. 



Adgnovit, tali fugientem est Yoce secutus : 

Quid natum totiens, crudelis tu quoque, falsis 

Ludis imaginibus ? cur dextrae iungere dextram 

Non datur ac veras audire et reddere voces ? 

Talibus incusat, gressumque ad moenia tendit^ 4io 

At Venus obscuro gradientis aere saepsit, 

Et multo nebulae circum dea fudit amictu, 

Cemere ne quis eos, neu quis contingere posset, 

Molirive moram, aut veniendi poscere causas. 

Ipsa Paphimi sublimis abit, sedesque revisit 415 

Laeta suas, ubi templum illi, centumque Sabaeo 

406.] [•Agnovif Bom.— H. N.] 

407.J * Qaoque,' as Forb. says, is to be 
iaken with 'crudelis/ not with 'ludis.' 
Comp. E. 8. 50. ^Totiens:' Venus has 
only appeared once before to Aeneas, and 
then in her proper person, 2. 589. The 
expresaion must therefore refer to the 
feeling that he has been generally mocked 
and baffled. *Falsis imaginibus' may 
be equivalent to **fallenao imagines/* 
by assuming shapes not your own, by 
oonnterfeiting shapes, as in y. 683, 
though the contrast would still be in- 
tended with *verae voces.* [Lucr. 4. 
371 " interdum fmstratur imagine verbi." 
— H. N.] 

408.] Ulyssee (Od. 11. 211, which 
Virg. evidenUy had in his mind) wishes 
to embrace his mother, <plhas irepl x«*P« 
fia\6yr(. But Andromache (II. 6. 206) 
presses Hectof s hand. 

409.] * Veras,' without disguise on the 
one pa^ or mistake on the other. The 
line is imitated from CatuU. 64. 166, 
** Nec missas audire queunt nec reddere 

411.] *Aer ' is here used in the senseof 
the Homeric d^p, 'mist,' which sense 
however Virg. could only determine by 
the addition of the epithet 'obscuro.' 
See on 5. 20, **in nubem cogitur aer." 
This and the three foUowing lines are 
an imitation of Od. 7. 14—17. See also 
ApoU. R. 3. 210 foU. 

412.] * Nebulae amictu : ' from II. 15. 
308, tlfidvos Afiouu v€<f>4\ny, imitated by 
Hor. 1 Od. 2. 31, **Nube candentis 
nmeroB amictus." There is a tmesis in 
*circum fudit,' as *fudit* alone would 
have required **multum amictum." 
[* Maltum ' is the reading of fragm. St. 
GalL, and *multum amictum' of Isid. 
Orig. 1. 36. 19.— H. N.] * Dea ' is added 
rhetorically, expreesing the divine power 

voL. n. 

exerted in the action of the line. So 
exactly w. 691, 692 below. Comp. also 
vv. 195, 196 above. The use of the word 
here may very possibly have been sug- 
gested to Virg. by II. 3. 380 folL, r6v 5' 
i^fma^ 'A0po8(ri7 *Peta fid\*y &<rr€ 6^6$* 
iKoKv^e 8* ap* }j4pt irdXA^. 

413.] [* Possit ' fragm. St. Gall., Rom., 
Gud., and two of Ribbeck^s oursives. — 

414.] The sense of 'moliri moram' 
may be either to plan or compass delay 
(**In8idias avibus moliri" G. 1. 270) or 
to create an obstacle (** moles "). Comp. 
generally 6. 488, from which the Longo- 
bardic and a few other MSS. read * dis- 
oere ' here. 

415.] *Sublimis,' throngh the air. 
**SubIimis abit" occurs Livy 1. 16, of 
the ascent of Romulus, Id. ib. 34, of the 
eagle that took off Tarquin's cap. Virg. 
was thinking of Od. 6. 41, as well as of 
the passage quoted on the next line. 

416.] *Laeta' probably to be con- 
trasted with **tri8tior" v. 228. Heyne 
and Wogn. take it as having reference to 
herlove for Paphos. Serv. suggests tbat 
*laeta' is the fixed epithet of Venus; 
and ^iKofifieid^fis actually occurs in the 
passage quoted immediately below, from 
which this is verbally imitated. Virg. 
however cannot have meant * laeta ' for a 
fixed epithet, though it is possible that 
he may have mistaken the character of 
the fixed epithet, and supposed that it 
was meant to have a special reference to 
the context, like some of the critics on 
Homer. Henry (Class. Mus.) once thought 
it more poetical to make * calent ' tbe verb 
to * templum ' as well as * arae ' than to 
understand * est ' with *templum.' Bnt 
the words are clearly imitated from Od. 
8. 362, 'H 8" ipa Kuirpoy Ticavc 4>tAofi/u€i8^s- 
*A<l>po9lrii *Ej Hd^oy (y$a S4 ol r4fA€yos, 



Ture calent arae sertisque recentibus halant. 

Corripuere yiam interea^ qua semita monstrat. 
lamque ascendebant collem, qui plurimus urbi 
Imminet adversasque aspectat desuper arces. 
Miratur mplem Aeneas, magalia quondam, 
Miratur portas strepitumque et strata yiarum. 
Instant ardentes Tyrii, pars ducere muros 
Molirique arcem et manibus subvolvere saxa, 
Pars optare locum tecto et concludere sulco ; 



fiwfi^s re BvfiuSf where Oviitis answers to 

* calent ' and * halant ' here. How Virg. 
oame to develope the single altar of Hom. 
into a hundred does not appear : probablj 
it aroee from his tum for amplii;*ying, as 
in O. 3. 18, A. 4. 199. The commen- 
tators observe that sacrifices of blood 
were not ofibred to Yenns, citing Tao. H. 
2. 3. Horace however, 1 Od. 19. 16, and 
4 Od. 11. 7, refers to a differeut prac- 
tice. [See Ellis on CatuUus 66. 91.— 
H. N.] * Sertis,' festoons. 

418—440.] *A8 they enter tho city, 
they see the Carthaginians building, as 
busy as bees in spring.' 

418.] For *corripuere* see note on G. 
3. 104. * Qua semita monstrat,' like " qua 
te ducit via," v. 401. Elsewhere * via ' 
and 'semita' are opposed, as 'a main 
road * and * a bye-path ' (see Forc.) ; here 

* via * is general, * semita ' particular. 

419.] * Flurimus urbi imminet,' * hangs 
with mighty mass over the city.* [Serv., 
who interprets the word as = ** longus,"] 
eomp. " plurima cervix," G. 3. 52. 

420.] The words 'adversafl aspectat' 
may contain a notion of the height of 
the buildings rising to meet the moun- 
tain which looks down on them. 

421.] Comp. Od. 7. 43. where Ulyssea 
first sees the city of the Phaeacians. 
Yirgil too may have had his eye on 
ApoU. R. 3. 215 foU. < Molem,' the vast 
buildings. Hor. 3. Od. 29. 10, " Fastidi- 
osam desere copiam et Molem propinquam 
nubibus arduis." * Magalia,' apparently 
ihe same as ** mapalia " G. 3. 340, where 
see note. The word, which is [adapted, 
aocording to Serv., from the Phoenician 
"magar,"] occurs again 4. 259, Plaut. 
Poen. prol 86. In these two places it 
seems simply to mean suburbe (comp. the 
Aragments of Sall. and Cassius Hemina 
cited by Serv.) ; here there is. evidently 
a disparaging sense intended, as we 
should say, mere huts. The contrast, 
as Serv. remarks, is in the poefs own 


mind, not in that of Aeneas. 

422.] *Strepitum,' the hum of the 
orowded streets. ** Omitte mirari beatae 
Fumum et opes strepitum<|ue Romae," 
Hor. L c. * Strata viarum ' is from Lucr. 
1. 315 (where see Munro), 4. 415. ' Paved 
streets/ The expression, which, as Madv. 
(§ 284, obs. 5) remarks, hovers between 
the partitive notion and that of quality, 
is used more boldly by Lucr. than by 
Virg., e. g. "prima viromm." 

423.] A semicolon is commonly placed 
at * Tyrii ; ' but * insto ' is found with an 
infin. 2. 627, Lucr. 4. 998. * Pars— pars : ' 
part are at work on the fortifications, 
part on the houses. Such seems the 
general distinction ; but there is no occa- 
sion, with Forb., to suppose that ' muri ' 
must be the walls of the cita^el, as if 
* pars * could only mean a party actually 
engaged in the same work on the same 
spot It is doubtful whether Mucere 
muros,* which occiurs hero and in Hor. 4 
Od. 6. 23 means * to trace' or * to build ' 
(carry) the wall. Serv. quotes a frag- 
ment from Sall. Hist. 2 (''Murum ab 
angulo dextri lateris ad paludem haud 
procul remotam duxit") which makes 
for the latter iuterpretation ; and so the 
Greek phrase 4\a6y€i¥ roixoy, whioh 
occurs, according to one reading, in a 
passage of Hom. (Od. 7. 86), immediately 
following that which Virg. has just been 
imitating. [Livy 7. 23 " vallum ducere 
ooepit."— H. N.] 

424.] *Moliri,' *to build,' as in 3. 132, 
Hor. A. P. 399. *Aroem,' the citadel 
proper, as distinguished from the ' arces,' 
V. 420. * Subvolvere saxa,' to roU them 
up to the emiuence on which the oitadel 
was being built. 

425.] * Optare,' * to chooee,' as in 3. 
119, 132. There is a reading *aptare/ 
found in some MSS., including Bom. as 
originally written, and rather preferred 
by Henry. ^Sulco' is generally taken 



lura magistratusque legunt sanctumque senatum ; 
Hic portus alii effodiimt : hic alta theatri 
Fundamenta locant alii» immanisque columnas 
Bupibus excidunt, scaenis decora alta futuris. 
Qualis apes aestate noya per florea rura 
Exercet sub sole labor, cum gentis adultos 
Educunt fetus, aut cum liquentia mella 
Stipant et dulci distendunt nectare cellas, 
Aut onera accipiunt venientum aut agmine facto 
Ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent : 
Fervet opus, redolentque thymo fragrantia mella. 
O fortunati, quomm iam moenia surgunt ! 



•with Serv. as the trench for the founda- 
tions. Tiersch however (Antigq. Yergg, 
§ 19) nnderstands 'optare' of choosing 
with anBpices, and * conclndere sulco * of 
drawing a trench of demarcation round 
the houses, supposing that Virg. has 
transferred the solemnity of founding a 
eity to the foundation of private dwell- 
ings. Henry makes *tecto* general, bo 
as to include citadel as weU as private 
houses, suppofiing the distinction marked 
by * pars— pars,*" to be between actual 
buildlng and layinff out. 

426.] Heyne and Bibbeck think this 
line spurious, as interrupting the enume- 
ration of buildings; bat legislation 
(•* iura dare ") is inentioned in nearly the 
same connexion 3. 187., 6. 758. Virg. 
was probably thinking of the Republi- 
can institutions of Rome and her colonies, 
without considering how this action of 
the people was to be reconciled with 
ihe authority of Dido (comp. v. 507). 
* Sanctus * is the regular epithet of the 
Roman senate. 'lura magistratusquc 
legunt ' is a zeugma, ^ iura constituunt 
magistratusquo legunt,'' as Forb. gives 
it [Serv. however takes * iura ' as = 
'* looa ubi iura dicantur aut magistratus 
<5reentur." Ti. Donatus paraphrases ** dis- 
|>onebant lege», et honores curiales, ot 
apaam curiam." — H. N.] 

427.] *'Effodiunt * appears to be strictly 
eorrect, as the harbour of Carthage, 
which Serv. calls Cothon, was artificial. 
«Theatri* is the reading of Med., 
*iheatris' of Rom., Pal. (originally), and 
fragm. Vat.; but the latter would be 
ioo great an exaggeration, and may easily 
have sprung from * portus ' and * scaenis.' 
For *alta' fragm. Vat has *lata,' which 
Ribbeck adopta; but Weichert seems 
xight in saying that the repetition of 

* alta,* V. 429, is excused by the chango 
of meaning. 

428.] Ribbeck follows fragm. Vat. iu 
reading * petunt ' for * locant,' apparently 
regarding the latter as introduced from 
4. 266 ; but such a thing is hardly pro- 
bable in the face of authorities so inde- 
pendent as Med., Pal., and Rom. In the 
previous line he adopts *hinc* from a 
quotation in Nonius, p. 340, who however 
has * locant,* while fragm. Vat. apparently 
has * hic,' so that not much can be made 
out of this coiacidence. The temporary 
wooden theatre of M. Aemilius Soaurus 
had a * scaena ' of three stories, supported 
by 360 columns, Pliny 36. 113 foll. 

430.] * Qualis apes oxercet labor,' ' like 
the busy labour of bees.' * Aestate nova : ' 
comp. G. 4. 52, note. * In the first bright 
days of summer,' when the hive,awakened 
from its winter torpor, is busiest and most 
like a young colony. These lines are re- 
peated with slight variations from G. 4. 
162 — 169 ; a reference to which passage 
proves that the divisions here introduoed 
by * oum ' imply, not diflferent times, but 
different parties, and so are parallel to 
the different occupations of tue Cartha- 
ginians. The variations are *liquentia' 
for ' purissima,' and * duloi * for * liquido ; ' 
the nrst necessitated the second, and was 
natural in a passage where bees and honey 
are not the main subject celebrated, but 
only an illustration. [* Adultos,' as Henry 
says, fnU-grown, perfect. — H. N.] 

432.] *Liquentia,' from «*liqui," not 
from ** llquere," Lucr. 4. 141. 

434.] [Serv. again explains *agmine' 

as = " impetu."— H. N.]" 
• ia' Pal. 

and Gud. — 

436.] [*Fraglantii 

437.1 The want of a city is the key- 
note 01 the whole Aeneid. ['* Bene * for- 



Aeneas ait, et fastigia siispicit urbis. 

Infert se saeptus nebtila — mirabile dictu — 

Per medios, miscetque viris, neque cemitur ulli. 440 

Lucus in urbe fuit media, laetissimus umbrae, 
Quo primum iactati undis et turbine Poeni 
EflTodere loco signum, quod regia luno 
Monstrarat, caput acris equi ; sic nam fore bello 
Egregiam et facilem victii per saecula gentem. 445 

Hic templum lunoni ingens Sidonia Dido 

tunati,' qma iam faciunt quod ipBe de- 
fliderat." Serv. — H. N.] Aeneas envies 
the Garthaginians as he envies Helenus 
and Andromache, 8. 493 foll. For the 
indicative ^surgunt' comp. G. 2. 458 

488.] 'As he looks up to the battle- 
ments of the city;* he naving now de- 
Bcended the hiU. 

439.] Comp. Od. 7. 39 foU., 139 foU., 
'where Ulysses walks invisible throiigh 
the Phaeacians. * Infert se saeptus,* l\ke 
" sese tulit obvia," v. 814 above. 

440.] * Miscet ' probably borrows * se * 
from tne previous line, as no other in- 
stance is quoted of its intransitive use. 
[So Ov. 3 Am. 5. 29 »*iUio se rapuit, 
gregibusque inmiscuit ilUs." — ^H. N.] 

441 — 493.] 'Aeneas enters a grove, 
where a temple is in buUding to Juno. 
There he sees represented the various 
incidents of the Troian war.' 

441.] [The grove is probably suggested 
by the &y\aoy &Xaos *A6^i^s new the city 
of the Phaeacians. Od. 6. 291.— H. N.] 
*Umbrae:' most MSS., including Med., 
Bom., Pal., and Gud., havo *umbra;' 
* umbrae ' however is the original reading 
of fragm. Vat., and has tho authority of 
Probus ap. Serv. It is recommended 
both by harmony and as the less usual 
expression. [*Laetus* probably means, 
in this context, abundant ; and takes the 
gen. as *plenus' would. Serv. quotes 
from Sallust (Hist 3. 91) "laetus fru- 
gum." For the sense of *abundant'in 
*laetus* comp. further Lucr. 1. 255 
**hinc laetas urbes pueris florere vide- 
mus."— H. N.] *'Laeta laborum," 11. 
78, may possibly mean ' prodigal of her 
labour;* but it is as likely to mean 
*delighting in the task.' For sacred 
groves in cities, see Li?y 1. 8. 

442.] *The spot in which the Poeni 
after their wanderings first found the 
eign which Juno had taught them to 
expect.' The horse^s head is to the 

Carthaginians what the white sow is to 
Aeneas. Comp. 3. 388 foU., **Signa tibi 
dicam" &c. There is perhape an in- 
tentional paraUel between the dawn of 
hope to the Garthaginians on this spot 
and to Aeneas on the same spot. Gomp. 
V. 450, where the expression is much the 
same. From this it would seem tbat 

* primum * is an adverb, not an epithet of 
*signum,' as Wagn. suggests. Comp. 
however 8. 537. 

444.] *Monstrarat* is oommonly taken 
as **obiecerat" or **monstro dederat,'* 
which would not agree with the plu- 
perfect tense, or with the dependeut 
words * sio nam fore * &c., which foUow. 
*Caput acris equi;' Justin (18. .5) and 
Serv. here, have a story that the Cartba- 
ginians on first digg^ng found an ox's 
head, which seemed to portend servitude ; 
that they then dug again, and found a 
horse^s head ; and tbat the two were then 
taken to portend plenty and success in war 
oombined. A horse's hesid is common on 
Punic coins. * Acris equi * is paraphrased 
by Silius (2. 411), **bellator equus." In 
3. 539 (** bello armantur equi ") horses are 
taken as an omen of war. 

445.] *Facilemvictu,*wealthy. Comp. 
G. 2. 460, ** Fundit hiuno facUem victum 
iustissima tellus" (of which expression 
this, as Heyne remarks, is only a variety), 
and A. 8. 318, **afiper victu venatus." 
Cerda comp. the Homeric 0€o\ ^cTa C^ov- 
T€y, and ** facUlime agiiis," Ter. Adelph. 
3. 4. 56, is cited by Serv. * BeUo egre- 
giam et facilem victu* thus answers to 
the two characteristics of Carthage v. 14, 
** dives opum studiisque asperrima beUi." 
Sen. £p. 90, as Cerda romarks, uses the 
expression in an opposite sense, ** sapiens 
victu fucilis," * easy of maintenance.' [So 
Henry now understands the words here ; 

* Uving simply.' — H. N.] The horse may 
be a symbol of plenty, either as an 
appendage of wealth, or because a war- 
horse is high fed. 



Condebaf, donis opulentam et numine divaey 
Aerea cui gradibus surgebant limina, nexaeque 
Aere trabes, foribus eardo stridebat aenis. 
Hoc primum in luco noya res oblata timorem 
Leniit, hic primum Aeneas sperare salutem 
Ausus et adflictis melius confidere rebus. 
Namque sub ingenti lustrat dum singula templo. 


447.] * Gondebat ' seems to imply that 
the work wa8 not complete, tnongh 
Weidner thinks otherwise. * Opnlentnm 
donis et numine ' is a zengma, * enriched 
by offerings and by the especial presence 
of the goddess.* See on ** coluiBse," v. 16. 
There was donbtlesa a statue, though 
this is implied rather than expressed by 
^numen' both here and 4. 204. Some- 
thing of the same conjunction of notions 
appears in '*pinguis et placabilis ara," 
7. 764.) 9. 585» where the thought seems 
to be *riohly gifted and therefore pro- 
pitious,' or * ricUy gif ted because believed 
to be propitious/ 

448.] • Limen,' in its strict sense. The 
ihreshold was of brass, with steps leading 
up to it. The latter particular is au 
ornamental one, and need not be under- 
stood as if the steps were of brass also. 
Brazen thresholds are Homeric, e. g. Od. 
7. 89, of the palace of Alcinous, iipyvpfoi 
8^ (rraBfiol iv x^^^V «^rrotrav ob9f, a 
passage which may have been in Yirg.^s 
mind. The next clause presents a greater 
difBculty. AU the first-class MSB. have 
* nexaeque ' ( Wagn. excepts fragm. Vat, 
but Henrynow corrects him.) * Nixaeque* 
is mentioned by Senr.,found in some MSS., 
and adopted by Wagn. (ed. mi.), Forb., 
Ladewig, and Haupt. The external 
authority is quite sufficient to support 
the change, which is itself a very natural 
one (see on 4. 217., 5. 279, G. 4. 257) ; but 
its advocates are not asreed on the sense. 
Forb. takes * trabes ' of the beams of the 
roof, which rest on brazen columns, 
[quoting Stat. Theb. 7. 43, "Ferrea 
compago laterum, ferro arta teruntur 
Limina, ferratis incumbunt tecta co- 
lumnis." — H. N.] Wagn. makes * trabes * 
the doorposts, and understands 'nixae 
aere' in the sense of "stantes erectae 
aere," simply a periphrasis for * brazen.* 
Ladewig makee *trabes' the architrave, 
which rests on pillars or jambs of brass. 
Of these the third seems the ooly one 
that can stand, the first being objection- 
able as introducing a particular about 
the rest of the buUding between two 

partioulars about the door; the seoond 
as giving a foroed and unnatural sense 
to * nixae aere.' Understanding * trabes ' 
with Wagn. of the doorposts, I believe 
'nexae aere' stands for "aeratae," as 
•^^vinctae" or "iunctae" might have 
done, the word being emploved, not ouly 
to express the coherence of the plating 
with the thing plated, but to indicate 
the coherence of the posts with the 
threshold and the lintel, muoh as in 
Soph. El. 837 (which Wund. oomp.) xpv 
<ro94rois tpKfffi is used of the necklace of 
Eriphyle, in the sense of ' gold-binding,' 
rather than in that of * gold-bound.' 
Perhaps Olaud. Rapi Pros. 1. 237 (cited 
by Heyne) means the same thing when 
he says ** ferrati postes inmensaque neotit 
Olaustra chalybs," 'strengthens and 
fastens them, so as to make them good 
fasteners.' *Surgebant' is probably to 
be suppUed to ^trabes;' but 'nexae 
aere ' will still be a predicate. [Henry 
Bow reads • nexae.' — ^H. N.] 

449.] *The doors with their grating 
hinges were of brass.' We hear both of 
brazen and of brass-bound doors. The 
conjunction of brazen doors with brass- 
plated jambs seems merely a variety. 
**Stridentes cardine portae," 6. 573. 

450.] ["Qua nova re oblata." Caes. 
BeU. Oiv. 2. 12.-H.N.] 

452.] There seems no reason for sepa- 
rating • confidere ' from • adflictis rebus,' 
and taking tho latter as •* in adflictis re- 
bus," as the commentators propose. The 
sense appears to be, •• conndere fortunae 
quae adnuo adversa fuerat." 

453.] These representations are proba- 
bly on the doors or extemal walls of the 
temple. Oomp. the sculptures mentioned 
G. 8. 26, A. 6. 20. • Sub ' then wiU ex- 
press that Aeneas is looking up. Heyne 
discusses in an excursus the question 
whether these were sculptures or paint- 
ings, observing tbat tlie former was the 
only mode of representation known in 
the Homeric times, and that other poets, 
snch as Val. Fl. 5. 411 foll., Sil. 3. 32 
foll., describe similar temples with sculp- 



Eeginam opperiens, dom, quae Fortuna sit urbi, 
Artificumque manus intra se operumque laborem 455 
Miratur^ videt Uiacas ex ordine pugnas 
Bellaque iam fama totum yulgata per orbem, 
Atridas, Priamumque, et saevum ambobus Achillen. 
Constitit, et lacrimans, Quis iam locus, inquit, Achate, 
Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ? 4m 

En Priamus. Sunt hic etiam sua praemia laudi ; 
Sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt. 
Solve metus ; feret haec aliquam tibi fama salutem. 
Sic ait, atque animum pictura pascit inani, 
Multa gemens, largoque umectat flumine vultum. 465 

tnreB ; bat that the latter is more suited 
to the laoguage of the present passage, 
and would be a natural auachronism, 
paintings on temple-walls or in porticoes 
oeing oonmion in later times. There is 
a similar question about the description 
of the temple of Delpbl in the lon of 

454.1 It has been asked how Aeneas 
knew that Dido was coming. Probably 
the idea is that he sees the senate assem- 
bled and the crowd waiting. * Quae 
Fortuna sit urbi miratur/ for " miratur 
Fortunam urbis," marvels at the pros- 
periiy of the oity, shown in the splendour 
of its temple. Aenees sees everything 
in the light of his own great enterprise ; 
Bo his tboughts would naturally pass 
from the temple to the oity, of whose 
greatness it is an evidence. For * For- 
tuna,' see on G. 4. 209. 

455.] Ribb^k needlessly and unpoeti- 
cally conjectures * intrans.* [Conington, 
reaaing " inter," took * manus inter se ' 
to mean the skill of the rival artists. 
6o Serv. and Ti. Donatus. But Madvig 
is probably right in reading, from one of 
Bi[>beck's cursives, * Miratur intra se * = 
wonders within himself- — H. N.] * Ma- 
nus' of skiU 12. 210, as elBewuere of 
streng^h. * Operumque laborem ' proba- 
bly refers to the magnitude of work 
rather than to the elaborate detaiJ. 
Gomp. 6. 2. 155, *'Adde tot egregias 
urbes operumque laborem." 

456.] * He sees the battics and heroes 
of the Trojan war.' 

457.] This line gives the reason why 
the battles have been painted, and pre- 
pares us for the thoughts that follow. 
[*Volgata*Med.— H. N.] 

458.] The two Atridte are first men- 

tioned in the enumeration of the heroe»r 
then Priam ; after whieh Achilles ia na- 
turally introduced as *■ saevus ambobu»,' 
i.e. to the Atridae no less than to Priam. 
ThiH seems a sufficient explanation of the 
loose use of * ambobus,' with which iLfnpo' 
r4poii in Od. 4. 339 has been aptly com- 
pared. Tiie other objection that AchiUeM'^ 
quarrel was with Agamemnon alone, is 
of Uttle weight, as the brothers were 
united in interest, and Menelaus as the 
husband of Helen suffered most. AchiUes 
indudes both in his taunts II. 1. 159., 9. 
340. Sen. Ep. 104 quotes the passage 
with * Atriden.' 

459.J *Iam,' by this time. *What 
place is there left which is not fuU &c. ? ' 

460.] *Nostri laboris,' our sorrows. 
**Et breviter Troiae supremum audire 
laborem," 2. 11. 

461.] *Here too worth finds its due 
reward, here too there are tears for 
human fortune, and hearts which ar& 
touched by mortality.' * Laus ' of worth 
6. 855. 

462.'] *Berum' v. 178 above. 

463.] *Haec fama,' this knowledge of 
our glory. 

464.] *Inani' is not a mere general 
epithet, but has a pathetic sense in con- 
nexion with * pasoit,' implying that the 
subjects are numbered with the lost and 
past. [Cic. Fin. 1. 1 **me . . . speoies 
quaedam commovit, inanis sciUcet, sed 
commovit tamen." — H. N.] 

465.] The weeping is doubtless from 
the tears of Ulysses during the song of 
Demodocus Od. 8. 521 foll. [But Aris- 
totle Foet. p. 1455 a 2 alludes to a scene 
in the * Cypria ' of Dioaeogenes which 
may have resembled this more nearly : 
4v rots Kvwplois ro7s AiKcuoy4yov5' mty ^ckp 



Kamqne videbat, uti bellantes Pergama circum 

Hac ^gerent Grai, premeret Troiana iuventus, 

Hac Phryges, instaret curra cristatus Achilles. 

Nec procul hinc Ehesi niveis tentoria yelis 

Adgnoscit lacrimans, primo quae prodita somno 470 

Tydides multa vastabat caede cruentus, 

Ardentisque avertit equos in castra, prius quam 

Pabula gustassent Troiae Xanthumque bibissent. 

Parte alia fugiens amissis Troilus armis, 

Infelix puer atque inpar congressus Achilli, 475 

Fertur equis, curruque hcieret resupinus inani. 

T^y Ypo^K ^ifAauo-cy. *Voltuin* Pal. — 
H. N.] 

466.] Gomp. E. 6. 31, "Namquo cane- 
bat, uti** &c Weidner arranges the 
varioiis pictarea into two gronps of four 
soenes each : but the notion, tnongh in- 
genious, eeems fanoiful. 

468.] *Ourm' ablative, not dative. 
The creBt of AohiUes is described II. 
19. 380, and again 22. 314 foU., jnst as he 
U going to give Hector his death-wound, 
BO that we are donbtless intended to be 
reminded of its terrors. 

469.1 For the story of Bhesus see II. 
10, and the play of that name ascribed to 
Euripides. * Niveis tentoria velis ' is an 
annchronism. The Homerio kKIctuu, as 
appears from II. 24. 448, were huts of 
planks thatched with grass. 

470.] [* Agnoscit ' Rom.— H. N.] * Pri- 
mo somno * is proved by a number of in- 
Htances (2. 268., 5. 857) to mean * in their 
first and deepest sleep ; ' not, as Wagn. 
thinks, the fiist time they slept at Troy. 

* Prodita,' betrayed to him, and so sur- 

471.] ' Yastabat tentoria,' was spread- 
ing havoo through them< Perhaps it is 
more foioible to take * multa caede ' with 
Wastabat:' 'with wide camage;' not 
with 'cruentns,' *covered with much 
blood.' But the point is very doubtful. 

472.] ' Ardentis is the Homerio eilBo»- 
vas. 'Ardentisequos* 7. 781. One MS. 
has ' albentis,' wnioh was the colour of 
the horses of Bhesus, II. 10. 437. But 
the mention of the colour -as exactly re- 
presented here might be thought rather 
jejune, especiaUy afler *niveis velis/ 

* Avertit,* as " avertere praedas " 10. 78. 

473.] «Gustassent— bibiasent.* The 
subj. denotes the intention of Diomed. 
Hcnnerand the pBeudo-Euripidos know 
nothiog of this intention, which Eusta- 

thius on U. 10. 435, and the Scholiast, 
followed by Serv. on this passage, say 
was to prevent the accomplisnment of an 
oracle that if the horses of Bhesus tasted 
the grass or water of Troy, Troy should 
not be taken. 

474.] Troilus is mentioned by Priam, 
H. 24. 257, with the epithet of iinno- 
X^f"lh as having been kiUed in battle 
(before the time of the lUad). The tra- 
dition that he was killed by Aohilles 
must have been drawn by Virg. from 
other souroes, such as those represented 
by QniDtns Smymaeus, Tzetzes, Diotys, 
and Dares, who however diflfer about the 
period in the Trojan war when his death 
occurred. Heyne conjectures from a 
Schol. on Hom. 1. o. that Soph. in his 
lost tragedy of TroHus represeuted the 
youth as surprised by Achilles whUe 
exercising his chariot, and killed. See 
his Excnrsus on -this passage. Plautus, 
Bacohid. 4. 9. 29 foll., speaks of the 
death of TroUus as one of tne three fatal 
events in the siege of Troy, the other 
two being the loss of the Palladium and 
the fall of the top of the Scaean gate. 
Bibbeck transposes this passage so as to 
mako it foUow the next soene ; but this 
would be to bind Virg. to foUow servilely 
the Homerio order, with which indeed 
there would stiU be a disagreement, as in 
Hom. the mission to the temple of Athene 
precedes the Dolonea. The intention of 
Virg. doubtlesB is to mention first two 
fatal blows to Troy, and then the de- 
spairing effbrt of the Trojan women to 
propitiate the angry goddcss. 

475.] * Atque ' conples * inpar congres- 

476.] ♦Fertur equis,' is run away 
with. G. 1. 613, "fruBtra retinacuja 
tendens Fertur equis auriga neque audit 
currus habenas." He has fallen baok- 



Lora tenens tamen ; huio ceTvixque comaeque trahuntur 

Per terram, et versa pulvis inscribitur hasta. 

Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant 

Crinibus Iliades passis peplumque ferebant, 480 

Suppliciter, trist^ et tunsae pectora palmis ; 

Diva solo fixos oculos aversa tenebat. 

Ter circum Iliacos raptaverat Hectora muros, 

Exanimumque auro corpus vendebat Achilles. 

Tum vero ingentem gemitum dat pectore ab imo, 485 

Ut spolia, ut currus, utque ipsum corpus amici, 

Tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermes. 

Se quoque principibus permixtum adgnovit Achivis, 

wards from the car (which of courBe had 
no baok), but hanKS by the reins, which 
yreie passed round the body, and which 
he stiU grasps with his hand. * Hasta ' 
is the spear of Troilus. Virg., as Heyne 
remarks, has departed. trom the Homeric 
cnstom, in which twowarriors ride in the 
same car, one to drive and the other to 
fight. ['Impar/Med.— H. N.] 

477.] Heyne justly wonders that Quint. 
(7. 9) should raise a question whether 
* tamen ' goes with what precedes or with 
what foUows. 

478.] ["«Versa' tracta, ut Plautus 
(Fseud. 1. 2. 31) * inveniam omnia vorsa, 
^parsa.' Venit enim ab eo quod est * ver- 
ror.* " Serv., perhaps rightly. — H. N.] 
'Pulvis insoribitur* like "flores in- 
(Bcripti " E. 3. 106. 

479.] 'Non aequae,' unpropitious. 
Comp. G. 2. 225, "vacuis Claniua non 
aequus Acerris." This scene is described 
in II. 6. 297 foU., which ig imitated by 
Virg. himselfll.477fon. 

481.] * Suppliciter,* as Henry says, 
gives the general effect, and so should be 
pointed off. The ' suppliant guise * is fur- 
ther described in the words that foUow. 

482.] Hom. II. 6. 311 has^Xls K<t>ar' 

contrary attitude is described in Ovid, 
Trist. 1. 3. 45, " Ad vatem voltus rettulit 
illa (Yenus) suos." Here there is of 
course a oonfusion between the goddess 
and her statue. 

483.] This line suggests the mangled 
and pitiable state of the body as shown 
in the picture, — a condition such as is 
deecribed 2. 272. The tense of * rapta- 
verat * shows that this is not a separate 
picture. Comp. 8. 642 — 4, where the 
tense of " distulerant '* simUarly shows 

that the tearing of the limbs asunder 
had taken place before the action repre- 
sented on the shield, which is similarly 
marked by the imperfect. In Hom. 
Hector is chased round the waUs and 
dragged round the tomb of Patroclus. 
Heyne suppoees Virg. to have foUowed 
the Cyclic poets or one of the tragedians, 
as Eur. Androm. 105 hns rhy irepl rtixv 
EtVKvcre ^uf>pe6ay irais aXias Biridos, The 
word *raptaverat* is apparently from 
Ennius, Androm. fr. 12, " Hectorem curni 
quadriiugo raptarier." The scene is 
from n. 24. 478 foll. 

484.] *Exanimum* perbaps = **ita 
oxanimatum," by the dragging : see on 2. 
273. *Auro vendebat,* 6. 621. See 
Madv. § 258. 

486.] •Currus* has beon differently 
taken as the chariot of Hector or that of 
Achilles. It might also be taken of that 
of Priam, described II. 24. 266. The cha- 
riot of Achilles however would be a 
more important object in such a picture ; 
and its presence seems to be indicated iu 
V. 483. Statius has a parallel passage 
(Silv. 2. 7. 55) "Ludes Hectora Thessa- 
losque currus Et supplex Priami potentis 

487.] * Inermis,' unarmed, and so suj)- 
pliant. The expression * tendere manus 
inermis * occurs (with a variation of read- 
ing) 10. 595., 11. 414, 672. For the 
thing see II. 24. 478. 

488.] It is perhaps a little remarkable 
that Aeneas' features should have been 
transmitted by famo to Carthage, so as to 
be at once reoognized by himself. In the 
other cases we may suppose that the event 
described told its own story. But names 
are found written over or under figures in 
old soulpture or painting, and Virg. may 



Eoasqne acies et nigri Memnonis arma. 
Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis 490 

Penthesilea furenSy mediisque in milibus ardet, 
Aurea subnectens exsertae cingula mammae, 
Bellatrix, audetque viris concurrere virgo. 

Haec dum Dardanio Aeneae miranda videntur, 
Dum stupety obtutuque haeret defixus in uno, 495 

Regina ad templum, forma pulcherrima Dido, 
Incessit, magna iuvenum stipante caterva* 
Qualis in Eurotae ripis aut per iuga Cynthi 

have had this practioe in his mind, so that 
he would not seem to himself to be making 
a yiolent assumption. * PrincipibuB per- 
mixtom/ vpo/xdxois fuxBeyreu When Po- 
Beidon rescues Aeneas &om AchiUes, he 
iells him to keep in the background 
during AohiUes' lifetime, but afterwards 
fitrh, mfH&Toi<n fuixtffeai H. 20. 338. Whe- 
ther this time ot more extended aciion is 
referred to here we cannot say, as we do 
not know how iiEir the order of the pictures 
is chronologioal. Fragm. Yat. and Rom. 
give * adgnoecit,' which Jahn adapts. This 
and the next line do not seem to represent 
any particular scene, though Weidner (see 
on V. 466) thinks otherwise. Were it so, 
we should probably have had a moro de- 
finite description, as Aeneas himself 
figures in the action. Tbe lines appear 
rather to be a summing up of varions 
sceoes not described in detail. 

489.] The * £oae acies ' are the Indian 
Acthiopians. Hom. says nothing of them 
in the Iliad, but Memnon is mentioned 
Od. 4. 187., 11. 521. Memnon had arms 
made bv Vulcan, A. 8. 384. He was pro- 
bably tbe hero of the Aethiopis of Arcti- 
nus, which is said to have foUowed imme- 
diately on the action of the Iliad (Mure, 
Hist. vol. iL p. 282). He is called * niger * 
as an Aethiopian, bnt the legend made 
him eminently beautiful, Od. 1 1 . 52 1 . On 
ihe whole subject see Heyne's Excursus. 

490.] Pentbesilea and her Amazons are 
again post-Homeric personages, who also 
seem to have figured in the Aethiopis, 
anotber title of the poem being probably 
Amazonia. Priam speaks of himsclf as 
having fought against Amazons invading 
Phrygia, D. 3. 188. For *lunatis peltis,* 
which were part of the national armour of 
various parts of Asia, and therefore attri- 
buted to the Amazons, see Dict. A, 
^pelta.' ['Agmena' Med. originally. — 

492.] [Serv. suggests that *aurea' may 
be nom., *in golden armour.' — H. N.] 

* Subnectens / for " subnexa habens." 
' Exsertae ' as in 11. 649 note (of Camilla), 
" Unum exserta latus pugnae." See Dict. 
My th. * Amazons.' With the construction 
comp. G. 3. 166, " cirolos Gervici sub- 

493.] <BeIIatrix' plaoed as in 7. 805: 
comp. V. 319 above. *Viris concurrere 
virgo * is supposed to be"a reminiscence of 
the epitbet imiaytlpaSf appUed by Hom. 
1. c. to tho Amazons. 

494 — 519.] * As he is gazing, Dido en- 
ters the temple where she holds a conrt 
To his surprise, his missing comrades ap- 
pear and address her.' 

494.] 'Videntur' apparently means 
*are seen' rather than *seem' (oomp. 
**mihi visa" v. 326 above): •miranda' 
however does not seem to be a pres. part. 
like **volvenda," as Wagn. tbinks, but 
rather means *are seen as marvels.' 
Henry notes the propriety of * Dardanio,* 
as Aeneas is overwhelmed by Dardan 

495.] Oomp. 7. 249, **defixa Latinus 
Obtutu tenet ora soloque iomobilis 
haeret," wbich seems to show that 

* haeret * is to be separated from * obtutu 
in uno * here. 

497.] * Incessit * conveys a notion of 
majesty, as *'incedo** in v. 46. Weidner 
supposes * iuvenum * to be young women, 
which would help out the simile,but seems 
otberwise quite improbable. Elsewhere 
we hear of no female companions of hers 
except her sister. ** Saepta armis " below 
he understands of a male bodyguard fol- 
lowing her and her train. For * stipante * 
Bom. has * comitante.' 

498.] This simile is translated with 
minor variations from Od. 6. 102 foll. It 
is much less appropriate to Dido walking 
in the midst of her lords, than to Nau- 



Exercet Diana choros, quam mille secutae 49» 

Hinc atque hinc glomerantur Oreades ; illa pharetram 

Fert umero, gradiensque deas supereminet omnis : 

Latonae tacitum pertemptant gaudia pectus : 

Talis erat Dido, talem se laeta ferebat 

Per medioe, instans operi regnisque futuris. 

Tum foribus dirae, media testudine templi, 505 

Saepta armis, solioque alte subnixa resedit. 

lura dabat legesque viris, openmique laborem 

sioaa dancing among her handmaidens, 
as was remarked long ago by Probns ap. 
Gell. 9. 9. *Per iuga Cynthi* 4. 147. 
Hom. gpecifies Taygetus (in Laoonia, like 
Eurotas) or Erymanthns. For Eurotas 
comp. B. 6. 83. 

499.] * Exercet choros ' like ** exercent 
palaestras " 3. 281. [Serv. says " hoc non 
ad comparationem pertinet, sed e»i poe- 
ticae deecriptionis evagatio, quia chori nec 
personis hic nec locis congruunt ; saltan- 
tinm enim et cantantium dicuntur." — 
H. N.] The first syllable of * Diana* is 
elsewhere short in Virg. Possibly he 
may have preferred the long antepenult 
in the nom., the short in the oblique 

500.] ** Quem circum glomeratl hostes 
hinc comminus atque hinc Proturbant," 
9. 440. The nymphs follow her, and as 
they throng, form a circle round her. 
*llla pharetram fert nmero' is perhaps 
a translation of loxccupo. Comp. note on 
V. 416. We may however be intended to 
think of the motion of the quiver on the 
Bhoulder, as in 4. 149, ** Tela sonant 

501.] For 'deas' fal. and Rom. have 
* dea,' which also may have been the first 
reading of Med. Henry prefers it, citing 
w. 412, 692. But the lengthening of a 
final vowel is very nnnsual, thongh not 
unexampled (see on 3. 464) and the omis- 
sion of the letter is easily accounted for 
(see on G. 2. 219). It may be said too 
that *deas* is confirmed by Hom. 1. c. 
fiud T* hpiyvwrri irtKeTai, KoXal 94 tc 
ira<rai, thongh * dea ' would have a force 
of its own. * Deae ' of inferior goddesses 
9. 117., 10. 235. 

502.] A characteristioally elaborated 
version of the Homeric y4yr}df 94 rc (pp4ya 
AtjT^. Virg. may have thought too of 
II. 18. 556. [Lucr. 3. 896 ** tacita pectus 
dulcedine tangent." — H. N.] 

503.] *Se ferebat,' *advanced,' 5. 290 
&c, feven where there is no word of 

motion in the sentence, as in 5. 372., 8. 
199, it seems to indicate more than our 
woiti • carriage * or * bearing,' though that 
notion may be included, as here. 

504.] * Urging on the work whioh was 
to set up her kingdom.* ** Non ignarus 
instandum famae," Tac. Agr. 18. 

505.] [Henry (anticipated by Tumebus 
Adv. 10. 11) is probably rlght iu taking 

* foribus divae * of the doors of the ** cel- 
la " within the temple. Dido takes her 
seat in the doorway of the * cella.* * Tes- 
tudo * is the vaulted roof of the wholo 
temple, as in Vitruv. 5. 1. 6 it is tho 
vaulted roof of a basilica. Serv.*s note is 
here not so good as usual, but Ti. Donatua 
is worth quoting. •* Quomodo est iudici- 
orum omnium oonsuetudo : ducuntur iu- 
dices usque ad fores secretarii, ibidemque 
officium remanet : illi vero ingressi solium 
ascendunt, et sedent. Omnibus i^itur 
qui in obsequio fuerant, cum praeceaeret 
regina, armati ante forcs remanserhnt; 
illa ingressa est . . . et ubi ad mediam 
testudinem tcmpli, id est, ad mediam 
aream, pervenit, ascendit solium." — ^H. N.] 
Henry also remarks the general simi- 
larity between the reoeption of the Tro- 
jans here by Dido in the temple of Juno 
and by Latrnus in the temple of Faunus 
7. 170 foll. My lamented friend, Pro- 
fessor Shirley, suggested to me tbat the 
temple may have CKBen a hypaethral one, 
which would have tho * testudo' over the 
door. Kibbeck reads * media e testudine,' 
from a doubtful variety in Pal. 

506.1 * Subnixa' mcans supported from 
beneath, with the throne (* solio '), not,. 
as Heyne thinks, with a footstool. Henry 
comp. Glaud. Epith. Hon. et Mar. 99> 
where ' solio subnixa ' is similarly used. 

* Saepta armis,' ** satellitum scilicet,**' 

507.] * lura legesque ' is the common 
expression of the whole Roman law, and 
the words are not to be preseed here. 
Comp. Hor. 1 Sat. 1. 9, **iurifl legumque 



Partibus aequabat iustis, aut sorte trahebat : 
Cum subito Aeneas concursu accedere magno 
Anthea Sergestumque videt fortemque Cloanthum, 6io 
Teucrorumque alios, ater quos aequore turbo 
Dispulerat penitusque alias ayexerat oras. 
Obstipuit simul ipse simul perculsus Achates 
Laetitiaque metuque ; avidi coniungere dextras 
Ardebitnt ; sed res animos incognita turbat. 515 

Dissimulant, et nube cava speculantur amicti, 
Quae fortuna viris, classem quo litore linquant, 
Quid veniant ; cunctis nam lecti navibus ibant, 

perituB," with Macleaiie'8 note, and Dict. 
A. ' ius.' For * iura dare ' see on v. 293 
aboye, 5. 758. * Operumqae laborem ' foU. 
may be taken in two ways ; either, that 
she dlyided by equity and, where that 
liailed, by lot, which is the common way, 
or, tbat she first divided equally and then 
distributed the parts by lot. There is 
8ome resemblanoe between the soene here 
and that described Od. 11. 568 foU., 
thou^h there the notion of administer- 
ing juBtice is the prominent one, here 
that of giving laws and apportioning 

508.] *Partibus' probably instr. or 
modal abl. 'Sorte trahebat' is an in- 
yerted expression, oombining the common 
phrase " sortem trahere " with the nolion 
of division. See note on y. 381, and 
oomp. 2. 201., 5. 534 notes. 

509.] 'Concursu magno,' either in or 
through tbe multitude crowding to the 
temple, or with a great orowd oollecting 
round them. 

510.] «Anthea,' y. 181, 'Cloanthum,' 
y. 222. Sergeetus is mentioned for the 
flrst time. 

512.] *Penitu8,' far away. Gomp. 
'* penitus repostos Massylum gentis," 6. 
59. * Alias oras,' other than where Aeneas 
had landed. *Adyexerat' is found in 
8ome MSS. including a correotion in 
Med., *ayerterat' in fragm. Vat. and 

513.] * PerouUns ' Med., PaL oorrected, 
Sery. ; 'percussus' fragm. Vai, Bom., 
Gud., Pal. originally. The latter has 
generally been adopted sinoe Heins. 
The words are firequently confounded in 
MSS., and it is not easy to establish the 
distinoiion for whioh Forb. and others 
contend, as though * perculsus ' were too 
strong to be appUed to any pleasurable 
emot^n. Here howeyer 'perculsus' is 

used in a sense peculiar to itself as a 
synonym of *obstipuit' (was struck 
dumb), the ablatiyes referring to both 
words as if it had been 'prae laetitia 
metuque.' The words ^perculsus' and 
^stupeo' are similarly joined in Hor. 
£pod. 7. 16, "Mentesque peronlsae stu- 
pent." Comp. also Tac. A. 1. 12, •* Per- 
culsus inproyisa interrogatione paullum 
reticuit." * Peroulsus ' E^ould be restored 
to 8. 121, '* Obstipuit tanto peroussus • 
nomine Pallas," where it is read by 
Rom. In 9. 197 * peroussus ' would seem 
to be the right word, being taken dosely 
with •amore,' as in G. 2. 476, where 
howeyer, as there, the MSS. present the 
same yariety. These passages seem alsa 
to sbow that * perculsus' here is not an 
independent yerb, but a partioiple, so 
that it is best to remoye the comma 
after * Ipse.' * Simul— shnul,' 5. 675. 

514.] *Ayi<U' should be taken closely 
with * ardebant,' as if it were ' ayide.' 

515.] * Bes incognita ' is explained by 
the questions in yy. 517 foU. 

516.] * Dissimulant,' they represstheir 
emotions. This use of * dissimulo ' abso- 
lutely is not oommon. * Caya,' enshroud- 
ing. Comp. 2. 360, *' nox atra cava 
circumyolat umbra." * Speculantur,' look 
out on what was passing, as from a secure 
plaoe of obseryation. 

517.] * Classem quo litore linquant,' not 
on what shore it wiil proye that they haye 
left their fleet, as Forb. thinks, but on 
wbat shore they are leaying their fleet, 
the fleet being aU ihe time without 

518.] *Cuncti' Med., Rom., Gud. cor- 
rected, Senr., Ti. Donatus. * Cunctis.' Pal ., 
Gud. originaUy. The MSS. howeyer 
haye less positiye weight here, as it is 
eyident that there has oeen a conf usiou 
between * cunctis ' and * lecti,' some giv- 



Orantes veniam, et templum olamore petebant 

Postquam introgressi et coram data copia fandi, 520 
Maximus Uioneus placido sio pectore coepit : 
O Begina, novam cui condere luppiter urbem 
lustitiaque dedit gentis frenare superbas, 
Troes te miseri, ventis maria omnia vecti, 
Oramus, prohibe infandos a navibus ignes, 525 

Parce pio generi, et propius res aspice nostras. 
Non nos aut ferro Libycos populare Penatis 

iDg * cuncti lectiB ' (Bom.)t others < cimotis 
lectis ' (Gud. originally, PaL corrected). 
[Senr. also mentions * lectiB ' as a Tariant. 
— H. N.] The sense is strongly against 
' cunoti, whether we conple it with what 
follows, or, as Wagn., with what precedes. 
The appearance of depnties from all the 
fihips mforms Aeneas that the whole fleet 
is there Cclassem qno Utore linquant'); 
whereas it is diffionlt to see the mean- 
ing of making him wonder why aU the 
depnties came together. Strictly, no 
doubt, **omne8" means aU, distribn- 
iively, and ** cuncti '* the whole, as Jahn 
contends against the reading * cunotis : ' 
but there are repeated instances in which 
" cnncti " might be replaced by ** omnes," 
and even by " singuli," G. 2. 42, A. 3. 398. 

519.] *Orantes veniam,' praying for 
grace; not, as Wagn. thinks, for per- 
mission to speak with tho queen, out 
for the favours specified in v. 525. 
Comp. 11. 100 foU., "lamque oratores 
aderant — veniam rogantes— Redderet— 
sineret— praceret." See also note on 2. 
114. *Clamore,* Forb. says, **non suo 
8ed multitudinis.*' Why, it is diffiault 
to see. They would naturaUy clamour 
when in danger of having thcir fleet 
bnmt ; and there seems to be a poetical 
oontrast between the calmness of the 
aged Ilioneus (v. 521) and the excite- 
ment of the rest 

520 — 560.] * Ilioneus, as their spokes- 
inan, tells his tale, and begs for permis- 
sion for them to refit their ships, that 
they may be able to sail either to Italy 
or Sicily.* 

520.1 Rei)eatedl].248. 

521.] * Maximns.' Comp. Livy 29. 17, 
of the Locrian embassy, ** senatu dato, 
roaximus natu ez iis" (then foUows the 
speech). There is an aged Ilioneus in 
Q. Srayrn. 13. 181 folLkiUed byDiomed. 
Ilioneus is employed as spokesman again 
in the parallel passage, 7. 212 foU. 
Weidner connects the calmness of 

Bioneus with his age, comparing 7. 
194, to which add 12. 18. 

522.] The appeal is to one, to whom 
heaven has granted what they are seek- 
ing, to pity those whose case resembles 
her own, and to one who has founded 
civUization in the midst of barbarism, to 
put a stop to barbarous outrage. * Novam 
urbem : ' see on v. 298. 

523.] 'Gentis superbas,' i.e. the 
Afrioans, not the Garthaginians, to 
whom • gentis * would not be appUcable. 
See 4. 41 (where possibly ** infreni " may 
iUustrate ' frenare ' here), 320. It must 
be admitted, however, that so far as * fre- 
nare ' goes, it would point rather to Dido's 
govemment of her own people. Henry 
thinks liioneus speaks of the two opera- 
tions in which he has seen Dido engaged, 
directing the building of the city and 
legislating (vv. 507, 508). ^ 

524.] * Maria omnia veoti : ' this accns. 
of the thing along or over which motion 
takos place is a Grecism, Jelf, Gr. Gr. 
558. 1. Comp. 5. 627,**freta . . . terras 
. . . ferimur." lUoneus speaks similarly 
of the wanderings of the Trojans, 7. 

525.] * Infandos,' unspeakable, and so, 
horrible ; not, as Heyne thinks, lawless, 
a sense which the word does not appear 
to bear. The Carthaginians were treat- 
ing the Troians as pirates. ** Prohibent 
a matribus haedos," G. 3. 398. 

526.] Heyne takes * propius ' as more 
closely ; do not judge us by appearanoes. 
But it seems rather to meau, as Taub- 
mann nnderstood it, ** praesentius," in- 
cUne thine ear to our case. Comp. 8. 78, 
**propius tua numina firmes." PPro- 

?rius ' Pal. and originaily Med. — H. N.] 
'he Trojans are caUed **pn" 3. 266., 7. 

627.] * Venimns popnlare, vertere,' Uke 
** parasitns modo venerat aurum petere," 
Plant. Bacch. 4. 3. 18, an instance which 
shows that the constmction is not merely 



Venimus, aut raptas ad litora vertere praedas ; 

Non ea Tis animo, nec tanta superbia yictis. 

Est locns, Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicunt, 530 

Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glaebae ; 

Oenotri coluere viri ; nunc fama, minores 

Italiam dixisse ducis de nomine gentem. 

Hic cursus fuit : 

Cum subito adsurgens fluctu nimbosus Orion 635 

In vada caeca tulit, penitusque procacibus austris 

Perque undas, superante salo, perque invia saxa 

a poetical Grecism, though the supioe ia 
nndoubtedly more usual than the inf. 
* Populare ^ seems here to refer to 
slaughter, as distinguished from pil- 
lageCad litora vertere praedas '). This 
is a Bense however derived from the oon- 
text, not, as Wagn. thinks, inherent in 
the word. Attius (Astyanaz fragm. 1) 
has " Qui nostra per vim patria populavit 

528.] * Vertere.' Gomp. note on " aver- 
tit/' V. 472, and on " yertuntur,'* v. 158. 

529.] Such violence belongs not to our 
natnre (" pio generi," v. 526), nor such 
daring to our vanquished condition. 
Comp. the legal Bense of ' vis.' Not 
very unlike is " vim cresoere victis," 12. 

530.] This line is imitated from Enn. 
A. 1. fr. 21 (quoted by Serv. and Macrob., 
8at. 6. 1), " Est locus, Hesperiam quam 
mortales perhibebant." For the oon- 
struotion comp, v. 12 above. 

531.] *Terra antiqua,' a land old in 
story. For ^potens armis atque ubere 
gUiebae ' (where * potens * seems to belong 
more naturally to the first), comp. G. 2. 
173, "Magna parens frugum, Satumia 
teUuB, Magna virum." * Ubere glaebae ; ' 
oiOap ipo^pris, 11. 6. 141. 

532.] * Oenotrii ' Med., * Oenotri ' Rom. 
rightly. The Greek is Olywrpot, 

533.] *Gentem,* the nation, for the 
land. Gomp. the Homeric i^fup ^vi 
Tpdtiav, Od. 8. 220. There were many 
accounts of the eponymous Italus, for 
which see Serv. Thuc. 6. 2 makes him 
a king of the Sicels. One legend made 
Oenotrus his brother. 

534.] The reading *hic* is supported 
against * huc ' apparently by aU the best 
MSS., and Serv. The sense is of course 
the same with either reading, while *hio * 
is the more difficult, *huc' the simpler. 
See on 4. 46, where there is a sitnilar 
variety, and comp. 4. 237, **hic nostri 

nuntius esto." One inferior MS. fills up 
the line *' huc cunctis [fuit ?] iro volun- 

535.] * Subito adsurgens fluctu,' risiug 
with a sudden sweU. * Orion adsurgens 
fluctu' is another of those artifioes 
noticed on vv. 381, 508, the word *ad- 
surgens being intended to oombine the 
rising of the star and the rising of the 
wave. For *ad8urgens fluctu' in the 
latter sense oomp. G. 2. 160 and note; 
for the former comp. Val. Fl. 5. 566, 
** QuaUbus adsurgens nox aurea cingitur 
astris." We are reminded here rather of 
the foUower of Hesiod and Aratus than 
of the imitator of Homer. The inoon- 
sistency was felt in Serv.'s time, many, 
as he says, putting the superfluous . 
question why the rising of Orion is 
mentioned when the tempest was raised 
by Juno; to which he replies that 
liioneus was not aware of the facts 
which the poet leamed from the Muse. 
Elsewhere storms are connected with the 
setting of Orion (7. 719, Hor. 1 Od 28. 
21., 3. 27. 17, Epod. 10. 10). as here with 
the rising. The rising of Orion is about 
midsuDMner (Pliny 18. 268), which 
agrees with the time here, v. 756. 

536.] * Procacibus,' boisterous. Eu- 
polis, quoted by Julius PoUux ap. Cer- 
dam, calls the winds hatKytis» Lucr. 6. 
111 has **petulantes aurae," and Hor. 
1 Od. 26. 2. " protervi venti." * Penitus :' 
above v. 512. 

537.] * Superante salo,' either, the * sea 
overpowering us ("vicit hienops" v. 122) 
or the waves rising high. The former, 
implying that they were unable to make 
head and wero driven before tlie wind, 
is perhaps more in accordance with the 
context; but both may be intonded: 
comp. 2. 311 note. Henry thinks 
•salum* is used here and 2. 209 in 
its technical sense of the sea near tho 
shore, for which see Forc. 



Dispulit ; binc panci vestris adnavimns oris. 

Quod genus hoc hominum ? qnaeye hunc tam barbara morem 

Fermittit patria ? hospitio prohibemur harenae ; 540 

Bella cient, primaque yetant consistere terra. 

Si genus humanum et mortalia temnitis arma, 

At sperate deos, memores fandi atque nefandL 

Bex erat Aenects nobis, quo iustior alter, 

Nec pietate fuit nec bello maior et armis. 6i5 

Quem si fata yirum servant, si yescitur aura 

538.] * Pauci,' a poor remnant. Comp. 
6. 744, ** pauci laeta arva teDemus." * Ad- 
naTimus,' floated or drifted: comp. 4. 
€13., 6. 358. In prose the word is used 
of an ordinary approach to land; but 
Yirg. doubtless meant sometbing more. 
*Ve8tri8 oris' is epexegetical of 'huo:* 
eee on E. 1. 53. 

539.] The first half of this line is said 
by Macrob. (Sat. 6. 1) to be taken from 
Furius (probably of Antium), whom ao- 
«ording to the same authority Virg. 
largely imitated, "Quod genus hoc 
hominum, Satumo sancte create." This 
oonfirms Wagner*s punctuation, whioh 
plaoee an interrogation after * hominum,' 
instead of continuing the construction to 

* permittit' * Quod genus' is probably to 
be explained by 'quae patria,' not, as 
might be arg^ed from v. 542, by sup- 
posing * hominum ' to be emphatio. For 
'quae tam barbara permittit,' comp. G. 
2. 315, and note. ^Patria morem per- 
mittit' is equivalent to ^Herra morem 
sibi propriimi permittit:" see on G. 1. 
52, and comp. v. 51 above. There is the 
same notion in Oatull. 10. 14, *'quod 
illic Katum dicitur esse.*' 

540.] There is a pathetic force in * hos- 
pifcio;' we are barred even from the 
welcome which the shore gives the ship- 
wrecked man. Serv. refers to Cic. pro 
Bosc. Am. 26, '* Nam ^uid est tam com- 
mune, quam spiritus vivis, terra mortuis, 
mare fluctuantibusylitus eiectis?" Comp. 
Hioneus* language 7. 229 foll. 

541.] *Prima terra,' on the edge of 
their territory. " Primi litoris oram ** G. 

542.] * If you are so strong as to defy 
human indig^tion.' It is his cue to re- 
eognize the great power of Carthage. 

* Mortalia arma,* i.q. ** mortalium arma," 
G. 3. 319 note. 

543] * Sperare ' in the sense merely of 
expectation, like 4\xi(ttv^ is common. 
There is no oocasion to undezBtand * fore.' 

♦But expect gods who forget not the 
righteous or unrighteous deed.' '♦Deos 
sperare" occurs Plaut. Cas. 2. 5. 38, Mil. 
4. 5. 10, Cist. 2. 3. 52 in a somewhat 
different sense. •Fandi atque nefandl' 
is from CatuH. 64. 406, "Omnia fanda 
nefanda malo permixta furore." It is 
liard to say whether * fandum ' and * ne- 
fandum ' thus coupled should be taken in 
the supposed old sense of the gerundive, 
as a present participle, and so as strictly 
equivalent to * fas* and ^nefas,* or under- 
stood in the ordinary way, things that 
may or may not be spoken. With the 
general sense comp. Od. 2. 66., 9. 269 
foll. Virg. may conceivably have thought 
of CatuU. 30. 11, "Si tu oblitus es,at di 
meminere, at meminit Fide».'* 

544.] * Aeneas was our king,' not * we 
had a king called Aeneas,' which would 
imply that Aeueas was unknown. Heyne 
was the first who put a comma at ' alter.' 
The old punctuation couneoted ♦ iustior ' 
with *pietate,* a combination in itself 
very harsh, and moreover involving an 
unexampled inversion. For the omiseion 
of ' neque ' in the first olause, comp. Caes. 
B. C. 3. 71 (quoted by Gossr.), "sed in 
litteris, quas scribere est solitus, neque 
in iascibus insignia laureae praetulit." 
So in Greek, Aesch. Ag. 532, Choeph. 
294. With *pietate maior' comp. 11. 
292, "Hic pietate prior." Cerda comp. 
II. 3. 179, &fi<p6r(poy, fiaffi\th t' &yaehi 
Kpvr(p6s T* cuxt^riTfis. *Bello et armis' 

Eleonastic, 4. 615., 7. 235 (comp. the 
itter passage generally). 
546,] Lucr. 5. 857, ** quaecumque vides 
vesci vitaUbus auris." Lachm. on Lucr. 
3. 405 objects to the combination " aethe- 
riae" or "aetheris aurae" or "aura," on 
the ground that "aurae" belong to the 
** aer,** not to the " aether ; *' accordingly, 
wherever the words occur, he would alter 
"aetherius" into "aerius," as here and 
6. 762, or "aurae" into "orae," as in 
4. 445., 7. 557, G. 2. 292. Both changes 



Aetheria, neque adhuc crudelibus occubat umbris, 
Non metus ; oflBcio nec te certasse priorem 
Paeniteat. Sunt et Siculis regionibus urbes 
Armaque, Troianoque a sanguine clarns Acestes. 


:are naiaral enongh; "aetberius" and 
-"aerius" are confused in the MSS. 5. 
518, 520., 8. 221 ; in G. 2. 47 Med. has 
♦* anras " for " oras." But whatever may 
be the case with Lucr. (and I am glad to 
see that Prof. Munro rejects his prede- 
ceesor's view), there seems on the one 
hand no reason why Yirg. may not have 
Tised "aether" loosely in this connexion, 
as equivalent to " caelum " (a word with 
which " aurae " is not unfrequently joined, 
6. 363., 7. 543, 768., 11. 595), while on the 
other "aura" at any rate is found in 
Yirg. in a sense in whioh it is peouliarly 
appropriate to "aether," if not actually 
synonymous with it, " Aetherium sensum 
atque aurai simplicis ignem," 6. 747. 
This is probably its sense here, as Henry 
suggests, — the same mixture of the 
notions of light and air which we find 
G. 2. 340, "lucem bausere.*' Henry 
comp. Stat. Theb. 1. 237 (of the blind 
Oedipus), "Proiecitque diem nec iam 
amplius aethere nostro Yescitur," on 
which Lachm. merely remarks, "Statio 
licuit improprie loqui." Elsewhere Virg. 
connects "aether" with life, 6. 436., 11. 
104. Heyne remarks that Virg. was pro- 
bably thinking of such passagee as Od. 
20. 207 foU., (7 vov Ifri (t&d Kod 6p^ <pdos 
ilt\(ouf Ei 8* Ijiri riOvriKt icoJ fl» *At8ao 
i6fiouTuf, a supposition which may perhaps 
be thought to confirm the view of * aura 
aetheria' just maintained. 

547.] *Crudelibu8 umbris,* the cruel 
darkness of death. Heyne and Wagn. 
take 'umbris' as tbe dative and ^occn- 
bEire nmbris ' as a synonym for " occum- 
bere mortL" But "occumbere" means 
to fall, *occubare' to lie dead, so that 
Forh is doubtless right in making 
'umbris' abl., unless we suppose that 
* oocubat nmbris * can be L q. ** iacet inter 
imibras," lies among the spectres. 

548.] * Nec ' is the reading of aU the 
M88., except the Hamburg corrected, and 
cf Serv., and is supported by the occur- 
renoe of the expression "neo te paeni- 
teat" E. 2. 34., 10. 17, where it is nearly 
equiyalent to "nec pudeat." *Ne' was 
recommended by Heins. and introduoed 
by Heyne, and bas been followed by most 
subsequent critics. ^taining * nec,' we 
must onderstand *non metus ' with Henry, 

* we have no cause to dread,' which would 
agree with Dido*8 words v. 562. But the 
expression is a harsh oue, though it may 
perhaps be palliated by such phrases as 
"haud mora." There should, I think, 
be a semicolon or colon after *metus;' 
not a period, as Ribbeck punctuates, as 
if a new thought began here and were 
carried on to the end of v. 550. It is 
Aeneas who will repay Dido if he livea. 

* Offlcio certasse priorem,' to have taken 
the lead iu the rivalry of good deeds. 
Comp. the phrase "provocare aliquem 
beneficio." **Si muneribus certes ' E. 
2. 57. Comp. generally the parallel 7. 
233, **Nec Troiam Ausonios gremio 
excepisse pigebit " * Oertasse,' like * pae- 
niteat,' assumes that Dido has already 
done wliat Ilioneus asks her to do. See 
E. 2. 34, referred to above. 

549.] It is difficult to determine the 
exact point of this sentence, as * et ' may 
mean, besides Aeneas, i. q. **we have 
other protectors who may receive us and 
repay you," or, besides Carthage, i. q. 
**we have other cities where we may 
8ettle,*and are not come to intrude on 
you," or lastly, besides Italy, i. q. **we 
have auother chance if our hopes thero 
are gone." The last would accord with 
the remainder of tlie speech, which 
dwells on the two courses open to them, 
that of fiilfilling their Italian destiny 
should Aeneas be alive, or that of sefr- 
tling in Sicily should he and his heir 
be dead. 

550.] *Armaque' Rom., Pal., Qud., 
Serv., Ti. Donatus; *arvaque' Med. 
The great majority of MSS. would seem 
to be in favour of the former : the latter 
is fonnd in at least one of the Oxford 
M8S., that of Ball. ColL In internal 
probability the two words seem to be as 
nearly balanced as possible. *Arva' 
brings out further the notion of a settle- 
men^ and is nsed repeatedly in connexion 
wlth the Trojan settlement in Italy (see 
among many other passages v. 569 below, 
4. 311, 355, and comp. 3. 136). * Arma' 
adds a new thonght, and one which is 
natural enough in the mouth of Uioneus. 
Arms are a natural addition to a oity : 
comp. v. 347 foll. above, ** urbem Patavi 
sed^que locavit Teucrorum, et genti 



Qaassatam yentis liceat snbducere classemy 

Et silvis aptare trabes et stringere remos : 

Si datur Italiam, sociis et rege recepto, 

Tendere, ut Italiam laeti Latiumque petamus, 

Sin absumpta salus, et te, pater optime Teucrum, 555 

Pontus habet Libyae, nec spes iam i^estat luli, 

At freta Sicaniae saltem sedesque paratas, 

Unde huc adyecti^ regemque petamus Acesten. 

Talibus Ilioneus ; cuncti simul ore fremebant 

Dardanidae. 560 

nomen dedit, armaque fizit Troia," 12. 
192 foU., " Booer arma LatinuB habeto . . . 
mihi moenia Teucri Oonstituent, urbiqne 
dabit Lavinia nomen." The Trojans have 
armB of their own (comp. 4. 48, where 
observe "urbem" and "reg^" in the 
immediate context) ; but in the abeence of 
AeneaB they muBt seek armed aBsiBtance 
elsewhere. Such being the balanoe of 
probabilitieB, I have decided, after much 
neBitation, by extemal evidence, adopting 
* arma ' with Henry and Ribbeck, againat 
moet modem criiicB. 'Arya' was firBt 
introduced by Heyne. Oddly enough, 
there are traoes of a Bimilar variety in 
Pid. and another M8. below,v. 569, where, 
though * arma * would be out of the ques- 
tion, there is a oertain parallelism. * A 
aanguine,* without a participle or word 
indicating origin, 5. 299. 

551.] Wagu., Jahn, and Wund. seem 
right in taking vv. 551 — 558 as one 
sentence, **liceat subducere classem, ut 
Italiam petamus si datur Italiam tendere, 
sin absumpta Balus, ut saltem Siciliam 
petamus." The old method had been to 
break up the passage, considering ^ut 
petamus' as an elliptlcal expression, and 
the seoond * petamus ' as optative. * Sub- 
ducere classem,' to lay up the fieet, 
opposed to " deducere," to launch. In- 
stanoes are given by Foro. Bibbeck 
supposes the passage to be unfinished, 
thinkiug the transition from the previous 
sentenoe to the present a harsh one ; but 
see on v. 549. 

552.] * Silvis aptare trabcB,' to fashion 
planks in the woods ; that is, to fit them 
to the breaches wbich required mending 
in the ship^s side. Comp. 5. 753, G. 1. 
171 note. [Serv. mentions a variant *op- 
tare.* — ^H. N.] * Stringere remos,* to clear 
branches or trees of their leaves and 
twigs for oars, hence called "tonsae." 
Comp. G. 2. 368, *'tum stringe comas, 

tum bracchia tonde." Silius has imitated 
the expresBion (6. 352), **Aut silvis 
stringunt remos aut abiete secta Trans- 
tra novant." Comp. also A. 4. 399, 
** Frondentisque ferunt remos et robora 
silvis Infabricata fugae studio." * Silvis,' 
as if he had said, *give us the use of 
your woods for repairing our ships,' 
wliilo it gives the picture of hasty work, 
carried on in the woods themselves, aa in 
the passage just quoted. 

553.] The repetition of * Italiam ' has 
been complained of, but it really adds 
force, showing what is the speakePs first 
object. Comp. 3. 253, *'Italiam cursu 
petitis, veutisque vocatis Ibitis Italiam." 
"Ciassem Bociosque receptos" below v. 

554.] 'Italiam Latiumque:' see v. 3. 
Ilioneus has not previously mentioned 
Latium, while he has spoken of Italy vv. 
530 foll. as an unknown country; but 
"Virg.'s love of variety leads him to neg- 
lect these minutiae. So Dido talks of 
" Satumia arva " below v. 569. 

655.] " Pater ontimus " of Aeneas 5. 
358. pOptume'Bom.— H. N.] 

556. J «Pontus habet.' 6. 362, "Nunc 
me fluctuB habet versantque in litore 
venti." * Spes luli,* the hope of future 
manhood supplied by lulus. So Henry, 
rightly. Comp. 4. 274., 6. 364., 10. 

557.] ' Sedes paratas,' opposed to those 
which they would have yet to build. 
** Urbemque paratam " 4. 75. 

558.] *Begemque petamus Acesten,' 
seek a king in Acestes, in place of 

559.] * Guncti— Dardanidae ' repeated 
5. 385, where as here ' simul ' means not 
that they shouted all together, which is 
expressea by *cuncti,* but that they 
shouted assent to the speaker. *Ore 
fremebant,' 4x(v^firi<ray, Weidner. 



Tum breviter Dido, vultum demissa, profatur : 
Solvite corde metum, Teucri, secludite curas. 
Bes dura et regni novitas me talia cogunt 
Moliri, et late finis custode tueri. 
Quis genus Aeneadum, quis Troiae nesciat urbem, 
Virtutesque virosque, aut tanti incendia belli ? 
Non obtunsa adeo gestamus pectora Poeni, 
Nec tam aversus equos Tyria Sol iungit ab urbe, 
Seu vos Hesperiam magnam Saturniaque arva. 


561 — 578.] * Dido welcomes them, offerB 
them either a temporary sojoum or a last- 
ing home, and promises to searoh for 

561.] For * vnltnm ' Pal. oorreoted and 
another MS. have * vultu.' 

562.] * Solvite oorde metum/ a variety 
for * aolvite oorda metu.* * Solve metus * 
has however already occurred v. 463. 
Fierius mentionfi othcr readings, * metus ' 
and * seducite,* neither of which however 
appears to be found in any first^olasB MS. 

563.] *Bea dura,' my hard caae, i. e. 
the dimculty she had in keeping her 
giound on a hostile territory, and her 
fears from her brother. 'Noyitas' is 
rather a favourite word with Lucr., who 
uaes *• novitaa mundi ** of the infanoy of 
the world 5. 780, 818, 943. Ganon. has 

564.] •Custode' sing. in pl. senae 9. 

565.] She complimenta Aeneas by 
calling the Trojana *Aeneadae* (above 
V. 157). 

566.] Comp. Catull. 68. 90, *• Troia 
virum et virtutum omnium acerba cinis." 
Thia reference howeverdoes not prove, as 
Wagn. thinka, that * virtutesque virosque ' 
is to be taken as a hendiodys. The na- 
tural aenae is * the gaUant deeds and the 
heroes.' * Tanti incendia belli : ' comp. 
Cic pro MarcoU. 9, ** belU civilia incen- 
dium aalute patriae restinguere." The 
same metaphor ooours de Bep. 1. 1 and 
elsewhere in Cic. * Tanta,' the reading 
before Heins., has no first-class authority. 
In the parallel 7. 222 foU. the siege and 
fall of Troy are also expressed by a 
metaphor, but it is from a tempest and a 

567.] * Obtunsa,' blunted and so duU ; 
the reverse of **ouris aouens mortalia 
corda *' G. 1. 123. * Peotora,' minds, not 
hearts. Hor. 1. Ep. 4. 6, ** Non tu oorpus 
erag sine pectore.'^' * Gkstamus pectora ' 
like ** Is sapientia munitum pectus egre- 

vou n. 

gie gerat," Attius Brutus £r. 2 : see Munro 
on Lucr. 3. 1049. Comp. ^peiv, <f>op(w. 
* Obtunsa' is of course a predicate— * the 
minds within us are not so duU.' 

568.] Both this and the preoeding line 
are intended to rebut the suppoeition of 
ignorance respecting the history of Troy, 
not of want of feeling ; so that the refer- 
ences of the older commentators to the 
recoil of the sun from the banquet of 
Thyestes are quite out of place. The 
notion seems to be * we do not lie so far 
out of the pale of the civilized world — 
out of the circuit of the sun, and so out 
of the course of fame.' Comp. 6. 796, 
**iaoet extra sidera tellus Extra anni 
Solisque vias." It would add great foroe 
to the passage if we could suppose Virg. 
to have conceived of the sun as the actual 
bearer of news to the natious of the earth, 
as in the well-koown passage in the 
dying speeoh of Ajax, Soph. Aj. 845 — 
849, and in Od. 8. 270, 302, Aesch. Ag. 
632—676. But it is to be observed tbat 
in these passages the sun is the only pos- 
sible witness ; und though suoh a tbought 
may possibly have cro^ed the mind of 
Statius wben imitnting this passage in 
Theb. 1. 683 (*' Scimus, ait; nec sio aver- 
sum Fama Mycenis Volvit iter"), it 
would be hazardous to assume this to 
have been Virg.'s meaning when the pas- 
sage oan be explained without it, and the 
simpler view is oonfirmed by the language 
of the parallel 7. 225—227. Silius (15. 
334) has imitated these words in a way 
which seems to show that he understood 
them, like the old oommentators, as hav- 
ing referenoe to the reooil of the sun at a 
dreadful ooourrenoe. *Iungit equos' 
seems to imply that the people dis- 
claimed by Dido lie beyond the sun- 

569.] * Hesperiam magnara ' (7. 4) like 
** Italiam magnam " 4. 345, seemingly au 
omamental epithet. * Satumiaque arva : ' 
see 8. 349 foll. 



Sive Erycis finis regemque optatis Acesten, 670 

Auxilio tutos dimittam, opibusque iuvabo. 
Voltis et his mecum pariter considere regnis ? 
Urbem quam statuo, vestra est ; subducite navis ; 
Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur. 
Atque utinam rex ipse Noto compulsus eodem 676 

Adforet Aeneas ! Equidem per litora certos 
Dimittam et Libyae lustrare extrema iubebo, 
Si quibus eiectus silvis aut urbibus errat. 
His animum arrecti dictis et fortis Achates 

570.] * Optatis,* choose, not wish. 

671.] * AuxiUo tutoB,* protected b^ an 
esoort. * TntoB ' is a participle, as m 6. 
238., 9. 43. 'Opibns luvabo:* Bhe wiU 
open her Btores and arsenals to them, not, 
give them money. The line is nearly re- 
peated 8. 171. 

572.] Wagn. and others, foUowing 
Serv. ("deest vel w"), strike out the in- 
terro^tion at the end of this line, under- 
standing it aa a hypotheeis without * si,' 
on the ground that Dido iB simply giving 
them their choice, not presBing an invi- 
tation. They do not however attempt to 
prove either that the invitation oonvejed 
by the interrogative form iB a preBaing 
one, or that an invitation would be inap- 
propriate here. On the oontrary the 
whole tenor of Dido'8 language to the 
end of the Bpeeoh seemB to show that Bhe 
hopoB they will Bettle. For the expreB- 
sion comp. Hor. 1 Od. 27. 9, where no one 
haB yet propoBed to change the pnnotu- 
ation. ^Mecum pariter:' ^pariter' has 
itB Btriot senBe : on equal terms with me. 
The order in Pal. iB * pariter mecum.* 
Some inferior M88. have * consLitere,' 
Bom. * terriB.' * Considere ' of settling in 
a country 3. 162., 4. 39 &c. ['Vultifl' 
Med. and Rom.— H. N.] 

573.] * Urbem quam Btatno, veBtra esV 
This attraotion of the anteoedent to the 
case of the relative haB been abundantly 
illustrated by the commentatorB. The 
commoneBt and perhapa the beat paBsage 
is Ter Eun. 4. 3. 11, "Eunuchum quem 
dedisti nobis, quas turbaB dedit." ** Ur- 
bem praeclaram statui " are Dido'B words 

574.] [NoniuB p. 282 quotee with 
♦« habetnr " for * agetur.'— H. N.] • Nullo 
diBcrimine agetur ' is oommonly explained 
by referenoe to the Greek &7CIV, to weigh 
or to regard, in which case we muBt Bup- 
poee ' agere ' to be a variety for ** ducere." 

Comp. 10. lOS, "TroB Rutuluflne fi«t 
nullo discrimine habebo." It is poeaible 
however that Yirg. may have alBo been 
thinking of *' discrimen agere " as equiva- 
lent to *• discrimen facere " (oomp. " ce«- 
Buram," ** dileotum agere," &c.). Serv.'i 
** * agetur,' regetur," if intended for any- 
thing more than the most general expla- 
nation, Beems quite untenable. 

575.] *Noto eodem/ the same gaU, 
** procacibus Austria " v. 536. * Compul- 
bub:' *eompello' like ^^oogo" meaiw 
originally to drive together to the Bame 
Bpot, henoe to drive together into straits, 
oonstrain (** oompellere aliquem in an- 
gustias "). Either sense would be tenable 
here. * Gompulsus ' may mean either 
driven as you were driven, in whioh oaae 
we might take *eodem' adverbially 
(oomp. Caes. B. G. 1. 4, ** Omnis clientes 
Buos eodem conduxit"), or driven by 
stresB of weather (* Noto '). Comp. gene- 
rally 7. 263 foll. •^lpse modo Aeneai 
. . . adveniat" * Atque utinam' E. 10. 35. 
[*ConpulflUB' Pal.— H. N.] 

576.] * C!ertos,' trusty meBsengerB. See 
Foro. B. V. 

577.] *Dimittam,' **in diversas partii 
mittam," as Heyne explains it. 

578.] * Si quibuB,' to see whether. * to 
see' being implied in *luBtrare.* *Eieo- 
tuB,' 4. 373. Some inferior MSS. give 
*montibuB,' whioh Burm. prefers; bul 
Dido'B messengers are doubtless meant 
to seek Aeneas in other territoriea, 
e. g. the Gaetulian towns : oomp. 4. 40. 

579_612.] *InBtantly Aeneas and 
Achates becomes visible. Aeneaa thanki 
Dido for ber splendid and ever-memor- 
able generosity.' 

579.] ' Arrecti,' excited ; quite a differ- 
ent word from *erecti,' reasBured, though 
Heyne and Forb. seem to oonfound tne 



Et pater Aeneas iandudum erumpere nubem 580 

Ardebant. Prior Aenean compellat Achates : 

Nate dea, quae nunc animo sententia surgit ? 

Omnia tuta vides, classem sociosque receptos. 

Unus abest, medio in fluctu quem vidimus ipsi 

Submersum ; dictis respondent cetera matris. 585 

Yix ea fatus erat, cum circumfusa repente 

Scindit se nubes et in aethera purgat apertum. 

Bestitit Aenecis claraque in luce refulsit, 

Os umerosque deo similis ; namque ipsa decoram 

Caesariem nato genetrix lumenque iuventae 590 

Purpureum et laetos oculis adflarat honores : 

Quale mwus addunt ebori decus, aut ubi flavo 

580.] [* landudum ' Med. and Pal. 
originally, * iamdudum/ Bom. — H. N.] 
*£rumpere nubem.' Comp. Hor. 4 Od. 
15. 9, •* Rectum evaganti licentiae.'* 
Prop. 4. 2. 21, **prae8cripto8 evecta est 
pagina gyroe," Lipsius* conj. for the cor- 
rupt ** praeecripto seyeota gyro." 

582.1 * Shall we not reveal ourselves 
now ? It is implied that they had the 
power to do 80 in v. 516, though the mist 
in fact vani8he8 without theirwill. The 
line may be a translation of Apoll. B. 1. 
463, AlffoyiJhii tIko r^vJf jurrA <l>p€ffl firjriy 
^Kifftrcis; The latter part i0 nearly 
repeated 9. 191. 

583.] * Beceptoe,' 80. ** e88e," as they 
did not see the fleet before them. 

584.] *Unu8 abest,' Orontes. Comp. 
V. 113., 6. 334. 

585.] [v Summersum,' Bom.~H. N.] 

586.] Weidner oomp. Od. 16. 11, othr» 
vay cfpip-o ftroj Hre k.t.X. The phrase 
however is not a oommonplace with 
Hom., as * vix ea fatua erat ' ia with 

587.^ * Purgat * borrowa * se ' fW)m 
*8cindit.' *In aethera:' see on 5. 20. 
Wakefield'8 preferenoe (on Luor. 3. 507) 
of the variant * aera ' is partioularly un- 
fortunate, as it ia the groaser ** aer " that 
defecatea into the puror '* aether." Kol 
T((rc 8^ ^' abrotd iniKtif x^^ 04ff<fwros &^f>, 
Od, 7. 143. [Lucr. 4. 340, ** lucidua aer, 
Qui quasi purgat eos ac nigra8 disoutit 
umbitts Aena illiua."— H. N.] 

588.] * Be8titit,' ** abeoedente acUicet 
nube," Ser?. For *reful8it' aee note on 
V. 402. 

589—593.] The whole of this paesage 
is almost a translation of Od. 23. 156— 
162, which ia nearly repeated from Od. 6. 

229 foU. Except in employing the agency 
of Venu8, who is not only the mother of 
Aeneas, but the goddeaa of beauty, Virg. 
is as usual less appropriate as well aa 
forcible than Hom. For * os umerosque 
deo eimilis,' oomp. also the well-known 
lines, n. 2. 478, "Ofifiara K<d icc4>aXV 
K.T.A., and see on 4. 11. 
590.1 [Pal. has * iuvenia.'— H. N.] 
591. J * Adflarat,' as regards * caesa- 
riem,' is a zeugma ; as regards ' lumen ' 
it may refer to thc supposed connexion 
between light and air, indioated by suoh 
passages as 3. 600, **hoc oaeli spirabilo 
lumen " (see above on v. 546). * Purpu- 
reum,' glowing. For the vague use of 
* purpureus ' see on E. 5. 38. The word 
here probably refers to the rosy bloom of 
youth. [Serv. says it = **pulchrum," 
comparing Horace'8 ** purpureis ales 
oloribus : " and so Porphyrion on Horace 
4 Od. 1. 10.— H. N.] *Honores,' lustre. 
*Laetus' is <fKuhp6s, [Virg. may have 
thought of £ur. Baooh. 236, oiifvv^Sy 
Bffffois x<^*Toj *A<ppoBirris ^X^* — H. N.] 

592.] Hom. has simply &s 8' 5tc ns 
Xpvffhv xtpix^6€r€U Vt^P^ ^^P "HpiSy 
whioh answers to &s Apa rf Korrix^vt 
('A0^n)) xip^y ^o point being that the 
beauty of Ulysscs is, as it were, gilded 
with diviner graoe, as silver is gilded 
with more precious gold. Virg. has 
taken the idea of beauty superadded by 
art, and expreseed it in two ways, ueither 
of them exactly the same as Homer^s. 
The flrst (* quale manus addunt ebori 
docus ') is the mere superaddition of art 
to a beautiful material (* manus,' in the 
technical sense of the artisfs band, v. 
455 above) ; the seoond, the adomment of 
silver or marble with gold, a practice 



Argentum Pariusve lapis circumdatur auro. 
Tura sic reginain adloquitur, cunctisque repente 
Inprovisus ait : Coraro, quem quaeritis, adsum, 595 

Troius Aeneas, Libycis ereptus ab undis. 
sola infandos Troiae miserata labores, 
Quae nos, reliquias Danaum, terraeque marisque 
Omnibus exhaustos iam casibns, omnium egenos, 
TJrbe, domo, socias, grates persolvere dignas 600 

Non opis est nostrae, Dido, nec quidquid ubique est 
Gentis Dardaniae, magnum quae sparsa per orbem. 
Di tibi, si qua pios respectant numina, si quid 
Usquam iustitia est et mens sibi conscia recti, 
Praemia digna ferant Quae te tam laeta tulerunt 605 

similar to that referred to 10. 185, and 
illustrated in Hey ne*8 Excursus. * Flavo : * 
elaewhere gold is called "fulvum," 7. 
279, &c. 

594.] Connect * cunctis inprovisuB.* 
Burm. after Serv. thinks * sio ' means 
* thus beautified ; ' an ingenious but 
unlikely notion. 

597.] *Sola' is to be understood loosely, 
alone of thoBC not allied to Troy, and bo 
exduding Helenus and Acestee. 

598.] * Keliquias Danaum : * see on v. 
80 above. 

599.] *Exhau8t08* Med., Bom., Pal., 
Gud. ' Exhaufltis * fragm. Vat. origi- 
naUy, Serv. Ribbeck alone hHS adopted 
the latter, which is very plausible in 
itaelf, agreeing with the use of **ex- 
haustus" elsewhere in Virg. (comp. 4. 
14., 9. 856., 10. 57, a strong paraUel, 11, 
256), and Bufficiently weighty in extemal 
authority. After much hesitation I have 
aUowed the paraUel ** tot casibus actos," 
above v. 240, to decide me to foUow the 
rest of Ihe editors. Comp. ** quo magis 
exhaustae fuerint," G. 4. 248, of thebees. 
* Omnium : ' the only instanoe tn whioh 
Virg. has forced this intractable word 
into a hexameter. 

600.] *Urbe, domo, socias,' offer to 
make ua the partners of your city and 
your home— open your city, your very 
home to us. The construction Beems to 
be *80cife8 ("tibi" or **tecum") urbe, 
domo ' (instr. or modal abl.). Kot unlike 
is G. 4. 153, **oonBortia tecta Urbis 
habent** * Gratee peraolvere dignas,* 2. 

601.] 'Opis' in its original eense of 
means or power. Forb. comp. Hor. 1. 
Ep. 9. 9, •* Dissimulator opis propriae." 

[•Quioquid' fragm. Vat.— H. N.] 

602.] * Nec quidquid ubique eet gentis 
Dardaniae' = **nec omnium, quotquot 
Bunt, Dardanorum." •Magnum quae 
sparsa per orbem/ both as fugitives and 
as captives. 

603.] Comp. generaUy 2. 586. **8i 
quid pietas antiqua laboreB Bespicit 
humanos," 5. 688. 

604.] 'luBtitiae,' the old text before 
Heyne, is found in Med. (eecond reading) 
and some other MSS. * luBtitia * however 
is found in Med. (flrBt reading), Rom., 
Pal., fragm. Vat. and Gud.^besides Serv., 
and is rightly preferred by all modem 
editors. Thore is etiU a questiou whether 
* meuB sibi oonscia recti Ms to be coupled 
with *Di* or with * iustitia.* Thoee who 
read * iustitiae * of course adopted the 
former view ; but it iB eupported also by 
Scrv., though reading * iustitia,' with tho 
remark that the doctrine that virtue is 
its own reward is Stoic, and in roodern 
timea by PeerUcamp, and undoubtedly 
receives strong confirmation from 9. 252 
foU., which is generaUy paraUel, ** Quae 
vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibuB iBtis 
Praemia poeBO rear Bolvi ? pulcherrima 
primum Di moresque dabunt vestri." 
On the whole however the latter view is 
that to which the pasBaRe itself Beems 
moBt naturaUy to point. ^lf justice and 
consciouB rectitude be of any aocount 
anywhere on earth.* Comp. 2. 142, ** si 
qua est, quae reetat adhuo mortaUbus 
usquam Intemerata fides." ** MeuB sibi 
oouBcia facti '* iB re^ by some in Lucr. 3. 
1018, where Lacbm. retains *• factis," 
joining '*8ibi" with *• praemetuens." 

605.] Comp. Od. 6. 154 foU., and tor 
the construotion v. 539 above, G. 2. 315. 



Saecula ? qni tanti talem genuere parentes ? 

In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae 

Lustrabunt convexa, polus dum sidera pascet, 

Semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt, 

Quae me cumque vocant terrae. Sic fatus, amicum 610 

Ilionea petit dextra, laevaque Serestum, 

Post alios, fortemque Gyan, fortemque Cloanthum. 

Obstipuit primo aspectu Sidonia Dido, 
Casu deinde viri tanto, et sic ore locuta est : 
Quis te, nate dea, per tanta pericula casus 615 

607.] *Duin montibus umbrae lustra^ 
bunt convexa.* while the BhadowB move 
in the hoUows of the hills. * Umbrae/ 
not, aB Heyne thinks, the shadows of the 
woods, but those cast by the hills them- 
selves, E. 1. 84. * LuBtrabunt * Heyne 
explains rightly of the shadow moving 
with the Bun. With *convexa* comp. 
"convexo nemorum," v. 310, and the 
word "convallis." Many critics, from 
the time of Serv., have tcdcen * convexa * 
with * Bidera ' (oompariug Ov. 4. ex Pont. 
9. 129), Bupposing *luBtmbunt' to be 
conrupt (*lu8tra dabunt,* Heins., *con- 
stabunt,' Burm.; Ribbeck thinks the 
pasBage imperfect). The use of a word 
in one sense in a context which would 
seem to suggeBt another, is not un-Vir- 
gilian, even where, as here, that other 
Bense is not meant to be in any way 
reoognized. * Polus dum Bidera pascet ' 
is from Lucr. 1. 231, ** unde aether sidera 
pascit" (comp. Id. 5. 523 foll.). Virg. 
also had v. 230 (** Unde mare ingenui 
fontes extemaque longe Flumina suppe- 
ditant ") in hia eye, though the prominent 
thougbt with him Is not tbe constant 
supply, but simply the oonstant course of 
nature. Perhaps, as the earlier critlcs 
suggeBted, Yirg. may also have thought 
of (^llim. Del. 176, rtip€<riy,fiviKa T\€i<rTa 
KOT* 1i4pa fiovKoKfovrai, tbe stars being 
conceived of as a flock grazing in tbe sky. 
Med. and one or two others have *pascit :' 
see on 4. 336. 

609J This liue is repeated from E. 5. 
7S. The sense of that passage is, so long 
as rural life exists, you shall be oelebrated 
with fisstivals like the gods. So here we 
may explain, with Wagn., * so long as 
nature holds her course, your name snall 
be perpetuated in the land where I may 
be, be it Italy or any other.* Comp. 5. 
49—60, where a similar promise is made 
to the memory of Anchises, and 4. 835, 

where the same acknowledgment is 
made more weakly to Dido berself. This 
seems more likely tban Henry*s view, 

* whatever beoomes of me, your fame is 

610.] *Vocant* expreBBes that he is 
dependent on dcstiny, and so implies 
that he will have to leave Dido, as 
Henry remarks. Oomp. 3. 494, ** nos 
alia ex aliis in fata vocamur," 5. 656, 
** fatisque vocantia regna." 

611.1 *Petit dextira,' puts forth his 
right nand to : comp. ** oornu petere." 
*Serestus,' apparently not the same as 
♦*8erge8tus" v. 510: see on 4. 288., 5. 
487. The present passage, combined with 
V. 510, would be rather in favour of the 
identifioation, which might be compared 
with the double quantity of words like 
**Sychaeus," though Heyne says of it 
** quod vix feram ne in malo quidem 

612.] V. 222 above. Here * Gyan ' and 

* Gloanthum ' seem to be epexegetical of 

* alios.* 

613.] [*0p6tipuit'Med.— H. N.] 
614—642.] *Dido tells him she has 
heard of him from Teucer, a wandering 
Greek, and bids him weloome. She sends 
food to tbe crews at the ships, and ordere 
a splendid banquet in the palace." 

614.] * Casu tanto,' at the stupendous 
disaster. It would be harsh to separate 

* primo,' as an adverb, from * aspectu * 
(see however 4. 176) ; as an adjective, it 
may still be taken adverbially, as in 4. 
166, E. 6. 1. 

615.] *Qui8 cafius/ ris rtfxvy "qnae 
fortuna" (comp. above v. 240). * Quae 
vis,' ris fiia, The meaning seems to be, 
** How inveterate the ill-fortune that per- 
secutes you I how savage the violence that 
leads you here l " the question being one 
of wonder. In v. 9 he is driven through 

* oasus : ' here the * oasus ' drives him. 



Insequitur ? quae vis immanibus applicat oris ? 
Tune ille Aeneas, quem Dardanio Ancbisae 
Alma Yenus Phrygii genuit Simoentis ad undam ? 
Atque equidem Teucrum memini Sidona venire 
Finibus expulsum patriis, nova regna petentem 620 

Auxilio Beli ; genitor tum Belus opimam 
Vastabat Cyprum ei victor dicione tenebat. 
Tempore iam ex illo casus mihi cognitus urbis 
Troianae nomenque tuum regesque Pelasgi. 
Ipse hostis Teucros insigni laude ferebat, 625 

Seque ortum antiqua Teucrorum ab stirpe volebat. 
Quare agite, o tectis, iuvenes, succedite nostris. 
Me quoque per multos similis fortuna labores 
lactatam hac demum voluit consistere terra. 
Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco. 680 

Sic memorat ; simul Aenean in regia ducit 

616.] * Immanibas/ savage, with refer- 
ence to the Libyans, an apology for the 
roughness of her own people being 
blended with an identifioation of his 
misfortanes with her own. "Terrae 
upplicat ipsum/' 12. 303. Here it = 
" appellere," v. 377 above. [*Inmani- 
bns' Med. *Adplicat* Med. and Pal.; 
'applicat' Rom. ; bnt 8erv. sayB that 
' applicat ' is the older speUing. — U. N.] 

617, 8.] Comp. n. 2. 820. * Genuit : ' 
Virg. may mean only that the meeting 
of Venns and Anchiaes was by the banks 
of the Simois. Serv. however eays, 
'*Deae vel Nymphae enitnntur circa 
fluvioe vel nemora.^' 

619.] Teucer, being refueed admiBsion 
in SalamiB by his father on his retum 
from Troy, founded a new Salamis in 
Cyprus. Virg. suppoeea him to have 
sought the assistanoe of Belus, king 
of Tyre, whom he repreflenta to have 
conquered the Cyprians shortly before. 
See Heyne'B Excursus. 

622.] " Dicione tenerent," above v. 236. 

623.] * CasuB ' may mean strictly * fall,* 
here and 2. 607. 

624.] * Pelasgi' for the Greeks is poBt- 
Homerio. In Hom. the Pelasgi are a 
tribe allied with the Trojans. In the 
sime way the Dardanii are a particular 
tribe which was oommanded by Aeneas. 

625.] ['HoBtis,' probably nom. dng., 
not aoc. pl. — ^H. N. j * Ferebat * used to 
extol, as in the fuller expression, *' ferre 
ud caelum laudibuB." Comp. 8. 288, " qui 

oarmine landes Herouleas et faota ferunt." 
*♦ Inaigni laude," Lucr. 6. 95. 

626.1 * Volebat,* not * wished that he 
were,* but * gave himself out to be,* beiug 
the son of Hesione, Laomedon'8 daughter. 
In this use of the word the notion is 
generallv that of a vain pretension or 
fancy: but Cic. 1 De Or. 4. "Grae- 
ciam, quae semper eloquentiae prin- 
ceps esse voluit," approaches nearly to 
tho meaning here. Virg. evidently 
meaut to express the Homerio tCxrrai 
tlvai. * Ab ' was restored by Heins. from 
Med. and others for ' a,' which doeB not 
seem to be found in any ftrst-clasB MS. 

627.] "Succede penatibus hoepes," 8. 

628.] * Per multos labores * with * iacta- 
tam.' Corop. V. 615 above, &o. **Iaota- 
tum peridis," 6. 693. 

629.] *Con8istereterra,*6.807. [Comp. 
for the whole expression Cicero pro 
Quinctio 2, ** ut multis iniuriis iactatam 
atque agitatam aequitatem in hoc tandem 
looo consistere et confirmari paiiamini." 
This passage conflrms * oonsistere ' here, 
as against the reading of Pal. and Gud. 
•oonsidere.'— H. N.] 

630.] ' Disco ' seems to be used instead 
of *' didici," as more modest. The com- 
mentators in general do not notioe the 
tense : Serv. however seema to have 
fonud Bome difiBoulty in it, as he wishes 
to take * non ' twice, ** Qnare non disco ? 
quia non sum ignara." 

631.] * Simal—Bimul,' like itia — ifxa. 



Tecta, simul divom templis indicit honorem. 

Nec minus interea sociis ad litora mittit 

Viginti tauros, magnorum horrentia centum 

Terga suum, pinguis centum cum matribus agnos, 635 

Munera laetitiamque dei. 

At domus interior regali splendida luxu 

Instruitur, mediisque parant convivia tectis : 

Arte laboratae vestes ostroque superbo, 

Ingens argentum mensis, caelataque in auro 640 

Fortia facta patrum, series longissima rerum 

Here, as in 2. 220, they oouple two Yerbs 
with the same subject : in y. 513., 5. 675, 
two subjects with the same yerb. 

632.] [*Divum' Med. Rom.— H. N.] 

* ludicit honorem,* orders Bacrifioe to be 
offered, in honour of the preservation of 
Aeneas. Comp. ** supplicatio indioitur,'' 
Caes. B. G. 7. 90. Heyne remarks that 
this i» different from the Horoerio cus- 
tom of sacrifioing to the gods the victim 
of which the guest is to partake. Both 
however are found in Aesch. Ag. 87 foU., 
594 foU., compared with vv. 1056 foU. 

634, 5.] xAen, but, as usual, with an 
ezaggeration, significant of unreaUty, 
from Od. 8. 59 foll. Comp. 5. 96 note. 
' Magnorum horrentia centiuu Terga 
Buum,' for " centum sues tergis horrenti- 
bus." Comp. 4. 511 note. *Centum' 
may go either with ^terga' or with 

* suum ; ' but it more probably belongs 
to the former. See on 5. 404, ** tantorum 
ingentia septem Terga boum." 

636.] [Gellius 9. 14 says, " In illo versu 
non dubium est quin *dii' scripserit 
(Yergiiius) pro *diei,' ' Munera laeti- 
tiamque dii,' quod imperitiores *dei' 
leg^t, ab insoleotia scilioet vocis istius 
abhorrentes. Sic autem 'dies,' *dii,* a 
veteribus declinatum est, ut * fames, fami,* 
'pemicies, pemicii,' ' progenies, progenii,* 

* Ittxuries, luxurii,' *acies, acii.* '* Serv. 
mentious three readings, * dei,' which he 
explains as = ** Liberi patris," * dii,* and 
*die,' both the genitivea of *dies.' Ti. 
Donatus read *dei,' which he explains 
as = **vini." Med. and Bom. read 

* dei,' Pal. * dii.' G^llius is in all proba- 
bUity simply transcribing from an older 
scholar, perbaps Caesellius Yindez, who 
is cited in the same chapter. — H. N.] 

* Munera laetitiamque dei ' evidently 
refers to wine, whioh would naturally 
form a part of Dido's presents ; the 
expreesion being resolvable into **mu- 

nera laetifica dei laetitiae datoris " (comp. 
V. 734, ** Adsit laetitiaeBaochusdator"). 
Baochus, as Henry reroarks, is caUed 
simply * deus ' 9. 337, ** multo(|ue iacebat 
Membra deo victus," according to one 
interpretation of the words. On the 
other hand, it would be difficult ta 
affix any precise sense to the line if 
*dii' were reail. Heyne's explanation 
is **pecudes quae pro munere sint, et 
quarem epulis dies hilariter agatur." 
*Dii' has been adopted however by 
most of the later editors. If any awk- 
wardnesB is felt from the asyudeton, we 
may impute it to the imperfect state of 
the passage. 

637.] Imitated from Catull. 64. 43—51. 
Comp. especially v. 46, **Tota domus 
gaudet regali splendida gaza." The 
words * regali splendida luxu instruitur ' 
are to be connected closely together, * ie 
being set out in the splendour of royal 
magnificence ' (** instruitur ut splendida 
sit" Serv.), *luxu' being probably con- 
nected with *8plendida' Uke **gaza" in 
Catull. 1. c. * At domus interior ' recurs 
2. 486, alsoof the ** atrium." Comp. the 
banquet in 3. 353 foU. note. Cic. has 
**instructa et exomata domus" 2 Verr. 
2. 34, **omnibus rebus instructimi et 
p^tum convivium " ib. 4. 27. 

638.] * Mediis tectis ' is explained by 

* domus interior.' 

639.] * Arte laboratae' is the predicate. 

* The coverlets were embroidered and of 
princely purple : on the table was 8prea<l 
massy sifver plate, and vessels of gold 
ohased with legends.' * Vestes ' for 
** stragulae vestes," as in Luer. 2. 36 
&c. * Ostro superbo,' abl. of the material. 

640.] **Ingeus argentum" 3. 466, as 
we speak of plate as * silver.' * lugeus ' 
probably includes both massiveness and 
quantity. The gold seems to be plate 
aiso, oups, &o. 


Per tot diicta viros antiqua ab origine gentis. 

Aeneas, neque enim patrius consistere mentem 
Passus amor, rapidum ad navis praemittit Achaten, 
Ascanio ferat baec, ipsumque ad moenia ducat. 
Omnis in Ascanio cari stat cura parentis. 
Munera praeterea, Iliacis erepta ruinis, 
Ferre iubet, pallam signis auroque rigentem, 
Et circumtextum croceo velamen acantho, 
Ornatus Argivae Helenae, quos illa Mycenis, 
Pergama cum peteret inconcessosque Hymenaeos, 
Extulerat, matris Ledae mirabile donum : 
Praeterea sceptrum, Ilione quod gesserat olim. 



G42.] * Antiqua ' Rom., Pal., and Gud. 
oi iginally, * antiquae ' Med., Pal., and 
(4ud. oorrected. The former, which was 
restored by Heyne but ejocted by Wagn., 
seems slightly preferable, both on the 
ground of authoriiy and as avoiding a 
liarsh elision. 

643 — 656.] • AeneH8 sends Achates for 
Ascanius, bidding him bring royal oma- 
ments as a present for Dido.' 

643.] * Consistere mentem.* Cic. 2 
Phil. 28, "neque vigilantem neque in 
sora^nis poese mente oonsistere." Pro 
Domo 54, " ut neque mens, neque vox, 
neque lin^a consisteret." 

G44.] ' Rapidum ' explains *praemittit.* 
Achates is seut to bring Ascanius in time 
for the feast which is about to begin. 
[* Achates ' Gud.— H. N.] 

645.] *Ferat— ducat' are a sort of 
oratio obliqua, **A8canio fer ipsumque 
duc " (comp. 2. 652., 4. 288 foll., 8. 507), 
though it is not easy to distinguish be- 
tween such constructions as these and 
Buoh as ** volo facias." 

646.] No strirtly paraUel instance has 
been adduoed of this use of * stat,' which 
seems to imply concentration, halting as 
it were and making a stand. Comp. 
**consi8tere in aliquo." See on 2. 163, 
which is not parallel. 

647.] Comp. 7. 243, **Dat tibi prae- 
terea Fortunae parva prioris Munera, 
reliquias Troia ez ardente receptas." 
•* Pergameis erepte ruinis " 3. 476. 

648.] [The *palla* was a long four- 
oomered piece of doth wom by women 
as a garment, reaching down to the feet : 
Serv. on A. 11. 746 and Isid. 19. 25. 2, 
**muliebri8 vestis deduota usque ad 
vestigia." It was wom in different ways, 
sometimes folded round the body like 
the togoj sometimes so as to form a aouble 

covering for the breast and shoulders, as 
well as a single one for the lower limbs. 
In this case it was called **tunicopal- 
lium." The name * palla * was also given 
to the ceremonial coatume of priests, 
singers, and instmmcntalists. In this 
case it was simply a tunica taiaris wora 
under a chlamys. Serv. here, Nonius 
pp. 537 — 8. See Marquardt, Roinische 
Alterthumer vol. 7, p. 560 foU.— H. N.] 
For *signi8 auroque rigentem* (which 
is probably a hendiadys) comp. Lucr. 5. 
1427, **ve8te Purpurea atque auro sig- 
nisque ingentibus apta," where **rigen- 
tibus " has been plausibly conjectur^. 

649.] * A veil with a border of yellow 
acanthus.' Serv. on 7. 188 mentions the 
veil of Ilione as one of the seven national 
heirlooms which preserved the Roman 
empire. The * acanthus ' seems to have 
beon specially appropriated to borders of 
tbis kind, so that Hesychius actually 
defines the word xtpl^ffufifia {xpa<rti4vov. 
[* Circumtextum velamen,' the Greek 
KvKKas^ as Serv. remarks. ♦* Quod 
amictui habet purpuram circum, vocant 
drcumtextum," Varro L. L. 5. 1 32 : comp. 
Isid. 19. 24. 10.— H. N.] The more 
ordinary colour of the *acanthus' was 
white, but later poets (Cnlp. 4. 68, Stat. 
8 Silv. 1. 37, quoted by Heyne) speak of 
it as red or purple. 

650.] [*0matu8* the Latin equivalent 
of K^iTfjLOi. — H. N.] * Argivae Helenae : ' 
'Affy^ijiv *E\4vfiv, 11. 2. 161. *Mycenis:* 
2. 577 note. Contrast Aesoh. Ag. 690, 
4k r<&y a$pOTifKov xpoKa\vfifidTMV iv\€v<r€. 
Helen took awav with her her irr^/ttoTo 
which the Greefs sought to recover, D. 
8. 285, &c. 

653.] Ilione, according to one story, 
was married to Polymnestor, the treacher- 
ouB king of Thraoe. She is unknown to 



Maxima natarum Priami, colloque monile 

Bacatum, et duplicem gemmis auroque coronam. 655 

Haec celerans iter ad navis tendebat Achates. 

At Cytherea novas artis, nova pectore versat 
Consilia, ut faciem mutatus et ora Cupido 
Pro dulci Ascanio veniat, donisque furentem 
Incendat reginam, atque ossibus inplicet ignem ; 660 
Quippe domum timet ambiguam Tyriosque bilinguis ; 
XJrit atrox luno, et sub noctem cura recursat. 

Hom. Jnno bears a sceptre Ov. F. 6. 
38, and Heouba speaks of herself as sap- 
ported by Priam*8 sceptre Eur. Tro. 150, 
bat no Instance has been adduoed where 
it is carried by a woman who is not even 
a qneen, but only a princess royal. 

654.] * CoUo * for the neck, a construc- 
tion generally found where there is a 
verb or verbal notion, as in 10. 135, ** Aut 
coUo decuB aut capiti." Such a notion 
we may borrow here if we please from 
" munera ferre " above v. 647. So perhaps 
7. 350, " fit tortile collo Aurum ingens 
coluber," t!)ough there a local abl. is at 
least eqnally possible. [^Monile baca- 
tum ' properiy a bracelet of gems in the 
form of berries : so a pearl braoelet ; 
" omatum magaritis." Serv. With the 
whole of this passage comp. Lampridius 
Alex. Severus 41. 1 "matronas regias 
oontentas esse debere uno retioulo atque 
inauribus et bacato monili et corona . . . 
et unico pallio (et tunicopallio f So the 
bestMSS.) auro sparso et cycladeqneLe uex 
nncias auri plus non haberet." — H. N.] 

655.] * Duplicem gemmis auroque ooro- 
nam : ' probably a double cirolet of gold 
and gems, whether formed by one circlet 
of each is difiScult to say. The commen- 
tators evidently are at a loss, as their 
explanations are mere oonjecture; some 
flug^esting that ^duplex' refers to the 
combination of gems and gold, while 
others think tbat the double crown 
means a bridal crown as distinguished 
• from the crown wom by virgins, whioh 
may have been single. 

656.1 *Celeran8* = "oeleriter exse- 
quens,^' an expression imitated by Val. 
FI., who has ** imperium oelerare '' twice, 
4. 80, 385. 

657—694-1 * Venus distmsts Dido, and 
lays a plot to secure her affections by 
Bubetituting Cupid for Ascanius, whom 
abe oonvevB to Idalia.' 

657.] Virg. seems to have had in his 
mind ApoU. B. 3. 112 foll., where Aphro- 

dite, at the instance of Here and Athene, 
prevails on Love to infiame Medea with a 
passion for Jason : but tbere is no simi- 
larity in the details. *Nova8 artis' 
carries the reader back to v. 417. Virg. 
however may have intended to represent 
the Homeric (fy0* alr* &K\* iy6ri<r€f which 
he has transkted 12. 843. 

658.] *Faciem,* shape. Comp. G. 2. 
131, A. 3. 310., 5. 222, quoted by Forb. 
[*Multatus' Med.— H. N.] 

659.] *Dulci* carries us back to his 
fttther*s feelings v. 646, and forward to 
his probable attractions for the queen. 
*Donisque furentem incendat reginam,' 
inflame the queen to madness by his 
gifts. Comp. V. 714, **pariter puero 
donisque movetur." There is possibly 
an allusion to the scene in the Medea of 
Euripides, where Medea*s children carry 
to Creusa a crown and a robe which 
actually consume her. The parallel may 
serve as an answer to Schrader*s wonder, 
mentioned by Heyne, that a wealthy 
queen like Dido should be captivatea 
with presents. 

660.] * Osaibus inplicet ignem.' Oomp. 
Cic. Div. 1. 36, **Di vim suam naturis 
hominum inplicant." * Ossa * is put for the 
seat of feeling, like ** medullae." Comp. 
G. 3. 258. [Lucr. 3. 250 ** postremis datur 
ossibus atque meduUis Sive voluptas est 
sive est contrarius ardor." — ^H. N.] 

661. * Domum amblguam ' is to be ex- 
plained by **Iunonia hospitia" v. 671; 
and 80 4. 96, ** veritam te moenia nostra, 
Suspectas habuisse domos Karthaginis 
altae." *Tyrios bilinguis' is of course 
an anticipation of tbe Roman feeUng 
against Carthage. * Bilinguis ' occurs as 
a reproach more than once in Plautus 
(see Freund), where it represents the 
forked tongue of a serpent, and bas 
apparently no oonnection with the notion 
of speaking two languages. 

662.] There is no occtwion to separate 
thifl line from what preoedes with Wago., 



Ergo his aligerum dictis adfatur Amorem : 
Nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia solus, 
Nate, patris summi qui tela Typhoea temnis, 
Ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco, 
Frater ut Aeneas pelago tuus omnia circum 
Litora iactetur odiis lunonis acerbae, 


as vv. 670, 671 prove. "Daphnia me 
malus urit ** E. 8. 83, where tbe anxiety 
is that of love. — *8ub noctem* may be 
exphiined by observing that the action 
has arrived at evening. Having set her 
6on on the way to Carthage, Venus i» not 
at rest. She ie alarmed at the -warmth 
of his reception, and knowing that 
Aacaniue has been sent for to the ban- 
quet, at the last moment she proposes 
to Bubstitute Gupid for him. But there 
seems alsu a reference to the oommon 
thonght that night aggravates rather 
than soothes anxiety, for which Heury 
oomp. 4. 522 foU. *Cura recursat,' 12. 802. 

663.] [** * Aligerum,' compositum a 
poeta nomen," Serv. No instanoes of 
the word are quoted in the lexicous from 
any writer earlier than Virg. — H. N.] 

664.] "Qui solus es meae vires, mea 
magna potentia.'* The punctuatiou of 
Med., foUowed by many editors, which 
connects ^solus* with wbat foUows, is 
harsh and opposed by similar expressions, 
Buch as 8. 574, " care puer, mea sola et 
sera voluptas." Catull. 64. 215, "Nate 
mihi loiiga iucundior unice vita.** Comp. 
10. 507, **0 dolor atque decus magnum 
rediture parenti.** With the nom. ' solus * 
Forb. comp. Ov. Her. 14. 73, ** Surge, age, 
Belide, de tot modo fratribus unus,'* 
remarkin^ that it is a question among 
grammarians whether * soluB * has a voca- 
tive. The line is imitated by Ov. M. 5. 
865, ** Arma manusque meae, mea, nate, 
potentia, dixit, Ilfie^ quibus superas 
Dmnis, cape tela, Cupido.*' 

665.] For Typhoeus or Typhon Bfaruck 
by lightning oomp. Aescb. Prom. 358 
folL The bolts are called from the giant 
they slew, as Serv. remarks, like Boman 
generals from the nations they oon- 
<^uered. A more far-fetched explana- 
tiou ifl thut of Pomponius Sabinus, 
who makee *Typhoea' = **Aetnaea,** 
Aetna being called ^Typhois' Ov. Her. 
15. 11, aB resting, acoording to one story, 
on TyphoeuB. The orthography *Ty- 
phoia,* like **Cyolopia** (v. 201), is 
adopted by Heyne for the sake of the 
metre, contrary to all the extant MS8., 

whioh have *Typhoea.* Serv. however 
says **multi *Typhoia* legunt, ut 

* cerialia * et * oerealia.* ** The device of 
Cupid br^EJdng or trampling on the 
thunderbolt is oommon in gems. 

666.] *Tua numina,* tbe aoc. of the 
person of whom the request is made, not 
of the thing requestea. Comp. 8. 382, 
** Ergo eadem supplex venio et sanctum 
mihi numen Arma rogo,'* 8. 543 ** numina 
sancta precamur PaUadis.*' [*At' Pal. for 
*ad.'--H. N.] 

667.] Serv., in conmienting on the 
adroitness of the whole addr^, notices 
*frater tuus,' **08tendit ei etiam pro- 
ftiturum qui rogatur." *Omnia circum 
Utora;' elsewhere Aeneaa is said to 
wander over all lands (v. 756., 5. 627 
&a); here for the Bake of variety he is 
said to wander about thom, tossed from 
one to another aiid resting on none. &o 
*litora' is used rather than *terras.* 
Comp. 8. 76, **oras et litora circum 
errantem,'* of Delos. See on v. 82 above. 
*Pelago,' on or over the sea, not the 
instr. abl. Comp. v. 3. 

668.] * lactetur * frag^. Vat. originally, 
Pal., * iacteturque * Med., Bom., Gud., 
and most MSS., including fragm. Vat. 
oorrected, and Serv., who says •*vacat 
queJ" It seems hopeless to explain 

* iaoteturque,* as Wagn. incUnes to do 
(Q. V. 12. 13), either by making * que * 
couple * pelago ' with * omnia litora,' or by 
supposing a oorruption in *pel£kgo' or 

* circum ; ' or again, as might be just 
possible, by supposing *pelago* to be 
ooupled with * odiis ' (comp. 2. 179, where 
two dissimilar ablatives are joined by 
*et'); whUe the insertion of *que* is 
sufficientlv accounted for by an anxiety 
to mend the metre. With the lengtiien- 
ing of the final syll. here Weidner comp. 
4. 222., 6. 284, G. 3. 76, in all which 
places there is a kind of pause after the 
wurd, so that here probably we should 
take *odiiB* in a loose connexion with 
*iactetur* as an abl. of circumstanoe, 
rather than as an instr. abl. Comp. 
8. 292, quoted just below. *Acerbae' 
fragm. Yat, Pal, Gud., aU originaUy, 



Nota tibi, et nostro doluisti saepe dolore. 

Nunc Phoenissa tenet Dido blandisque moratur 670 

Vocibus ; et vereor, quo se lunonia vertant . 

Hospitia ; haut tanto cessabit cardine rerum. 

Quocirca capere ante dolis et cingere flamma 

Eeginam meditor, ne quo se numine mutet, 

Sed magno Aeneae mecum teneatur amore. 675 

* iDiquae ' Med., Bom., and apparently the 
great bulk of MSS. with Ti. Donatus. 
iDternal evideDce is stron^ly for *acerbae/ 
as its iDBertion cannot easily be explained, 
wbile *iniquae' doubtless came from a 
recoUection of 8. 292, ^'fatis lunonis 
iniquae,'' where tliere seems to be no 
yarions reading. It is curious that in 
11. 587, "fatis urguetur acerbis," some 
inferior MSS. give ** iniquis," apparently 
from a recoUection of 2. 257. 

669.J ' Nota,' for * notum ; ' a Grecism : 
see IL 16. 128 &o. Comp. 11. 310, **Ce- 
tera qua rerum iaoeant perculsa ruina, 
Ante oculos interque manus Bunt omnia 
vestraa," Pliny, Paneg. 44 (quoted by 
Wund.), **An prona parvaque sunt ad 
aemulandum, quod nemo incolumitatem 
turpitudine rependit?" *Et noetro do- 
luisti saepe dolore,' apparently a pljrase 
for sympathy, with wnich Forb. comp. 
Plaut. Pcrs. 5. 1 ult., ** Bene ei, qui hoo 
gaudio gaudet" * Dolore * however may 
be merely an abl. of the occasion, * thou 
hast grieved at my grief.* Serv. gives 
both interpretations. 

670.] *Nunc,* Pal., fragm. Vat. origi- 
naUy, and some others. *Hunc' Med., 
Bom., Gud., &o., which Wagn. ingeniouBly 
explains as = *.*eum nuno." On the 
whole I have preferred *nuno,' with 
Wakef. and Bibbeck, as the repetition of 
*huno* V. 680 would be rather formal. 
The line is imitated from Od. 1. 55 foU., 
aa Weidner remarkB. 

671.] 'Quo Be vertant,* what may be 
their iBsue. **Quo seBe vertant tantae 
aortes somnium,** Enn. Alez. fr. 1. **Quod 
se bene vertat,** for the more UBual ** quod 
bene vertat," is found Enn. A. 1. fr. 
69. Here the word may suggest a notion 
of change, like ** ne quo se nimiine mutet,** 
V. 674. ** Aeneia hoBpitia,** 10. 494, in a 
different sense. 

672.] The nom. to * oessabit * is ** luno,*' 
contained in *Iunonia.* Comp. Liv^ 2. 
53, **yeien8 beUum exortum, quibus 
(Veientibus) Sabini arma ooniunxerant ** 
(quoted by Forb.). Serv. Bavs that there 
is a^proverb ** res est in cardine, hoo est, 

in articulo.** A similar use of *cardo' 
is found in imitators of Virg., as Statius 
and Val. Flaccus, and twice in Quin- 
tilian : see Forc. Here it may conceiv- 
ably have been chosen with reference to 
* vertant,* which would agree with Serv.*8 
explanation, *'a ianua, quae motu cardinis 
hac atque Ulac inpeUi potest.** 

678.] *Capere ante dolis ct oingere 
flamma.* Both terms are taken from 
strategy, though they are clearly not 
roeant to be harmonized. The sense is, 
I mean to make a complete conquest of 
her, 80 as to preclude all other interven- 
tion. With * cingere flamma,* comp. 10. 
119, **moenia cingere flammis.** . 

674.] * Ne quo se numine mutet,* that 
Dido*s frienaly feelings may not be 
cbanged by Juno. *Quo numine* may 
either be rendered generally, by any 
power but mine, or by Juno*B power in 
any way, like ** quo numine laeso,** v. 8. 
The abl. however is rather that of circum- 
stance than of the instrument. [Henry 
understands the words to mean ** by any 
whim of her own.** — H. N.] 

675.] [* Set * Med.— H. N.] * Mecum : * 
**pariter atque ego** is the common in- 
terpretation, adopted by Heyne, Wagn., 
and Forb. Comp. G. 1. 41, *' Ignarosque 
viae meoum miseratus agrestis.** Accord- 
ing to this interpretation Venus would 
wifih that Dido*B aflection should not be 
hoUow (** quippe domum timet ambiguam 
Tyriosque bilinguis **), but as sincere as 
her own. It might also be proposed to 
connect *mecum* closely with *teneatur,* 
kept on my side, or, in my power, wiiich 
would accord with the general metaphor 
of the previous lines. Comp. 4. 115, 
**Mecum erit iste • labor.** *Teueri 
amore* is a oommon expression; and if 
the latter interpretation be adopted, 
Virg. has blended this with other notions, 
perhaps that of a town invested (*' obsi- 
dione teneri,** 10. 109). Serv., who objects 
to the common view, on the ground that 
Dido oould not love Aeneas like a mother, 
has **per meos amores, me adnitente,** 
whioh would not be so natural. 



Qua facere id possis, nostram nunc accipe mentem : 
Begius accitu cari genitoris ad urbem 
Sidoniam puer ire parat, mea maxima cura, 
Dona ferens, pelago et flammis restantia Troiae ; 
Hunc ego sopitum somno super alta Cythera 
Aut super Idalium sacrata sede recondam, 
Ne qua scire dolos mediusve occurrere possit. 
Tu faciem illius noctem non amplius unam 
Falle dolo, et notos pueri puer indue vultus. 


676.] For ♦qua,' *qiiam' ia read by 
Gud., *qtio* by some otber MSS. * Acci- 
pere/ of hearing, 2. 65, like " dare," of 
telling, E. 1. 18. " Haec tibi mens est," 
8. 400, though there the notion is rather 
of purpose than of opinion. 

677.] "RegiuB puer," 5. 252, of Gany- 
mede. *Accitu genitoris,' like "dei 
iu88u," 2. 247. 

678.] *Mea maxima cura : ' so ABcanins 
10. 132 is oalled "Veneris iustissima 
cura," as also "Dardanius puer." Wagn. 
not unnaturally complaine of the words 
as otiose here, the plot not being intended 
* to benefit ABcanius in any way, excopt 
80 far a8 he ia served by anything which 
eerves Aeneas. It is possible however 
that the removal of Ascanius to Idalia 
may be meant to present itself to Venus 
as a naturul outlet for her own afifection, 
as weU as in pursuance of the plot: 
comp. 10. 46 — 53, where the general 
thought is parallel. The very obsourity 
with which this is indioated may be an 
intentional stroke, in a speech from whioh 
everything is excluded which does not 
bear on the one objeot of persuading 
Cupid. But on such matters it is easy 
to be over-8ubtle. 

679.] *Pelago et flammis' is probably 
the dat. Orestare* being oonstrued like 
* superesse '), not the abl., as Forb. 

680.] [* Sopitum somno,' as Henry has 
eeen, is not a pleonasm, as " sopire " and 
"sopor" mean unconsciousness of any 
kind. ' Sopire,' for instance, is often 
used by Livy of the unconsoiousness re- 
sulting from a blow or from a loss of 
blood.— H. N.] Comp. Lucr. 4. 453, 
"cum suavi devinxit membra sopore 
Somnus, et in summa corpus iacet omne 
quiete" (quoted by Forb.). * Super alta 
Cy thera : ' Venus, like other gods, had 
her temples in high plaoes. Cythera is 
called high here, and in 10. 86. "Alti 
Idaliae luci" are mentioued just below, 

V. 692, and "celsa PaphoB," 10. 51 
Comp. also "sublimis abit," v. 415. 
Wagn. appears right in remarking that 
"super" is frequently used for entering 
a high place, as "sub" for entcring a 
low place, and " per " for entering a large 

68 1.] * Sacrata sede,' in my temple or 
grove. "Cereris sedem sacratam," 2. 
742. As might be expected, two MSS. 
have " secreta." 

682.] 'Ne qua scire dolos.* There is 
somethiug inartificiul in the arrangement 
here, as Cupid has not yet been told that 
he is to personate AscaniuB, and the only 
way in which Ascanius could spoil the 
plot would be by appearing along wiih 
Cupid. Venus however has had tlie 
details in her mind from the first, v. 658, 
and she naturally dismisses the subject 
of AscaniuB first, so as to conclude her 
speech with instructious to Cupid. Henry 
distiuguishes between knowledge of the 
plot (* scire dolos *) aiid accidental inter- 
vention (* medius occurrere *). " Medius 
intercipit," 10. 402. 

683.] "Digitum non. altior unum," 
Lucr.4.414. See Madv. § 306. «Noctem 
non amplius unam' is to be explained 
like "plus septima ducitur aestas " G. 4. 
207 (noto), the case, which here is the 
aco. of duration, not being altered by the 
oonstruction with the comparative, any 
more than if "quam" had been used. 
See Madv. §§ 305, 306. 

684.] * Falle dolo,' personate. Goesran 
comp. fiop<f»^y io\^<rasy Soph. Phil. 129, 
where however io\ovy merely means to 
disguise. Comp. rather the use of ' men- 
tior,* and aee note on v. 407. *Noto8 
pueri puer indue vultus : * it wUI not be 
difficult for you to put on the expression 
of a boy as you are a boy yourself. Venus 
removes an objection by anticipation. 
The notions of actual transformation and 
of imitation are blended and perhaps 
oonfused throughout. * Notos,' not known 



Ut, cum te gremio accipiet laetissima Dido 686 

Begalis inter mensas laticemque Lyaeum, 

Cum dabit amplexus atque oscula dulcia figet, 

Occultum inspires ignem fallasque veneno. 

Paret Amor dictis carae genetricis, et alas 

Exuit, et gressu gaudens incedit luli. 690 

At Yenus Ascanio placidam per membra quietem 

Inrigat, et fotum gremio dea tollit in altos 

IdsJiae lucos, ubi mollis amaracus illum 

Floribus et dulci adspirans complectitur umbra. 

lamque ibat dicto parens et dona Cupido 695 

Eegia portabat Tyriis, duce laetus Achate. 
Cum venit, aulaeis iam se regina superbis 

to Capid, but i. q. ** solitoB : " " non oor- 
pore notae Sufficinnt viree," 12. 911. 

* Pueri puer : * comp. 5. 559. 

685.] * Laetissima,' when Dido, at the 
height of her pleasure as a queen exer- 
oising splendid hospitaUty, and rejoicing 
herself in the feast, opens her heart and 
takes thee to her bosom. 

686.] *Inter mensas,' at the table. 
"Difloite, non inter lances menBasque 
nitentis," Hor. 2 S. 2. 4. * Inter * seema 
strictly to mean while the feast is going 
on, like "inter pocula," "inter vina." 
*Latioem,' of wine, G. 2. 192. With 

* Lyaeum,' which, as Heyne remarks, 
would more naturally have been " Lyae- 
ium," oomp. "cineri Sychaeo," 4. 552, 
"latioes Lenaeoe," G. 3. 510. 

687.] ' Amplexus dare,' the oorrelative 
of "amplexus petere," 8. 615. «Oscula 
figet,* 2. 490 note. [* Adque' Bom. origi- 
nallv and fragm. St. Gall.— H. N.] 

688.] 'Pallas,' sc. "eam," as is proved 
by the parallel passage 7. 350, " fallitque 
furentem Vipeream inspirans animam." 
*■ Poison her unobserved.* Comp. also 9. 
572, " longe fallente sagitta." The mix- 
ture of tne images of fire and poison 
reminds us again of the details of the 
catastrophe in Euripides' Medea, referred 
to on V. 659. 

690.] *Gre88U gaudens incedit luli' 
refers to his change of nature from a 
winged god to a boy, not to his ohange 
of gait from that of a god (w. 46, 405., 
5. ^9) to that of lulus. * G^udens,' like 
•" laetus " in v. 696, expresses the sly plea- 
Bure with whioh he enters into his part. 

691.1 *Venus— -dea:* see note on v. 412. 

692.J Luor. 4. 907, " somnus per mem- 
bra quietem Inriget." Furius Antias ap. 

Macrob. Sat 6. 1, "mitemque rigat per 
pectora somnum." The expression seems 
to be a translation of the Homerio M 
y\vKhy Svyoy ^x^^^^^ "P^ ^ iififip6<rios 
k4xv^ ^i^osy but the notions expressed 
by the two are in all probability quite 
different ; the Homerio image beiug ap- 
parently that of sleep enveloping a man 
(the reoder of Don Quixote will recall 
Sancho Panza's " Blessings ou the man 
that invented sleepl it folds round a 
man like a cloak "), while in * inrigat ' 
the conception would seem to be of dew 
or rain ooming down. Oomp. the image 
in 5. 854, where Sleep shakcs a bough 
dripping with the dews of Lethe over 
the temples of Palinurus, and its imita- 
tion in Val. Fl. 4. 15. Whether the dews 
are the dews of night or of the body in 
sleep, is not clear. Pers. 5. 56 would 
prove the latter, if he does not mean 
satirically to pervert the image. 

694.] •Umbra* implies that he was 
cradled among the nowers and leaves. 
GatuU. 61. 8, calls upon Hymen to 
wreath himself "floribus suaveolentis 
amaraoi." P Amaraous ' or marjoram (if 
the modern botanists are right) was evi- 
dently connected bv the ancients with 
love : Catull. 1. c. and Lucr. 4. 1179. See 
BUis on CatuII. 1. o. «Aspirans* Pal. 
originally. * Complectitur * Pal.— H. N.] 

695—722.] * Oupid arrives as the feast 
is beginning. Ue is fondled by Dido, 
whose affections he kindles gradually.' 

695.] ' lamque ibat:' meanwhile Cupid 
had set out on his wav. 

696.] If *laetus' u to be conneoted 
with *duoe,' it means that he shows 
signs of pleasure as he goes along. 

697.] * Cum venit.' Ou his arrival the 



Aurea composuit sponda mediamque locavit. 
lam pater Aeneas et iam Troiana -iuventus 
Conveniunt, stratoque super discumbitur ostro. 700 

Dant manibus famuli lymphas, Gereremque canistris 
Expediunt, tonsisque ferunt mantelia villis. 
Quinquaginta intus famuls^, quibus ordine longam 
Cura penum struere, et flammis adolere Penatis ; 

feast begins. ' Ck>mpoetiit — locavit : * the 
perfect coupled with the historic present 
*venit,' as the plnperfect would have 
been ooupled with the past. * Anlaea ' 
are doubtlees the awning or ourtain that 
hung from a Roroan ceiling to catch the 
dust, and under which the couches would 
be arranged. Comp. Hor. 2 S. 8. 54, and 
the Schol. there. So also Serv. and the 
older oommentators interpreted it, and so 
Henry. It is difficult however to acoount 
for the abl., whioh may be either in or 
under a curtain, or settled herself (* oom- 
posuit se ') with a ourtain, as oontributing 
to the ease of the banquet. Heyne, fol- 
lowed by the later editors, takes * aulaea' 
for the tapestry on the couch ; but there 
seems to be no authority for this use of 
the term. Horace^s ** cenae sine aulaeis 
et ofitro" (3 Od. 29. 15) might support 
such a meaning if efitablished, but oannot 
be quoted to prove it 

698.] 'Aurea,* dififiyllable, 7. 190. 
8erv. tnougbt it might be nom. * Sponda,' 
the open side of the bed or couoh. Diot. 
A. * lectus.' ' Mediam,' in the oentre of 
the triclinium. This seems to have been 
the ho8t's p1ace(Hor. 2 S. 8. 23). Gossrau 
and Henry think the meaning is, that 
Dido oocupied a oouoh by hereelf in the 
middle of the banqueting-hall. The 
narrative seems to a£ford litUe or no help 
in determining the question : see however 
on V. 718. An imitation in Val. F. 2. 
346 is perhaps in favour of Gossrau^s 
view, as both Hypsipyle and Jason are 
represented as taking the middle place ; 
but the passage is too rapid and summary 
to throw much light on Yirg. 

699.] ' lam * does not begin a new para- 
grapb, as the early editors thought ; but 
there is no ocoasion to connect tbis line, 
as Wagn. and Forb. have done, with the 
linee before, afi though it were intended 
to mark stUl farther the tims of the 
arrival of Ascanins. 

700.] ' Super ' may be taken either as a 
preposition (comp. " fronde super viridi," 
E. 1. 81) or adverbially — on purple 
spread over the couoh, a view supported 

by V. 708, and Stat. Ach. 2. 82, « pioto 
discumbitur ostro." 

701.] * Dant manibus famuli lymphas.' 
This is the order of the words in Med., 
Rom., Pal., the St. GkiU palimpses^ 
Gud., and other good MSS. The com- 
mon reading, supported by the MSS. of 
Prisoian (De flg. num. ed. Kr. 2. 389), is 
" dant famuli manibus lymphas." Med., 
Pal., and Gud. have * famulae,' which 
seems to have been introduced from v. 
703. For the details comp. Od. 1. 144 
foU. &o., and see G. 4. 376 foU. notes. 
* Oererem oanistris expediunt,' serve out 
the bread promptly from the baskets, 
" proferunt," savs Serv. In Hom. 
heralds serve the water, maids tbe 
bread, boys the wine. 

702.] * Tonsis manteUa villis : ' see on 
G. 4. 377. Here Med. a m. p. and Gud. 
originally have the speUing < mantilia.' 

703, 4.] AU the MSS. appear to give 
" ordine longo " [and so Nonius p. 247, 
and Ti. Donatus.— H. N.]. But * longam ' 
has the authority of CharlBius, the 
oldest extant gramn)arian, and was 
current as well as * longo ' in the time of 
G^Uius (4. 1). It aim> seems to liave 
been read by Ausonius, who (Idyll. 3. 
27) has "Oonduntur fructus geminum 
mihi semper in annum. Oui non longa 
penus, huio quoque prompta fames." 
This passage of Ausonius seems also to 
give the explanation of *longam' — a 
store that will last for a long time. 
rGeUius 4. 1. 17 quotes from Quintus 
Scaevola to show that ^penus' meant 
" quae (prandii aut cenae causa) longae 
usionis gratia oontrahuntur et recon- 
duutur," and so Serv. here, who distin- 
guishes between 'penus' and ^cella- 
rium," the latter bemg only a temporary 
store. " ' Struere,' ordinare, componere ; 
unde et struotores dicuntur feroulorum 
compofiitores," Serv. "To arrange and 
keep in order the * penus.' " — H. N.] 
These *famulae' are evidently distin- 
guished i^m the two hundred who serve 
the banquet 'Intus' may be a trans- 
lation of Hom.'8 Kvrk 9&fta in the parailel 



Centum aliae totidemque pares aetate ministri, 706 

Qui dapibus mensas onerent et pocula ponant. 

Nec non et Tyrii per limina laeta frequentes 

Convenere, toris iussi diseumbere pictis. 

Mirantur dona Aeneae, mirantur lulum 

Flagrantisque dei vultus simulataque verba, 710 

Pallamque et pictum croceo velamen acantho. 

Praecipue infelix, pesti devota futurae, 

Expleri mentem nequit ardescitque tuendo 

Phoenissa, et pariter puero donisque movetur. 

Ille ubi complexu Aeneae colloque pependit 716 

Et magnum falsi inplevit genitoris amorem. 

passage, Od. 7. 104 ; but it mor© probably 
hasreferenoe to tbe ''oella penaria," a's 
opposed to the haU in which the gneets 
were serred. *Ordine* refers not to 

* struere/ bat to the division or course of 
labonr among the seryants, as in G. 4. 
376, A. 5. 102. *Longo* was retained 
by Heinnns and Heyne, and is stiU pre- 
ferred by OoBsran and Henry ; out 

* longam * was restored by Wagn., and is 
generally read by the later editors. 
'Ordine longo' is of oourse common 
enough in Virg. ; but this would be the 
yery reason for its introduction here by 
a transcriber. pAdolere* here is ex- 
plained twioe by Nonius (pp. 58 and 247), 
as = " augere," ** honorare," ** propi- 
tiare;" to honour, from the notion of 
increasing. Comp. A. 7. 71 **ca8ti8 
adolet dum altaria taedis." So also Serv. 
here. There seems no reason toqueetion 
this interpretation. Conington however 
took it merely to mean the keeping up of 
the fire for oooking, comparing ict7j<t/ov 
fiwHOVf Aesch. Ag. 1038, itrrlas fi€<T0H' 
<f»dKov, ib. 1056.— H. N,]. Forother uses 
of 'adolere' see note on E. 8. 65, and 
oomp. U. 4. 879. * Penatis ' seems to be 
etymologically oonnected with *penus,' 
and therefore the two are appropriately 
joined. For the oonstruotion *oura 
struere ' see on G. l. 213. 

705.] Henry remarks, ** It is neither 
indifierently nor aocidentally tbat Virg. 
assigfns to Dido a nnmber of attendants 
all oif one age. It appears from the fol- 
lowing passage of l^c. A. 15. 69, that 
etiquette did not permit persons of 
private rank to be waited on by such 
attendants: *iubetque praevenire cona- 
tus oonsulifl : ocoupare velut aroem eius : 
opprimere deleotam iuventutem : quia 

Yestinus inminentis foro aedes decoraque 
servitia et pari aetate habebat.' " 

706.] Most of the MSS., inoluding 
Med., Gud., and partially Pal., have 
•onerent* and *ponant,* which Wagn. 
riglitiy recalled as agreeing better with 
* quibus eura * before. Heyne had intro- 
duoed * onerant ' and * ponunt ' from 
Rom. : it is found too in the St. Gall 
palimpeebt Virg. follows Hom. in set- 
ting on the cups at onoe. The Romans 
were apt to reserve drinking to the seoond 
conrse, as Serv. remarks on v. 723 below. 

708.] * Convenere iussi ' does not equal 
**oo«venere et iussi sunt," as Wagn. 
thinks. *Tori8 iussi discumbere pictis' 
is merely a poetical phrase for, bidden to 
the banquet * Limina ' for ** tecta." 

710.] *Flagranti8' expressive of the 
glowing looks of lovers, and thereforo 
appropriate to the god of love. CatuU. 
64. 91, **fiagrantia deolinavit Lumina." 

711.] * Pictum,' with its border em- 
broidered. Oomp. v. 649. Some have 
wished to omit the line; but it draws 
out *dona' into detail, as v. 710 draws 
out * lulum.' 

712.] • Pesti' isequivalent to *' exitio." 
Comp. B. 8. 41, **ut perii," and A. 4. 
497, **lectumque iugalem Qno perii." 
80 ** peste teneri," 4. 90. Not unlike ia 
its use of material flie 5. 688, 699. 

713.] r"*Tuendo'" dum intuetur. 
Serv.— H. N.] 

714.] Sl^p is moved by the bearer as 
much as by the gifts. An old reading 
was *puero pariter;' but this order is 
only found in inferior MSS. 

715.] ** Pendent ciroum oscula nati," 
G. 2. 523. 

716.] *8ati8fted the love of his pre- 
tended father.' For * falsi ' seo note on 



Beginam petit. Haec oculis, haec pectore toto 
Haeret et interdum gremio fovet, inscia Dido, 
Insidat quantus miserae deus. At memor ille 
Matris Acidaliae paulatim abolere Sychaeum 720 

Incflpit, et vivo temptat praevertere amore 
lam pridem resides animos desuetaque corda. 

Postquam prima quies epulis, mensaeque remotae, 
Crateras magnos statuunt et vina coronant. 
Fit strepitus tectis, vocemque per ampla volutant 726 

Y. 684, and oomp. 8. 302, *<falBi Simoentis 
ad undam.'' 8erv.*8 explanation, **qui 
faUebatar, qnem decipieDat," ia improb- 
able. Plmplevit' Kom. and Gnd. — 
H. N.] 

717.] *Haeret oculis,' &c., hangs on 
him with her eyes and with her whole 
heart. Yal. Fl. 6. 658, imitates the 
constructioD : '* Persequitur lustrans, 
oculisque ardentibus haeret.'* There 
is something of the same image in 
Tennyson^s "And her eyea on all my 
motions with a mute observance hung." 

718.] * Gremio fovet : * he was probably 
reclining next hcr at table. This oxplains 
*interdum.* Henrv rightly remarke on 
the force of * Dido*^ after *haec,* as tend- 
ing to concentrate our thonghts on her. 

719.] * Insidat,' Med., Gud. correoted, 
supported also by the MSS.of Non. n 311. 
29; Mnsideat/ Kom., 8t. Gall paJimps. 
Gud. originally has * insidiat,' which 
probably points the same way. The 
word is lost in Pal. Berv. recognizes 
both readings, and on 6. 708 quotes 
" insidat." On the whole it seems best, 
with Heyne and Ribbeck, to adopt the 
rarer word. The differenoe is between 
resting on the bosom and settling or 
sinking down into it. 

720.] The only accouut of the epithet 
* Acidaliae * is given by Serv., who after 
narrating an absurd etymology from 
&Ki5cf, cares, explains the word from 
the Acidalian spring near Orohomenus 
in Boeotia, where tiie Graoes, Venus* 
attendants, bathed. The one other 
author wbo has used the word is 
Martial, who speaks, 6. 18. 5, of Yenns' 
zone as ''nodus Acidalius,"«and 9. 14. 
3, of ** Acidalia harundo," as a pen with 
wbich Venus would write, apparently s 
reed growing by the spring. 

721.] Serv. (who is foUowed by Wund.) 
explains * praevertere,' ** praeoocupare, 
propter lunonem." Gomp. ** capere aute 
dolis," y. 678. But the meaning more 

probably is, to surprise her ungaarded 
heart — her long devotion to the dead 
having made her oease to regard love 
as anything but a thing of the past So 
* vivo amore ' is love for a living objeot, 
and oonsequently itself living and real. 

722.] *Ke8ides' is ooupled with *de- 
sueta ' in the only other passages in Virg. 
where it occurs 6. 813., 7. 693. [Henry 
also quotes Ov. M. 14. 436 ** resides et 
desuetudine tardi Rursus inire ^tum, 
rursus dare vela iubemur." — H. N.] 

723—756.] * The feast prooeeds. Dido 
makes a libation to Jupiter, BaochTis, 
and Juno, and prays that the Curtha- 
ginians and Trojans may be unitcd. 
The time passes in song and talk, till 
Dido begs Aeneus to tell the whole story 
of tho fail of Troy and his seven years 
of wandering.' 

723.] p Posquam ' Rom., originally, 
and so Kibbeck. — H. N.] *Postquam 
prima quies epulis,' when they first 
paused from the feast. Comp. Livy 21. 
5. 9, **Cum prima quies silentiumque 
ab boetibus fuit" (quoted by Wagn.). 
*Postquam prima' is equivalent to 
** oum primum." There may be a notion 
of the actual noise of the banquet, which 
is sucoeeded by a pause, and then by 
the sound of conversation (**fit strepi- 
tus teotis," &c.). * Mensae remotae : ' see 
on y. 216 above. The oups came in with 
the **men8ae seoundae'' at a Roman 
meal. Comp. G. 2. 101 ; Hor. 4 Od. 5. 
81. For *remotae' PaL originally has 
*• repoetae." 

724.] * Statuunt,' as Henry remarks, is 
appropriate to the size of the bowls. A 
man could hide himself behind a orater, 
9. 346. Comp. II. 6. 526, Kprirripa ffriiffar 
vdtu iKMfpov iv nrYdpoiiTuf. For * vina 
ooronant' see note on G. 2. 528. The 
line is repeated 7. 147, with the change 
of **laeti" for *magnos.' [Nonius p. 
545 has ** laeti " here.— H. N.] 

725.] For *fit' sume inferior MSa 



Atria ; dependent lyclmi laquearibus aureis 
Incensi, et noctem flammis fanalia yincunt. 
Hic regina gravem gemmis auroque poposcit 
Implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus et omnes 
A Belo soliti ; tum facta silentia tectis ; 


haye * it/ whioh ia snpported bj seyeral 
passages in Virg., especially 4. 665, ** it 
olamor ad alta Atria,^ 5. 451, ** it clamor 
oaelo," acknowledged by Berv., and 
adopted bj Ribbeok. ^Teotis' then 
would = "ad teota." 'Fit strepitus' 
howeyer, is paralleled by ** fit Bonitns " 
2. 209, ** fit gemitus" 6. 220, and agrees 
exaotly with *' faota silentia teotis " iust 
below V. 730. Tbis would seem to show 
that the noiBe begins after the pause made 
by olearing away the food, as suggeeted 
on V. 728. Thus ' tectis * will have the 
sense * in the haU.* Tbe Longobardio 
MB. and a few otbers read * alta * here for 

* ampla,' probably from 4. 665. * Vooem 
volutant^ of the talkers, as **voIutant 
murmura " of the winds 10. 98. ** Vocem 
Tolutant*' is said 5. 149 of the shores 
tbat eoho the sound, a sense which some 
have wisbed to impart here, making 
*perampla' one word. The commenta- 
tors oomp. Od. 1. 365, fivri<rTrip€S 8* 
dfidifiaay &y& /Ji4yapa ffKi^tvra, 

726.] The mention of tbe lamps here 
seems to show that they are now first 
lighted, so that ^inoensi' is emphatio. 
[* Lychni ' is attested by the best MSS. 
here, though the older form of the word 
was * lucinns ' or * luobinus ; ' see Ritschl 
Opuso. Phil. 2 p. 477 Ibll. This form is 
found in some cursives here, and preferred 
by Ribbeck. * Laquearibus.' Servius 
says ** legitar et * lacuaribus.' Cicero Tus- 
oulanarum (1. 35, 3. 19) * tectis caelatis, 
laouatis. ' " Kom. originally lias * iaqau- 
ribus,' i. e. * laquaribus.' * Lacuaria,' not 

* laquearia,' is probably the right form, if 
the word means panels in a oeiling ; it 
has the authority of the Veroua Scholia 
in A. 8. 25, and of tbe Verona fragm., 
whioh reads * laquaria.' * Laquearia ' 
(from **laqueus") would mean chains. 
The ancient glossary published by Mai 
Giass. Auot Tol. 6 says (confusing the 
two words) ^^laguearia catenae auroae, 
omamenta tectorum." 8o Gloss. Am- 
plon. pp. 345, 346, and Papias. Imitating 
this passage, Theb. 1. 520, Statius says, 
** Ast alii tenebras et opacam vincere noo- 
tem Aggressi, tendunt auratis Yinoula 
lyohnis ; " which supports * laquearibus ' 
in the sense of chains.— H. N.J 

voL. n. 

727.] Lucretius (5. 295) has "pen- 
dentes lyohini," which he distinguishes 
from ** pingues taedae." [* Funalia.' 
The note of Serv. being here oorrupt, I 
quote from Isid. 20. 10. 5 ** funalia sunt 
quae intra ceram sunt, dicta a fnnibus, 
quos ante usum papyri oera oiroumdatos 
habuere maiores." Wax tapers with 
wicks of hemp.— H. N.] 

728.1 * Hic ' of time 2. 122., 3. 369. 

730.J *8oliti,' so. *implere mero.' 
Oomp. 9. 300, ** Per caput hoo iuro per 
quod pater ante solebat." It is doubtful 
whether * a Belo ' means descended from 
Belus, or from the time of Belus; but 
analogy seems ratber in favour of the 
latter. Belus here is not Dido'8 father 
(y. 621), but the supposed founder of the 
Tyrian dynasty. •*Tum facta silentia 
linguis" 11. 241. The silence is natural 
enough when the queen is going to speak 
(comp. Alcinous' address to the herald 
Od. 7. 178). Serv. however has a note 
which scems to show that it was a regular 
oustom at a certain period of the banquet, 
though I do not profess to understand all 
his words: *'Mo8 erat apud veteres ut 
lumine incenso silentium praeberetur, ut 
optativam sibi laudem loquendo nullus 
averteret. Apud Romanos etiam, oena 
edita (?) sublatisque mensis primis si- 
lentium fieri solebat, quoad ea quae de 
cena libata fuerant ad focum fcrrentur 
et igni darentur, ao puer deos propitios 
nuntiasset, ut dis honor haberetur ta- 
cendo: quae res oum intercessit intelr 
oenandum, Graeci quoque Oc»v irapovaiav 
dicunt." [For attempts to emend the 
passage see Thilo*8 edition. — H. N.] In 
the imitation by Val. F, 2. 347, silence is 
mentioned : 

** Sacris dum vincitur extis 
Prima fames, circum pateris it Baoohus, 

et omnis 
Aulasilet: dapibus ooeptis mox tem- 

pora fallunt 
Koctis, et in seras durant sermonibus 

umbras : " 

but thongh his conception of the banquet 
seems not quite the same as Virg.'8, he 
has appropriated 90 muoh of his master^s 



luppiter, hospitibus nam te dare iura locuntur, 

Hunc laetum Tyriisque diem Troiaque profectis 

Esse yelisy nostrosque huius meminisse minores. 

Adsit laetitiae Bacchus dator, et bona luno ; 

Et vos, o, coetum, Tyrii, celebrate faventes. 785 

Dixit, et in mensam laticum libavit honorem, 

Primaque, libato, summo tenus attigit ore ; 

Tum Bitiae dedit increpitans ; ille iupiger hausit 

Spumantem pateram, et pleno se proluit auro ; 

Post alii proceres. Cithara crinitus lopas 740 

langnage that he oan hardly be oited as 
an independent witnees. 

731.] Sinoe thon art repnted the anthor 
of the lawa of hospitality. For the 
inoident comp. Od. 7. 179 foll. and 13. 50 
foll. pLoquntur* Med. and Eom. — 

732.1 * Laetnm ' inclndes good fortnne 
as welf as mere festivity. Comp. ** laetum 
augurium," "prodigium," &c. * Tyriis 
Troiajiue profectls' 4. 111. With the 
wish in the next line oontrast the impre- 
oation 4. 622 foll. 

734.] Hesiod, Works 614, A&pa Ai«- 
K^ov ito\vy7j$4os, ' Bona luno : ' Juno 
the g^Ter of blessings ; ** bene sit " being 
the common form of wishing health, as 
Gerda remarkB: not 'adsit bona' as 
Wagn. thinks. 6erv. mentions another 
reading ** adsis." Hded. has * atsit.'— 

735.] Comp. 8. 173, ** sacra . . . oele- 
brate faventes," and see on 5. 71. Dido 
first bespeaks the favour of the gods, 
then tbat of her people, be^ng them 
to make the gathering auspicious. Comp. 
generally **celebratur omnium sermone 
laetitiaqne convivium" Cic. 2 Verr. 1. 
26. *Coetu8' of a festive gathering 
Oatull. 64. 33, 385, 407. 

736.] *In mensam' — the altar, as it 
were, of Hospitable Jove. *' In mensam 
laeti libant *' 8. 279. This use of a table 
for libation is questioned by one of the 
interlocutors in Macrob. Sat. 3. 11, and 
supported by another, who adduces a pas- 
sage from Papirius the ritualist lawyer, 
where a table dedicated to Juno is said to 
be used as an altar. From this he argues 
that the table in 8. 279 had doubtless 
been dedicated along witb the **ara 
maxima : " in the present case he thinks 
the libation was less formal, being prao- 
tised by Dido alone (contrast ** omnes *• 
8. 278), who as a queen had certain im- 
munities. Lersch, who quotes thia and 

other passages § 66, seems to ignore the 
distinction. In Hom. at any rate there 
are libations wbere there is no mention 
df altars (II. 16. 230 foll.). *Laticum 
honorem,' the offering which oonsists of 
wine. The *mensa' seems to be the 
**mensa secumla," that being the time 
of the feast when libations took plaoe. 
We may observe tliat nothing is said 
here of the delicacies accompanying the 
second oourse, though they appear to bo 
glanoed at 8. 283. 

737.] *Libato,' not **honore libato," 
but the impersonal partioiple used abso- 
lutely. SeeMadvig,§429. With*8ummo 
tenuB attigit ore' comp. Eur. Iph. A. 950, 
&\ffTai ou5' €ls &KpaM x^V* '*Labrorum 
tenus" Lucr. 1. 940. 

738.] [*Impiger,' Rom., Gud.— H. N.] 
Bitias is a Carthaginian name. Comp. 
Sil. 2. 409. Serv. refers to Livy for the 
fact that a Bitias commanded the Cartha- 
ginian fleet. The oup seems to be passed 
tu the Carthaginians, because it was 
chiefly from them that the pledge of 
hospitality was required. * Increpitans,' 
bidding him be quick (* inpiger *). ** Aes- 
tatem increpitans seram Zephyrosque 
morantis" G. 4. 138. *Hausit' and *8e 
proluit' aro opposed to *summo tenus 
attigit ore.' There is playful humour in 
the oontrast, whioh is too lightly touched 
to be undignifled, as some have thought, 
even if Virg. could not appeal to the 
example of Hom. in speaking of the 
Phaeacian oourt. 

739.] *Plenoseproluitauro.' **Swilled 
himself with the full gold." Trapp. Seo 
Apoll. B. 1. 470. The commentators 
comp. Hor. 1 8. 5. 16, ** multa prolutuB 

740] The bard is introduced at the feast 
in imitation of Hom., Od. 1. 325 foll. 
and 8. 499 foll. Mr. Gladstone must have 
forgotten this passage, and also 9. 774 
foll., when he notices (Homerio Studiea» 



Personat anrata, docuit quem maximus Atlas. 

'Hic canit errantem lunam solisque labores ; 

Unde hominum genus et pecudes ; unde imber et ignes ; 

Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones ; 

Quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles 746 

Hibemiy vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet. 

Ingeminant plausu Tyrii, Troesque secuntur. 

Nec non et vario noctem sermone trahebat 

Infelix Didoy longumque bibebat amorem. 

Tol. 3, p 532} as a sigfnificaiit fact that 
Virg. "has nowhere placedon hls canvas 
the flgnre of the bard among the abodes 
of men."— * Crinitufl.* Long hair was 
part of the coBtume of bards, in imitation 
of ApoUo. See Cerda*s note. Serv. on v. 
738 Bays ** lopas nnas de procis Didonis, 
ut Punica testatur hiBtoria." If this is 
not an error for * larbaB,' we muBt Bup- 
pose that Yirg. here as elBewhere has 
chosen to take a hint from chroniclers to 
whom it did not suit him to incur a 
larger debt. 

741.] « PerBonat,' fills the hall. Ck)mp. 
Tao. A. 16. 4, ** Plebs personabat certis 
mcdifl plausuque conposito.*' * Quem * is 
the reading of Med., Rom., Pal., and 
other MSS. adopted by the later editors. 
He^e and formerly Wagn. read * quae,' 
which has the authority of Serv., *' quae 
legendum est, non quemy'* and some MSS. 
Were the change worth making, the MSS. 
would scarcely stand in the way, as * e ' is 
often written for *ae,' and qvemaximvs 
might be interpreted either way (see on 
G. 2. 219.) Atlas in Hom. Od. 1. 52 
knows the depths of the Bea and supports 
the pillars of earth andheaven, the epithet 
given to him being 6\o6<ppvtf, He seems 
alBo to have been a sort of mythical re- 
presentative or progenitor of physical 
phUoBophers, among whom he is recorded 
by Diogenes Laertius. Being identified 
with the Afrioan mountain,he is naturally 
choBen by Yirg. here as the instructor of 
a Carthaginian bard. For the conception 
of lopas see note on G. 2. 477, and oomp. 
the Bongof Orpheus Apoll. R. 1. 496 foll., 
and that of Virg.'s own Silenns, which is 
imitated from it, E. 6. 31 foll. 

742.1 * Errantem lonam,' the revoln- 
tions of the moon. G. 1. 337, *" Quos ignis 
caeli Cyllenius erret in orbis." For * solis 
laborcB' see on G. 2. 478. Henry's at- 
tempt to make «labores ' here mean simply 
revolutions is refuted by that passage and 
by Prop. 8. 26. 52, there quoted, and not 

supported by Sil. 14. 348, "atque nna 
pelagi lunaeque laboreB," which is merely 
a zeugma. * Labores,' as he says, are 
toils ; but an eclipse may be one of the 
moon'8 toils, as a storm one of tbe 8ea'8. 

743] *Unde hominum genus,' &o. 
This is among the first suhjects of the 
songs of Orpheus and Silenus. * Imber ' 
the element of water. Comp. Lucr. 1. 
714, "Et qui quattuor ex rebus posse 
omnia rentur, Ex igni terra atqne anima 
procrescere et imbri." 

744.1 'Pluvias' is a translation of 
• Hyadas.' Comp. note on v. 293. Some 
inferior MSS. give " Pleiadas " or " Plia- 
das " for * pluvias,' * Triones : ' see on 
G. 3. 381 : here the Great and Little 
Bear are meant. Tbe line is repeated 3. 
516, where, as here and G. 1. 138, the 
enumeration is meant as a poetioal equi- 
valent for the stars generally. Comp. 
II. 18. 484. 

745.] For this and the next line see G. 
2. 481, 482 and note. 

747.] *Ingcroinant plausn' like "in- 
geminant hastis," 9. 811. Some inferior 
MSS. give * plausum,' with the Schol. on 
Lucan 1. 133. The natives are naturally 
made to set the fashion, the strangers to 
follow it, as Serv. remarks. [* Sequntur' 
Pal. and Rom.— H. N.] 

748.] " Traherent per talia tempns " 6. 
537 note. See also on G. 3. 379, where I 
have explaiued " noctem ducere," " tra- 
here," of speeding along. But it is very 
difficult to say, as the more usual sense 
of " trahere " when applied to time is to 
protract (see the Lexicons), and the re- 
ference here may be to the length to 
which the conversation continued into 
the night. Perhaps Virg. intended to 
blend the two notions, in spite of their 
apparent inconsistency, meaning no more 
than that the conversation lasted the 
whole night long. 

749.] She drank in love with the words 
of Aeneas. * Longum ' probably refers to 



Multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa ; 760 
Nunc, quibus Aurorae venisset filius armis, 
Nunc, quales Diomedis equi, nunc quantus Achilles. 
Inmo age, et a prima dic, hospes, origine nobis 
Insidias, inquit, Danaum, casusque tuorum, 
Erroresque tuos ; nam te iam septima portat 755 

Omnibus errantem terris et fluctibus aestas. 

the notion of length oontained in *trahe- 
bat.* "Longum amorem" 8. 487 note. 
Serv. saya ** Adlusit ad convivium. 8ic 
Anacreon, fywTa wiif«y:** but tbis can 
hardly be meani 

750.] ** Multa auper Lauao rogitat " 10. 

751.] * QuibuB armiB.' See note on v. 
489. " Quibus ibat in armis *' 9. 269. 

752.] *Quale8 Diomedis equi.' Ko 
eBpecial praiae is given to the horseB of 
Diomed in the lliad, though high praise 
is given to those which he takes from 
Aeneas (II. 5. 263 foll.), and with which 
he wins tbe chariot-race (U. 23. 377 folL), 
as also to those which he takes from 
Bhesus (n. 10. 567). Berv. thinks that 
these are meant to be the descendantfi of 
the flesh-eating horsee of Diomedes of 
Thrace, Lucr. 5. 29. It is possible that 
there may be some confusion between the 
names ; it is possible too that Virg. maj 
have remembered the prowess oi Dio- 
med*8 horses in the chariot race without 
recollecting that they were once Aeneaa' 
own. Generally too he may have re- 
membered that Diomed was in a chariot 
when he encountered Aeneas. That he 
refers to this encounter and also to that 
of Achilies with Aeneas is almost oertain 

Crom 10. 581, where Liger says to Aeneas, 
'* Non Diomedis equoB, non currum cernis 
Achilli." — * Quantus,' how terrible in 
war. Oomp. *'quantuB In olipeum ad- 
Burgat" II. 283, Baid by Diomed himself 
of Aeneas. Tbe notion of bulk is promi- 
nent, but not, as Henry tbinks, the only 

753.] *Immo,' nay rather, instead of 
answering more questions in detail, tell us 
the whole story Irom the first. 

751.] * Tuorum * and * tuos ' are dis- 
tinguished, as in the one case Dido is 
thinking of those who perished at Troy, 
in the otber of Aeneas who escaped. In 
answering the question 2. 10 Aeneas 
classes hmiself witb his friends, "oasus 

755.] *Portat errantem* Bhould be 
taken dosely to^ether. **Septima post 
Troiae excidium lam vertitur aestas, Cum 
freta, oum terras omnis . . . ferimur " 5. 
626. The form of Dido's words shows 
that she knew the time of the fall of Troy 
not from Aeneas, but from Touoer (v. 
623), or from common fame. The general 
meaning is, * You have tbe experiences of 
seven years to tell : it will be better tbat 
we should hear them continuously, the 
Btory beiog as long as it is.' 




The Yoioe of criticism hns nnanimotislj fixed on thifl book, along witb the Fourth 
and Sixth, as affording the best evidence of the trne greatness of Yirgi]. Whether 
or no we belieye the story told in Suetonius* biography, that the poet himself chose 
these three books to read to AugustuB as a specimen of his work, it indicates at any 
rate the judgment passed by antiquity ; and modem opinion has not been slow to 
ratify the verdict. 

The conception of the present book is eminently fortunate. Homer has made 
Ulysses tell the story of his wanderings to Alcinous, and so had supplied the canvas 
on whidi the younger artist might work : but the tale of Troy taken forms no part of 
the narrative of the Odyssey : it is briefly sung by a bard, whose strains move the 
tears of Ulysses, as the Trojan portraits at Oarthage had moved those of Aeneas; but 
that is all. It was open to Yirgil to mako his hero tell the whole story of the de- 
struction of Troy without trespassing on Homer^s ground ; and he seized the oppor- 
tunity. The subject could not fail to be most impressive, and it is introduced with 
perfect propriety. Dido, it is true, knew the main incidents of the siege ; but that 
was all the more reason why she should wish to hear them from the cbief living 
witness on the side of Troy. Virgil too has shown his wisdom not only in what he 
has said, but in what he has left unsaid. I>ido's curiosity would naturaily extend 
over the whole ten years ; but the poet knew that a detail of the siege, natnral as it 
migbt be, would weary his readers. He tells us that tbe queen asked of Priam and 
Hector, of Diomed and Achilles ; but he does not require us to listen to Aeneas till 
he can concentrate our attention on * the last agony of Troy,' the one night in which 
the city was taken and sacked. 

The taking of Troy was, as might be expected, a favourite snbject with poets 
before Virgil. It formed part of the epic cycle ; it was treated by the masters of the 
Greek drama. Of these works the only one that has come down to us is the Troades 
of Euripides ; and even that has its scene laid after the catastrophe, which it deals 
with only by way of retrospect. We know enough of the others to be assured that 
the main incidents in Virgirs narrative— the story of the Trojan horse, the introduc- 
tion of Sinon, the tragio death of Laocoon — are taken from his prcdecessors. It 
would have been unnatural if it had not been so. Custom bound Virgil to foUow 
the legend in its main bearings as he had received it, though it left him quite free, 
as I have contended in the general Introduction to the Aeneid, to vary minor details, 
and give his own colour to the whole. How far Virgil is original in the minutiie 
of his treatment, we cannot tell. Macrobius indeed makes one of his interlocutors 
(Sat 5. 2) speak of it as a fact known to every schoolboy, that the story of this book 
is taken almost word for word from one Pisander, who wrote a mythological history 
of the world in verse ; but though the charge is circumstantially made, it is dis- 


oredited by tbe silenoe of otber autboritieB, wboee ignoranoe contraats strangelj witb 
tbifl Bcboolboy knowledge ; and Heyne, in bis first Exoarsus to this book, baa made 
it more tban probable that tbe plagiariam of tbe poet ia really tbe blunder of tbe 
critic, wbo is Buppoeed to bave oonfounded two Pisanders, one who lived before 
Virg^I, but did not write the mytholog^co-biBtorical poem, and another wbo did write 
tbe poem, but lived after Yirgil.' The little tbat we know from Servius and otbera 
about tbe treatment of tbe atoriee of Laoooon and Sinon by earlier writera pointa 
ratber to difierence from VirgirB vorBion than to identity witb it : and tbougb we 
muBt not build so much on tbia, aa it is the wont of auch witnesseB to dwell ratber 
on points of disBimilarity tban on pointa of agreement, we may take it aa ahowing 
tbat Virgil did really exercise bia privilege of varying the smaller circumstanoea of 
the narrative, especially as bis Buccesaors, QuiDctus Smymaeus and Trypbiodorus, 
wbo are supposed to bave been diligent oopyiBta of the early writers, differ from him 
conaiderably in their manner of treatment. At any rate, whatever may bave been 
Virgil'8 obligationa to his predeceBsors for the incidents of his narrative, we cannot 
doubt that the golden thread wbicb runs througb the whole, tbe feeling of Aeneaa 
himself, ia Bubatantially bia own. The steps by which tbe bero comes to realize his 
position as an inbabitant of a captuced city, a partisan of a cause against which the 
gods have finally declared,— steps indicated with auch Bubtlety that it is only of late 
tbat they bave been fuUy recogruzed (eee on vv. 322, 402), — are not likely to have 
been tranBmitted by legond, wbile tbey bear in themselves the strongest marka of 
the poefe peouliar art 

Perbaps there ia no better way of estimating the greatness of Virgil in tbis book 
than by glancing at tbe manner in which the subject bas been treated by the three 
later poets, Smyrnaeua, Tryphiodorus, and Tzetzes. With bis example before them, 
not to mention the other writers whom they probably foUowed, they have yet oon- 
trived to divest a most stirring and pathetic Btory of a large part of its interest. 
Smymaeus bestows two of his fourteen books, the twelfth and the thirteenth, on the 
oapture of Troy. He goes over much the same ground as Virgil ; but his narrative 
is flat and lifeless : tho incidents do not flow out of each other, and sometimes, 
instead of incident, we are put off witb the tedioua generality of a mere historical 
abridgment Calchas advises tbe Greeka to try etratagem rather than force: UlysBea 
on the moment strikes out the notion of tbe wooden borse with all its details : Neo- 
ptolemus and Pbilootetes, like Milton'8 Molocb, are for open war, and attempt to 
lead their people to battle at once, but are cbeoked by a thuuderbolt from Zeus, 
wbich quite overawea them ; an inoident briefly deapatched, and apparently intro- 
duced for no object whatever. Soon after we bear that tbe gods are at war witb 
each other, as in tbe twentieth Iliad, burling as missiles the billa of Ida ; but we 
are expresaly told that wbile all nature ia convulsed, tbe buman oombatanta are 
unconacioua of what ia going on, and even tbis invisible warfare ia aoon terminated 
by another tbunderbolt from Zeus, ao that, aa before, we are at a loss to underatand 
tbe relevanoy of the incident. When tbe borae ia made, Sinon ia left with it, baving 
expreaaed to the Greeka bia willingneaa to undergo burning alive, or any torture 
that the Trpjans may inflict Accordingly, be standa silent wbile tbe enemy sur- 
roimds him, trying him first with mild words of inqniry, afterwards with the baraher 
methods of mutilation and buming : and then, baving given tbis undoubted proof of 
hia oourage, be voluntarily tells bis story. Laoooon, wbo disbelieves bim, ia atmok 
blind on the apot, the atate of bia eyea being desoribed witb a aickening minnteneaa 
of detail; yet even in tbis condition be oontinuea urging bia countrymen to bum tbe 

' Welcker, EplBober GycluB, p. 99, tbinka that there may have been a apurioua 
poem on tbe aubject forged in the Alexandrian age, and attributed to tbe earlier 
Piaander ; — ^rather a hypothetical mode of aaving Maorobiua* oredit. 


hone, and bo the Berpents are sent to destroy bis children bj his eide. Oassandra 
then takee his place iu denunciation, but ia gibed at by the Trojans : she tries her- 
eelf to bum or break open the horse, but torch and weapons are wrested from her. A 
paragraph is spent in enforoing the statement that the Greeks suffered during the 
fiaok as well ae the Trojans, and the modes of their deaths are euumerated with 
statistical particularity. Some, we are told, were hit by goblets, others by tables, 
others by torches and spita with meat adhering to them, others by hatchets : some 
baye their fingers cut off in trying to ward off blows : some are bruised with stones, 
and some pieroed with lances, which the Trojans were able to wield in spite of the 
wine they had drunk. We are told of Aeneas* escape, which it appears was owing 
partly, as in Yirg^I, to the protection of his mofher, who warded off the weapons of 
the enemy, but partly also to a speech of Calchas to the Greeks, ordering them to 
spare him on account of his signal piety in taking his father and son with him 
rather than his treasure. But perhaps the greatest piece of flatness is found in 
Pyrrhus* speech to old Priam, who has been praying for death at his hands : — 

ch ydp <r* ix^P^*^ i6vra fitrh (ctouriy idtr»' 
oh ydp Ti ifrvx^s WAci &y6pd(rt ^iXrtpoy 2iAAo. 

Tryphiodorus is a writer of a somewhat lower stamp, perhaps eqaal in power to 
Bmymaeus, but inferior in taste and judgment. He concentrates himself chiefiy on 
the wooden horse and the events immediately connected with it, fifty lines being 
given to a minute description of all its parts, from which it appears that it was a 
ooetly as well as elaborate performance, — its eyes being made of beryl and amethyst, 
and its teeth of silver. Ulysses, as in Smyrnaeus, lays down the programme of 
operations : the heroes rise one after another, as at the challenge of Hector in the 
seventh book of the Iliad, and volunteer in the service ; and when they are lodged 
in the horse, Pallas provides them with ambrosia; immediately after which.they 
are aptly oompared to beasts running down a rock to escape a winter torrent, and 
vTaiting in their den, famished with hunger. Sinou is left, mangled, like Ulysses in 
Helen's story in the fourth Odyssey, with stripes from his own hand, and tells a 
similar story to that in Virgil, except that he represents himself as having been 
Bcourged by his comrades because he refused to fly with them. The dragging of the 
horse into the city is detailed at tedious length, — the agency of the gods, which duly 
appears later in the poem, being tastelessly antioipated, and Here being made to 
open the gates wider than usual, while Poseidon knocks down part of the stonework 
of the entrance. Cassandra protests, as in Smymaeus, and is severely upbraided by 
her father, who sends her to her chamber. Helen's story in Homer is again put 
under requisition, and the aduiteress is made to address the Greeks within the horse 
in the tones of their respective wives ; but tbe incident is an isolated one, and no 
attempt is made to harmonize it with the rest of the story. For the rest of the book 
the narrative prooeeds more rapidly, the different events of the sack being de- 
spatched eaoh in a few lines, without any attempt at pictorial narrative. The poet 
cannot, he says, tell all that happened on that night; that is a business for the 
Muses : he feels himself to be a chariot-driver nearing the goal. Tzetzes need 
hardly detain us a moment, as his narrative of the sack of Troy is utterly contemp- 
tible, with no pretension to poetry, and very little to style or metre. He is fortu- 
nately brief, and in fact presents a condensed r^um^ of the story as told by his 
various predecessors, Yirgil included, the absence of detail enabling him in general 
to avoid the points in which they differ. There is however quite enough to distin- 
guish him from them, or from any other writer professing to be a poet. Wheu the 
heroes get into the horse, he takes the opportunity of telling us the personal charac- 
teristics of the leading Greeks in lines like these : — 


KdKxas fwcphs Iijk, KrrrSs, Kwicis, 8a<rvxa/riff , 
Kpara ^ipw woKiiir, dK^KtvKoy wphs 8* Ap* Mirn^» 
TvBfilhis 8* ipa ir^fjutri ^ck reo-o-apcCywKor, 
9{Krx^fmrj <rlfjLos, (rrcira^ijK, ^aif0ay4y€un, 

This be may have borrowed firom Daros Phrygiug, whofie work, as we now have it, 
aboonds in notioes of the sort. Bat he is probably original when he says that he 
oannot tell what was the predBe oooasion on whioh Ulysses fell temporarily into the 
hands of the Trojans, his attention to the incident having been distracted by the 
oruel treatment he received from " the crafty wifo of Isaac," or when he censares 
Tryphiodorus for talking of the horse as orowned with flowers when it was the 
depth of winter, and professes that he, Tzetzes, had been taught by Orpheus never 
to tell a falsehood. But it is an insult to Virgil even to mention such absurdities 
in ounneotion with the Seoond Book of the Aeneid. 

A curious critique of Virgirs narrative from a military )K)int of view by Napo- 
leon I. may be found in an abridged form in the Glassical Museum, vol. i. pp. 205 
foll. It is needless to say that the story does not stand a test which it was never 
moant to staiid : muoh of the Emperor's oensure however falls really, not on Virgil, 
but on the legend whioh, as we have seen, he necessarily foUowed. 

[Por a summary statement of Virgil'8 obligations to the writers of the epic oycle, 
see note on pp. Ixiv. — v. 

A nole on Virgil and Pisander wiil be found at the end of the commentary on 
this book.— a N.] 

CoNTicuERE omnes, intentique ora tenebant. 
Inde toro pater Aeneas sic orsus ab alto : 

Infanduni, Begina, iubes renovare dolorem, 
Troianas ut opes et lamentabile regnum 
Eruerint Danai ; quaeque ipse miserrima vidi, 5 

1, 2.] ' Aeneas be^ns thus.' rare,' as it is in telling about sorrow onoe 

1.] *Ora tenere* isnot, asin G.4.483, felt that the renewal of the pain con- 

equivalent to " iinguam continere," but sists. Hackermann, followed by Ladewig, 

means * to bold tiie countenance io atteu- Haupt, and Bibbeck, ingeniously puts a 

tion,' as in 7. 250 (wbere observe the period after ^dolorem,' so as to conneot 

epithet "deflxa," and comp. 6. 156), 8. *ut . . . fui' with^quis taliafando,' v.6, 

520. * Intenti ' then must be taken ad- the sentence thus created being a sort 

verbially as part of the predicate, like of expansion of v. 3, * fando * answering 

'*defixi" in tbe passage last referred to. to Mnfandum : ' but this, though rhetori- 

SUent attention is however the general oally effective, would be hardly in Virg.^s 

notion : and it is probable that Virg. did manner, while it would detract from the 

not carefuUy distinguish the two senses propriety of tbe clause * quaeque . . . 

of * ora.' See 1. 256, " oscula libavit." fui,* if indeed it would not lead us rather 

3—13.] *The story is a painful one, to expect * viderim . . . fuerim.' lamglal 

but I wifl tell it' to see that Wagn. (Lectt. Vergg. p 415) 

3.] Imitated from Od.7. 241, &p7aX^oy, defends the oid pointing on similar 

/ScurUcio, 8ii}vciccW i.yopfv<rat KijBe* : the grounds. * Lamentabile ' is used prolep- 

conception of the speech itself however is tically. * How the power of Troy and 

of course taken from Ulysses' later narra- its empire met with piteous overthrow 

tive, books 9—12. Observe the order: from the Danaans." 
♦ Too cruel to be told, great queen, is the 5.] * Quaeque — et quorum,' &o., also 

Borrow you bid me revive.* ' Infandum,' epexegetical of * doloreni,* which is first 

note on 1. 525. The word here seems to explained generally, then limited, as 

bear its transferred as well as its original Henry remarks, to the soenes which 

sense. Aeneas witnessed and those in which he 

4.] * Ut ' follows * renovare dolorem,' took an active part — his personal narra- 

wbioh is practically equivalent to * nar- tiv». 


Et quorum pars magna fuL Quis talia fando 
Myrmidonum Dolopumve aut duri miles Ulixi 
Temperet a lacrimis ? et iam nox umida caelo 
Praecipitaty suadentque cadentia sidera sonmoa 
Sed si tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros 10 

Et breviter Troiae supremum audire laborem, 
Quamquam animus meminisse horrety luctuque refugit, 

Fracti bello fatisque repulsi 
Ductores Danaum, tot iam labentibus annis. 

6.] •Pars magna/ Comp. 10. 426, 
**LauBU8, Para ingens belli," G. 2. 40. 
• Fando,* as Serv. saye, in the course of 
speaking, v. 81. Wagn. aptly refers to 
Livy 8. 17., 21. 34, for inBtanoes of this 
use of the gerund in prose, illustrating it 
also by an imitation of this passago in 
8il 2. 651, '*qui8 triBtia fata piorum Im- 
peret evolvens lacrimis ? ** vhich shows 
that it Ib equivalent to the preaent par- 

7.] *Myrmidonum Dolopumve,' not 
constructed with. 'miles.* The Myrmi- 
dons and Dolopes (U. 9. 484) were the 
soldiers of Achilles, *the greatest, and 
Neoptolemus, the most savage, enemy 
of Troy. 8o the epithet 'duri* is in- 
tended to mark the soldier by the 
general, perhaps with a reference to his 
Homeric title wo\6r\as: see on 3. 94. 

8.] * Et iam,' an additional reason for 
decliniug tlie task: iraitated from Od. 
11. 330, where Uiysses breaks off in the 
middle of his narrative with a similar 

9.] ^Praecipitat' is hurrying down the 
steep of the sky, midnight being past. 
Possibly also it denotes the fall of the 
dew, being oonnected with *umida,' as 
"ruit" is with " imbriferum," G. 1. 313. 
For the intrans. use of the verb comp. 
Cic de Orat. 3. 55, **sol praecipitans 
me admonuit." [Cato ap. Front. ad M. 
Aur. 2. 6. (p. 32 Naber:) "dum se in- 
tempesta nox . . . praecipitat."— H. N.] 

10.] Od. 11. 380. «^Amor," as in 6. 
133, where it is imroediately explained 
by " cupido." For the construction, see 
on G. 1. 213. [* Set' Med.— H. N.] 

11.] 'Supremum laborem,* its destruo- 
tion, as "dies supremus" is the day of 
death, and " sors suprema " (5. 190) the 
final doom. Claud. Eutrop. 2. 289, 
"Phrygiae casus venisso supremos." 
*Labor* by itself means no more than 
»<Jkot or fA^xOos in Greek, sorrow or suf- 

fering, 1. 697., 2. 362., 4. 78., 9. 202. *To 
hear the brief tale of Troy*8 last agony.' 

12.] Muretus thinks this passage iroi- 
tated from Cic. Phil. 14. 3, ♦*refugit 
animus, P. C, eaque fonnidat dicere." 
It is itself imitated by Sen. Ag. 417, 
''refugit loqui Mens aegra tantis atque 
inhorresoit malis," which seems to show, 
as Wund. thinks, that 'refugit' as well 
as ' horret ' goes with ' meminisse.' The 
perf. seems best explained as expressing 
the instantaneous and instinotive action 
of the feeling. Prof. Munro oomp. Sen. 
H. P. 1200, **quid hoo? manus refugit: 
hio errat scelus," where however the 
structure of the sentenoe makes the 
tense more explicable. Weidner thinks 
* horret ' is a sort of perf. of ** horresoit," 
and so explaius its combination with 
*refugit,' appealing ingcniously to Sen. 
Ag. 1. c, where * inhorrescit ' is ooupled 
with *refligit,' the pres. He explains 
•refugit' on the analogy of Mouca &c., 
a single past aot leading to a continuing 

13—39.] * Despairing of reducing Troy 
by siege, the Greeks feign departure, 
having first built a wooden horse, whioh 
they fill with' armed men, and leave 
behind them as a pretended offering to 
Pallas. We pour out of the town, and 
question what should be done with the 
horse, some being for taking it iu, others 
for destroying it.* 

13.] * Incipiam ' appears rightly under- 
stood by Henry, *I will essay,' rather 
than *lwill begiu.' E. 5. 10, G. 1. 5, 
Lucr. 1. 55. So the ordinary sense of 
**inceptum." ♦Fracti,* neaVly the same 
as **fe88i," V. 109, but stronger. *Re- 
pulsi,' beaten back from the' attack on 

14.] *Ductores Danaum,' Luor. 1. 86. 
[***Ductores* sonantius est quam *duoe8,' 
ut *regnatorem Asie' (v. 557 below): 
quod heroum exigit carmeu." Serv.— 



Instar montis ecum divina Palladis arte 15 

Aedificant, sectaque intexunt abiete costas ; 
Votum pro reditu simulant ; ea fama vagatur. 
Huc delecta virum sortiti corpora furtim 
Includimt caeco lateri, penitusque cavemas 
Ingentis uterumque armato milite complent. ao 

Est in conspectu Tenedos, notissima fama 

H. N.] * Lftbentibus,* the present, ia to 
be distinguished from ^Mapsis," thongh 
the stresB falls as much oq *tot' and 
* iam.' * Now that the flying yeare had 
begun to number so many.* 

15.] ' Instar montis/ with referenee to 
the height rather than to the bulk. 
So 9. 674, **abietibus iuvenes patriis et 
montibus aequos," and Od. 9. 191., 10. 
13, where the Cyclops and the queen of 
the Laestrygonians are compared to 
mountains. CJomp. also vv. 186, 187, 
**Hanc tamen inmensam Galchas attol- 
lere molem Roboribus textis caeloque 
eduoere iussit." * Divina Palladis arte * 
is a translation of £ur Tro. 10, nrixayaifft 
naWdSos, Hom. Od. 8. 493 has rhr 
"Zvfios iwoffifftv ffhv *A.d4iyn, Pallas is 
selected from the deities favourable to 
the Greeks as the patroness of art. 60 
she is the builder of the Argo, the first 
ship. See the next note. Rom. has 
' divinae.' [* Equm * Pal., * equum * Bom. 
Gud.— H. N.] 

16.] 'Aediflcant' and Mntexunt* are 
both terms of ship-building. Catull. 64. 
9, **lpsa (Pallas) levi fecit volitantem 
flamine currum, Pinea coniungens in- 
flexae texta carinae," which Virg. perhaps 
had in his mind. See further on 11. 
326. Even 'costa' is used in speaking 
of a sbip, Pers. 6. 31. Lucr. 6. 1297 
has ** in equi conscendere costas." * In- 
texunt' form by interlociug, 6. 315, 10. 
785, •abiete' being instr. abL But for 
these parallels, * secta abiete ' might be, 
as has been suggested to me, material 
abl. with *co8tu8,* *intexunt' roeaning 
interweave with the horse. *Intexunt' 
has nearly the force of " intertexunt," as 
" insere " G. 2. 302 of " intersere." 

17.] *Votum,' to Pallas, as explained 
v. 183. Ser?. quotes from Attius (Deiph. 
fr. 1), ** Minervae donum armipotenti hoo 
abeuntes Danai dicant," which he says 
was the iuscription on the horse ; and so 
Hyginus (fab. 108), **In equo scripse- 
runt; Danai Minervae dono dant." 
Pallas is sent dowu, II. 2. 156, to prevent 
the Greeks from departing. The custom 

of making vows for a safe retum is 
largely illustrated by Cerda. Taubmann 
quotes an epigrammatic expression from 
Petronius, "in voto lateut (Danai)." 

* Ea fama vagatur : ' the emphasis is on 

* ea * rather than on * vaeatur.' * Such is 
the story they spread,' not *the story 
spreads far and wide.' So ** fiGima volat," 
3. 121. 

18.] * Huc ' is further defined by * caeco 
lateri' (**huc includunt," G. 2. 76), a 
mode of expression illustrated by Wao;n. 
on R 1. 54, and not unlike the douole 
aoc. in Greek, t^tt« o-e Kt<paX4i¥. *De- 
lecta virum corpora:' Od. 4. 272, Xmrtp 
^vi |fOT# Tk' 4viifi(6a wdvrfs &purroi *Ap- 
y§lafv. ThuB * sortiti ' must mean simply 

* having picked out,' as* in G. 3. 71, unless 
we suppose a *sortitio' to have taken 
place among the *delecti,' so as to 
assign to some their places in the horse, 
while others, such as Agamemnon and 
Diomed, remained to organize tbe forces 
at Tenedos. *De]ecti' is the epithet of 
the chieftains at Aulis, Lucr. 1. 86. lu 
Od. 8. 495, Ulysses is the main agent 
in putting the warriors into the horse, 
which he enters himself. *Corpora,' 
periphrastic, like S^/uos, 5. 318., 6. 22, 
391., 7. 650., 10. 430, though in each 
case there is of course a speoial signifl- 
cance in the word, as here to suggest the 
notion of ^ oocupying space. P Dilecta ' 
Pal.— H. N.] 

19, 20.] Henry seems right in taking 
the latter part of the sentence as simply 
explanatory of the former, the *armato 
milite ' being identical with the * delecta 
corporer,' but it is not so certain that 
these are summed up in the nine who 
oome out of the horse iu v. 260, as w. 
328, 401, would lead us to suppose that 
the number was largcr, even if we do not 
suppose Virg. to be in agreement with 
Hom., who in Od. 4. 287, mentions one, 
Antidus, not included in Virg.'B list 
*PenitU8' goes with *oomplent.' 

21.] *Notissima fama,' as Wagn. re- 
marks, is said rather by the poet than by 
the hero (comp. 3. 701), though in Hom.'s 



^ Insula, dives opum, Priami dum regna manebanty 
Nunc tantum sinus et statio male fida carinis ; 
Huc se provecti deserto in litore condunt. 
Nos abiisse rati et vento petiisse Mycenas. 25 

Ergo omnis longo solvit se Teucria luctu. 
Panduntur portae ; iuvat ire et Dorica castra 
Desertosque videre locos litusque relictum. 
Hic Dolopum manus, hic saevus tendebat Achilles ; 
Classibus hic locus ; hic acie certare solebant. 80 

Pars stupet innuptae donum exitiale Minervae 

time (II* !• 38) the island ia famonB for a 
temple of Apollo Smintheus. 

22.1 •Diveeopum,' 1. 14. 

23.J The island is said to be a ' sinus/ 
a bay, forming a doubtful roadstead, being 
all for which it was then remarkable. 

* Male flda,' oppoeed to *' statio tutissima,'' 
G. 4. 421. Forb. rightly distinguishes 

* etatio * from " portus," and Henry appo- 
sitely refers to VeU. Pat. 2. 72, "Exitia- 
lemque tempestatem fugientibus statio 
pro portu foret" 

24.] *Huc* may be taken with *con- 
dunt,^ as Porb. (G. 1. 442, **conditu8 in 
nubem "), but it had perhaps better go 
with *provecti,* as otherwise we siiould 
have expeoted **in litus.' ^Deserto in 
litore ' showB that the change in tbe for- 
tunes of Tenedos had already begun. 

25.] Wagn. is hardly right in explain- 
ing *vento petere* here and v. 180 to 
mean no more than **navibus petere." 
In 1. 307., 4. 46, 381, where eimilar 
expressions are used, the meaning evi- 
dently is that the person is supposed to 
be driven by the winds : here tne notion 
seems to be that of dependence on the 
winds, though we are meant to infer 
that the winds are fetvourable. Thus 
Heyne's interpretation ** vento secundo " 
is virtually true. In 3. 563 the addi- 
tion of * remis ' makes the case somewhat 

26.] From Eur. Tro. 524, where the 
Trojans address each other tr\ i wrwov 
/i4yoi x6voov, 

27.] *Panduntur portae,' as a sign of 
peace. Hor. 3 Od. 5. 23, A. P. 199. 
Cerda. * Dorica oastra : * see on v. 462. 

28.] Nearly r^peated 6. 612. 

29.J This and the mfxt verse express in 
an objective form what is eaid or thought 
by tbe parties of Trojans. Comp. 7. 150 
foU., where however the discoveries of 
the reconnoitrers are put in oratio 

obliqua. • Dolopum:* note on v. 7. 
*Tendebat,' pitched his tent, 8. 605, a 
military word, whence ** tentorium." 
For the implied anachronism see on 1. 
469. [* Paevos ' Pal. originally.— H. N.] 

30.] * ClassibuB hic locus.' The ships, 
as Henry remarks, were drawn up on the 
shore, and the tents pitched among them. 
The opposition is between *classibu8* 
and *aoie.' *Here they pitched; here 
they fought with us.* *Acie' was re- 
stored by Heins. from Med., Rom., and 
other M8S. *Acies' U however sup- 
ported by Gud. oorrected, Oanon., and 
others, and given as an altemative by 

31.] *Donum Minervae,' '^non quod 
ipsa dedit, sed quod oi oblatum est.*' 
Berv., rightly, as is shownby the parallel 
T. 189, and by the passage from Attius 
quoted on v. 17, from which Virg. doubt- 
less took the words. The epithet * in- 
nuptae,' which is rather in the Homeric 
style than appropriate to auything in the 
oontext, makes it likely that he was re- 
ferring also to Eur. Tro. 536, x<^*»' AfwTof 
&/3poToirc&\ov, which according to the ordi- 
nary interpretation is understood in pre- 
oisely the same way, though Hermann 
questions the applicability of kBporoir^Xov 
to the goddess, and supposes &Cv( i$poT6- 
xuKos to be the horse. The offering was 
made to Minerva as one of the tutelary 
deities of Troy, whom the Greeks had 
outraged, and as such it was virtually an 
offering to Troy and the Trojans — a con- 
sideration which reconciles the present 
passage with those where it is spoken of 
as a gift to the Trojans (vv. 36, 44, 49), 
and accounts for the epithet *exitiale.' 
That Bome suoh object was pretended 
before Sinon came forward to develop 
the story we have seen in v. 17. • Miner- 
vae ' seems still to be the gen., as in CMc. 
Verr. 2. 8. 80, **oivium Bomanorum 



Et molem mirantur eqai ; primusque Thymoetes < 

Duci intra muros hortatur et arce loeari, 
Sive dolo, seu iam Troiae eic fata ferebant. 
At CapySy et quorum melior sententia menti, 35 

Aut pelago Danaum insidias suspectaque dona 
Fraecipitare iubent, subiectisque urere flammis, 
Aut terebrare cavas uteri et temptare latebras. 
Scinditur incertum studia in contraria volgus. 

Frimus ibi ante omnis, magna comitante caterva, 40 

dona,** prefients made to Boman citizens 
(referred to by Glossrau). 

32.] • Molem equi/ v. 150 below. Thy- 
moeti B is one of the old men sitting on 
the wall, II. 3. 146. Diodorus SiculuB, 3. 
87, makea him son of Laomedon. 

33.1 In Hom. (Od. 8. 604) the Troiana 
first drag the horse to the citadel (which 
in Virg. does not happen till v. 245), and 
then deliberate as here what to do with 
it, the party of Thymoetes being repre- 
sented by the words ^i 'cay ^i^* iya\fta 
0€wy 0€\icHipiou cfvoi. 

34.] * Doio : ' because, aocording to the 
legend mentioned by Serv., and a scho- 
liast on Lycophron, Thymoetes had a 
grudge against Priam, who in conse- 
quence of an oracle that a ciiild bom on 
a certain day would be the ruin of Troy, 
put to death an illegitimate aon of hia 
own by Cilla, wife of ThymoeteB, not 
PariB, who had the same birthday. * lam,' 
*now at laat,* as Henry takes it. * Sio 
ferebant * seems to mean ' were setting 
that way:' see on 11. 345. So appa- 
rently Cic. Pis. 2, *' quod ita exiBtimabam 
tempora reip. ferre." Virg. may have 
thought of II. 2. 834, icripfs yhp Jkyop 
fi4\afos Bavdroio. rh <p4pov is the Greek 
synonyme for Fate. 

35.] Capys, a companion of Aeneas, 
9. 576., 10. 145. ^ Quae sit dubiae sen- 
tentia menti '' 11. 314. 

36.] ' Insidias ' for the horse itself, like 
"doli" V. 264. Od. 8. 494, tv tot" is 
ijcp6xo\tu 96\op 1jyay€ 97os *08v<r<rci^s, un- 
lesB S6\oif be an adverbial or cognate acc. 
So Eur. Tro. 530, 5<Ja<ov &Tay, also of the 
horse. * Dona : * Bee on v. 31 . 

37.] It may be doubted from the word 
*praecipitare* whether Virg. meant to 
translate Od. 8. 508, ^ Kork xtrpdofv 
fia\4€tv 4p^avras iw* JkKpr\s, [*Iubet* 
Pal. corr., Nonius p. 400.— H. N.] 
* SubiectiBque * is the reading of the 
MSS. Ueyne introduoed * subiectiBve,' 

on a warrant from Servius [who says 
** antiqua tamen exemplaria *ve' habere 
inveniuntur."— H. N.]. Wagn. (Q. V. 
34. 1) adduces other instancee where 
*que' oouples notions, whlch, though 
not strictly oompatible with eaoh other, 
have some point in common, — as liere 
buming and sinking are two modes of 
destroying the horse, and so are distin- 
gnished from any plan of examinin^ it. 
[See note on * The Aeneid and the £pic 
Cyde,» p. Ixiv.— H. N.] 

38.] Od. 8. 507, where the three propo- 
sitions debated are breaking open the 
horBO (8iaT^i}(cu, stronger than *tere- 
brare *), casting it from a precipice, and 
accepting it as a peace-offering to the 
gods. *Temptare* here is simply to 
search, with no notion of danger, as Forb. 
thinks, whatever it may have elsewhere. 

* Cavas latebras,' a translation of jrotXov 
\6xov, Od. 4. 277., 8. 515. 

39.] *Scinditur in studia contraria' 
implies that they take opposite sides, 
apparently those of Thymoetes and 
Capys, with warmth, *Btudia* being 
almost an antioipation of Tacitus' use 
of the word in the senee of factions, 
**Ultio senatum in studia diduxerat," 
Hist. 4. 6. The line is doubtless meant, 
as it is generally quoted, to characterize 
a mob contemptuously ; but it points as 
much to party spirit as to giddinesB. 
[*Vulgus*Rom.— H. N.] 

40—56.] *Laocoon warmly denounces 
the horBC as a Greek stratagem, and hurls 
his spear at it.' 

40.] * Primus ante omnis ' is not said, 
as Heyne thinks, with reference to 

* magna comitante caterva,* which would 
be jejune. The meaning is, at this 
juncture Laocoon, foUowed by a large 
number, plunges into the arena and takes 
the lead. Tbymoetes had been oalled 
•*primu8" V. 32, as having first made 
himself heard. 



Laocoon ardens stimma decurrit ab arce, 

Et procul : O miseri, quae tanta insaDia, ciyes ? 

Creditis avectos hostis ? aut ulla putatis 

Dona carere dolis Danaum ? sic notus Ulixes ? 

Aut hoc inclusi ligno occultantur Achivi, 45 

Aut haec in nostros fabricata est machina muros 

Inspectura domos venturaque desuper urbi, 

Aut aliquis latet error ; equo ne credite, Teucri. 

Quidquid id est, timeo Danaos et dona ferentis. 

Sic fatus validis ingentem viribus hastam 50 

In latus inque feri carvam compagibus alvum 

41.][*Lauooon' Med.— H. N.l *Ab 
arce : ' PergamoB, whioh overlooked the 
shore. Heyne. 

44.1 'Has this been your experienoe 
of Uiysses ? ' who is roentioned uot as 
aotually having been a principal in tbe 
scheme, which the Trojans could not 
have known, but as the natural autlior of 
fraud, "hortator scelerum Aoolides," 6. 

45.3 The two cases put in this and the 
two following lines are that the horse is 
a receptacle of soldiers, and tbat it is a 
means of scaling the walls. In the 
former case it would be fatal if admitted 
within the city, in the latter even if left 
outaide. There is not the slightest 
reason to suppose with Ribbeok that v. 
45 and w. 46,. 47, were left as alternatives 
by Virg., who would have omitted the 
one or tbe other in revising his work. 

46.] Heyne, after Veeetius, 4. 19, 
points out an allusion to tne ** turris," a 
military engine with several stories, run 
on wheels alongside the walls, which is 
approached by throwing out a bridge. 
6ee Dict. A. sub vooe. 

47.] * To come down on the city from 
above.* * Urbi * for " in urbem." 

48.] * Aliquis * is rightly exphtined by 
Wagn. as,virtually equivalent to **alius 
quis :" comp. 9. 186, and see on 6. 533. 
*£rror,' means of mialeading, hence 
deceit. Forb. corop. Livy 22. 1. 3, 
** errore sese ab insidiis munierat." . 

49.] * Et ' for ••etiam," like Kai, Hand. 
Tursell. 2. 520. Lachmann on Lucr. 6. 
7, •'Ouius et eztinoti propter divina 
reperta Divolgata vetus iam ad caelum 
gloria fertur," denies that *et' has this 
sense either here or there, explaining the 
meaning to be " et eius extincti," *' et eos 
dona ferentis." Wliether he means to 
deny that *et' ever stands for "etiam," 

is not clear ; but it would seem impos- 
sible to give it any other sense in suoh 
passages as Ov. Her. 20. 183, ** Neo bove 
maotato oaelestia numina gaudent, Sed, 
quae praestanda est et sine teste, fide," 
and both here and in Luor. 1. 0. the 
sense of * even * is certainly favoured by 
the context. Mr. Munro, wbo apparently 
takes Lachm.'s ohjeotion as applying to 
Latin of the golden and earlier ages, does 
not, I am glad to see, defer to it 

50.] Tbis verse may remind us that it 
is not always safe to argue from the posi- 
tion of words to tbeir construction, as 
"* validis viribus * clearly goes with ' con- 
torsit,* not with * ingentem.' Corop. 5. 500. 

51.] Some ingenuity has been wasted 
(see Wagn., Forb., Henry) in explaining 
' in latus inque alvum.' Generally where 
the preposition is repeated there is no 
oopula, as in v. 358, tbe former, as Forb. 
remarks, supplying tbe place of the 
latter. Here we have botb, as in v. 337. 
AU tbat oan be said grammatically is 
that two notions are coupled : how they 
are coupled depends on tbe oontext. 
Here the questiou siroply is whether the 
*alvus' is regarded externally, in whioh 
case it would define the ' latus,' or inter- 
nally, the spear piercing through tbe 

• latus,' into the * alvus/ as tbe spear e. g. 
of Turnns, 10. 482, pierces through the 
various parts of Fallas' armour. Either 
would be defensible: but what follows 
seems to recommend the latter. [Henry 
thinks *alvum* defines 'latus,* "tbat part 
of tlie side which was the * alvus,' " and 
quotes 7. 499 *'perque uterum souitu 
perque ilia venit barundo.** — H. N.] 

* Feri,* simply the beast : used especially 
of a tame animal 7. 489 ; of horses again 
5. 818. "Ferus," "fera,",and "ferum," 
are all used substantively. [*Oonpag- 
ibus' Med. 'Alvom* Pal.— H, N.] 



Contorsit. Stetit illa tremens, nteroqne recusso 
Insonnere cavae gemitumqne dedere cayemae. 
Et, si fata denm, si mens non laeva fuisset, 
Impulerat ferro Argolicas foedare latebras, 
Troiaqne nunc staret, Friamiqne arx alta, maneres. 

Ecce, manus iuvenem interea post terga reyinctum 
Pastores magno ad regem clamore trahebant 


52.3 «CoDtoreit:' Key,§ 1323, b. c d. 
*Stetit illa tremens' Ib generally takea 
bv the oommentators of the horse ; but it 
ODvionsly refers to the spear, were it only 
that ** alvus " would have to be suppliedf 
not "equus" or "ferus." The force of 
the spear made it penetrate into the 
womb within, so that it remained quiver- 
ing in the wood. Trapp seems to have 
understood the words rightly, and so 
Goesrau. * Recusso/ like ** repercusso/' 
expressing the fihock resulting from the 

53.) * Oavae cavemae,' a pleonasro, 
belonging, as Forb. remarks, to the 
earlier timea of the laiiguage, though 
the words are so arran)<ed as to convey 
the effeot of a forcible repetiticn. 'Inson- 
uere cavae/ *8ounded tlirough tbeir 
depths,' or * sounded as hollow.' Comp. 
G. 1. 336, *'cava flumina crescunt Cum 
Bonitu." * Gemitum : * merely of the 
hoUow noise (applied to the sea 3. 555, to 
the earth 9. 709), not of the arms, as in 
V. 243, much less of those within, as 
Bome imitators of the paesage, beginuing 
with Petronius, have thought, perhaps 
with reference to the other story, Od. 4. 
280, &o. 

64.] ** Si mens non laeva fuisset," E. 1. 
16. Here *noii' is to be taken closely 
with * laeva,' * si fata fuissent * being ex- 
plained as in y. 433 below, ** had fate so 
willed." Heyne'8 other cxplanation, * si 
fata non fuissent,' ** had it not been fated 
that Troy should fall, though supported 
by Od. 8. 511, o^cra 7^ ^v, is harsh, as we 
sbould rather have expected * si non mens 
laeva.' A third possible view, whioh 
would make * laeva ' the predicate to both 
*fata' and 'mens,' might be defended 
from G. 4. 7; but ^mens' in that case 
would be contrasted rather badly with 
*fata deum.' «Fata deum' 6. 376., 
7. 239. 

55.1 *Impulerat.' See G. 2. 133, note. 
The distinction attempted by Wagn. ** si 
fuiBset, impulerat : at non fuit : si fuisset, 
ut esse poterat, impuliBset," eeems, in 
spite of the authorities appealed to by 

Forb., not only arbitrary but irrational, 
as the difference, whatever it be, is not 
in tbe protasis but in the apodosis, and 
the ind. ia not likely to have been 
subBtituted for the fnibj. to denote a less 
probable and in fact impossible contin- 
gency. *Ferro foedare,' 3. 241, of wound- 
ins: the Harpies. Here there seems a 
mixture of the two notions of wonnding 
the horse and elayingtheGreeks, *'Argo- 
licas latebras" being substituted for 
•*equum." Weidner however explains 
* foedare ' as = ** foede detegere." 

56.] [Velius Longus, p. 2220 P., Dio- 
medes, p. 423, Marius Victorinus, p. 2477 
P., all read *8tare8, . . . maneres;* bo 
Gud. and two other of Ribbeck*B cursives ; 
Serv. Baya, *• * Btares;* si ' staret,' ^maneres' 
sequitur propter 6fioior4\«urov" Ti. Do- 
natuB bas * stareB . . . maneret ' ; * staret 
. . . maneret' is the Becond readin^ of 
Med., *8taret . . . maneres' its first 
reading, found also apparently in both 
Pal. and Rora.— H. N.] Wagn. adopts it, 
oomparing 7. 684, and is followed by later 
editors, rightly it would seem. Weidner 
cites an imitation in Sil. 7. 561 foll. 
** MutasBentque solum Bceptris Aeneia 
regna, Nullaque nuno stares terrarum 
vertioe, Roma,^' where it is quite in keep- 
ing with the practice of an imitator to 
borrow the words from one part of his 
original, the rhetorioal nse of the second 
person from another. *Stares . . . maneres' 
is the reading of Heyne, but it appears 
to have no flrst-claBS MS. authority, 
though Pierius speaks of it as found in 
ancient MSS. Tbe occurrenoe of the 
imperf. subj. in conjunction with the 
pluperf. ind. is noticeable. 

57 — 76.] * A Greek surrenders himBelf 
prisoner, and is invited to give an aocount 
of himself.' 

57.] The story of Sinon was the subiect 
of a lost tragedy by Sophocles, and is 
variouBly told by Quinct. Smymaeus, 
TryphioKloruB, Dictys, Dares, and Tzetzes. 
See Introduction to this Book. In one 
of the yersions he is made to mutilate 
himself like Ulysses in Od. 4. 244, a 



Dardanidae, qai se ignotum venientibus nltro, 

Hoc ipsum nt strneret Troiamque aperiret Achivis, 60 

Obtulerat, fidens animi, atque in utrumque paratus, 

Seu yersare dolos, seu certae occumbere morti. 

Undique yisendi studio Troiana inventu^ 

Circumfusa ruit, certantqne inludere capto. 

Accipe nunc Danaum insidias, et crimine ab uno 65 

Disce omnis. 

Namque ut conspectu in medio turbatus, inermis, 

CoDstitit atque oculis Fbrjgia agmina cirqumspexit : 

Heu, quae nunc tellus, inquit, quae me aequora possunt 

source from which, as Hejne stiggests, 
the whole story may haye originated. 
He is represented as the son of Aesimus 
tbe brother of Anticleia, and thns a first 
cousin to Ulysses. [* Pos terga * Bibbeck 
from two of his cursives. — H. N.]. 

59.] •Ultro obtulerat:* 8. 611. Serv. 
mentions another reading 'quis ((|ueis) 
se,' which is &till found in some oopies. 

60.] *Hoo ipsum ut strueret/ to oom- 
pass this Tenr thing, sc to be brought to 
the king. The instances quoted of 'stru- 
ere insidias, dolos* &c. are not strictly 
parallel, as thoy morely refer to solieming 
a thing againet anotber, not to scheming 
a thing for one'8 self. Virg. however 
probably used * strueret ' as a *' verbum 
insidiarum," acoordiug to his usual ous- 
tom, so as to secure the associations con- 
neoted with the term, though the real 
analogy to his expression is to be found 
in such phrases as ** rem struere," and in 
the use of "moliri." *Troiam aperiret 
Achivis * is rightly understood by Henrv 
not of aotualiy opening the gates, whioh 
Sinon is not said to have done, but of his 
effecting an entrance for the Greeks by 
the story he tells, and by letting them 
out of tlie horse. 

61.] * Fidens animo ' is the readin^ of 
Rom., and of the MSS. of Sen. de Vita 
Beata 8. 3; but *fidens animi* is sup- 
ported bv ** furens animi,** 5. 202, ** prae- 
stans anmii,** 12. 19. The gen. is doubt- 
lefis of the same class as those in 4. 529., 
6. 332, G. 3. 289 &c., 4. 491, probably 
quasi-locative. See below on v. 120, 
Munro on Luor. 1. 136. **Armorum 
fidens** in liUcan 9. 373 looks like a 
misnnderstanding of the phrase. 

62.] * Veraare dolos : * 11. 704. * Ver- 
sare,* like 'versutus,* iro\vrpoiros, to 
shift or shuffle ; here to shuffle success- 
fuUy: **Verte aliquid" Pers. 5. 137. 

[Nonius p. 418 read *dolo,' sc. *Troi- 
anos ; * a variant mentioned by Serv., and 
fouTid in one of Ribbeck*8 oursives. — 
H. N.]. *Certe,* the common reading, 
before Pierius and HeinD. restor^ 
*oertae* from the best MSS., has the 
authority of Med., Gad., and Pal. oor- 
rected. Though less poetical than, 
* certae,' it would not be without foroe 
having the sense of • saltem,* as in Gic. 
Tuac. 1. c. ult. — *Occumbere,' 1. 97, note. 
Rom. originally, and Pal. have 'oocur- 

63.] *Undique:* from all sides. Cio. 
2 Verr. 2. 53, "concurritur undique ad 
istum Syracusas.** 

64.] Rom. has *certat,' whioh was of 
oourse introduced because of * ruit* 

65.] Aeneas, as Forb. and Henry 
observe, pointedly prepares to satisfy 
Dido's request 1. 753, *'dic — insidias 
Danaum.'* *Accipe,' 1. 676. *Crimine:* 
Serv. mentions a rcBding * crinien * sup- 
ported also by Ti. Donatus, which was 
connected with ^insidias,* so as to improve 
the balance between *ab uno* (sa **e 
Danais ") and * omnis.* Silius however 
evidently found *crimine,* as appears 
from his imitation 6. 39, *' nosces Fabios 
certamine ab uno.** * Omnis * of oourse 
refers to ' Danaos ; * ** learn from a single 
act of guilt what all of them are." 

67.] It seems needless to Inquire, with 
Henry and Forb., whetber Sinon*s emotion 
is altogetber feigned. Aeneas is de- 
scribing him as he saw bim, first showing 
fiigns of utter prostratiou, then partially 
recovering himself, v. 76, though stiU 
trembling, v. 107 (where *'ficto peo- 
tore " immediately foUows ** pavitans "1 
*Inermis* oomes in naturally, as he is 
in the midst of a furious and armed 

69.] *Nunc* simply *at this present 



Accipere ? aut quid iam misero mihi denique restat, 70 
Cui neque apud Danaos usquam locus, et super ipsi 
Dardanidae infensi poenas cum sanguine poscunt ? 
Quo gemitu conversi animi, compressus et omnis 
Impetus. Hortamur fari ; quo sanguine cretus, 
Quidve ferat, memoret, quae sit fiducia capto. 75 

[Ille haec, deposita tandem formidine, fatur :] 

Cuncta equidem tibi, Rex, fuerit quodcumque, fatebor 

time:' *iam denique/ 'now at last, 
after all.' With Sinon*8 exaggerated 
language oomp. the more utter self- 
abandonment of AchemeniJes 3. 601, 
605, and the tauntfl of Aeneas to Tumus 
12. 892. 

71.] *InBuper* wae the old reading: 
*et super' however, which was restored 
by Heins. from the best MSS., is neces- 
sary, as Wagn. has seen, on account of 
*neque.' *Ipsi* probably is not to be 
pressed, as though tbe Trojans might be 
expected to receive an outcast from the 
Greeks ; it seems rather to have the force 
of *' etiam " See note on v. 394. 

72.] **Dare" or "solvere sanguine 
poenas " occurs mcre than once, v. 366., 
9. 422., 11. 592; but the modal abl. 
could not be used with * poscere,' so 'cum* 
is introduced, * along with my blood,* as 
**ex sanguine** is found with **sumore 
poenas** 11. 720., 12. 949. 

73.] * Quo gemitu ; * comp. v. 145, ** his 
lacrimis,** and see on G. 1. 329, **quo 
motu.*' 'Convtrsi animi* might mean 

* our attention was turned towards him,* 
like '*convertere animos acris oculosque 
tulere Cuncti ad reginam Volsci,** 11. 8U0: 
h^i the common iutorpretation of a revul- 
toiou uf feeling ia more probable, and is 
«upported by au imitation in Sil. 10. 623, 
whkli Forb. quotes, "His dictis sedere 
fninai^ et conversa repente Pectora: nuno 
fatl iiiisETet ** &c. — * Gompressus et omuis 
LoipetnB/ not * all fury ceased,* as Trapp, 
ftnd probably the rest, understand it, 
l»ut *[}very act of violence was stayed,* 
liko *'impetum facere.** The Trojans 
would naturally be rushing on Sinon, 
or at (iuy rate menacing him with their 
wtaixmB. [* Coopressus * Pal. — H. N.]. 

74, 75.] The old pointing was aftcr 

* mcmfiret : * Heyne put a stop after 

* feiRt/ which is to a certain extent sup- 
poTiiid by the parallel passage 3. 608, 
*' Utti dk, fari, quo sanguine cretus, 
HoTtaraur; quae deiDde agitet fortuna, 
fii^leii.'' But it seems better to punctuate 

affcer * fari,' so as to make all that follows 
an oratioobliqua, ** memora quo sanguine 
cretus sis** &c Comp. 1. 645 note. 
* Quae sit fiduoia, capto,* [* what is the 
prisoner*s case, what has he to say for 
himself, on what does he rely,* Henry : 
who well ^uotes Tac. A. 3. 11, «*quanta 
fides amiois Germanici, quae fiducia reo.** 
— H. N.]. Ribbeck*8 ** quive f uat, memores 
quae** &c. is another of his unhappy 
coujectures. Much more ingenious is 
another suggestion by an unnamed young 
scholar, mentioned in his note. that a line 
should be supplied from the parallel 
passage in Book 3, •* quidve ferat. Pri- 
amus rex ipse haud multa moratus Dat 
iuveni dextram, quae sit fiducia capto.'* 
•Memnrem* ia another reading men- 
tioned by Serv. ; but with it not much 
sense could be extracted from ** quae sit 
fiducia capto.** 

76.] This line is repeatetl 3. 612, while 
here it is omitted in Med. (where it is 
added by auother haud in the margin), 
Pal., and Gud., and not noticed by Serv. 
Heyne infers from Pomponius Sabinus 
that it was erased on critical grounds by 
Apronianus, whose recension Med. repre- 
sents. Bom. unfortunately fails us here, 
having an extensive lacuna after v. 72, 
down to 3. 684. It is certain that Virg. 
frequently repeatshimBelf (probably with 
the notion of imitating Hom. ), and equally 
certain that the inferior MSS. frequently 
introduce lines from other parts of the 

Cm into places where they have no 
iness, so that it seems safest to print 
the verse in brackets. In itself it is 
Bufficiently appropriate, in spite of a 
slight verbal inconsistency with v. 107 
though not neoessary, as with *inquit* 
the beginning of Sinon*s speech is not 
very abrupt. 

77 — 104.] * He says his name is Sinon, 
a relation of Palamedes, whose death he 
resented, and thus inourred the enmity 
of Ul 



*Fuerint quaecumque* was the 



Vera, inquit ; neque me Argolica de gente negabo ; 
Hoc primnm ; nec, si miserum Fortuna Sinonem 
Finxit, vanum etiam mendacemque inproba finget. 
Pando aliquod si forte tuas pervenit ad auris 
Belidae nomen Falamedis et incluta fama 


old reading before Heins.» introduced ap- 
parently by thoee who thongbt, as Wagn. 
and Henry do still, that the olause re- 
ferred to < cnnota.' It is fonnd in Gud. 
corrected and some others, and supported 
by Pal., " fuerit quaecumq " (the last two 
letters seem to be lost). * Fuerit quod- 
oumque/ beside Med., Gud. originally, 
&o., Sery. and TL Donatus, bas the au- 
thority of Phaedrus, who imitates the 
pessage 3 Prol. 27, " Sed iam, quodcun- 
que fuerit, ut dixit Sinon, Ad regem cum 
Dardaniae perductus foret, Librum exara- 
bo tertium Aesopi stilo,'' thus showing 
that he understood the words to mean 

* in any event ' (i. e. as ezplained v. 31, 
«whether you read it or not')» a view 
which the future sense of * fuerit * favours. 
Henry however thinks Phaedrus means 

* this book, such as it may be.* Serv. re- 
marks that ^quodoumque ' is euphemistic, 
as we say, 'let the worst come to the 
worst.' Weidner comp. Od. 21. 212, 
<r(peoTy 5*, &s l^crtral Ttp, i\ij6firiv Kara\4^c0f 
whioh Virg. may have thought of. 

78.] *Vera* adheres to *fatebor,' *I 
will tell aU truly.' * Negabo ' as * fatebor,* 

* I am not going to deny.* So in Ovid'8 
imitation, M. 13. 315, *' neo me suasisse 
negabo," where Ulysses is entering on 
the charge about Philoctetes. * Finget ' 
points the same way. 

79.] *Hoc primum:' a sort of paren- 
thesis. like " hoc tantum " v. 690. * This 
to begin with,' as in declaring that he 
should not deny himself to be a Greek he 
had as it were given them incidentally 
his first instalment of truth. — ' Nec si ' 
&c. The sentiment, aocording to Macrob. 
Sat 6. 1, is taken from Attius, Teleph. 
fr. 6, ** Nam si a me regnum Fortuna atque 
opes Eriperequivit, at virtutem non quiit." 

80.] ** Te quoque dignum Finge Deo " 
8. 365. « Fingo *^is stronger than ** facio " 
— * she has moulded him into misery, but 
shall never mould him into falsehood.' 
Comp. the use of the word 6. 80, G. 2. 
407.— *Vanum' 1. 392. Observe the 
position of *inproba:' *her «insatiate 
malice shaU not go so far as to make me 
aliar.' *Inprobus' is used specially of 
those who make others unscrupulous, 4. 
412, E. 8. 49. See generaUy on G. 1. 119. 
VOL, U. 

81.] ♦ Fando,' * in talking : ' note on B. 
8. 71. * Aliquid,* the old reading, sup- 
ported by some MSS. both of Virg. and of 
Priscian p. 811, evidently arose from a 
misunderstandine of *aliquod,' as if it 
went with *fanao.' *Aliquod nomen' 
seems equivalent to **si nomen fando per* 
venit aUcubi" or **aliquo tempore,* or 
prhaps ** aliqua forte," on the prinoiple 
illustrated E. 1. 54. Ovid has imitated 
this line (15. 497), ** Fando aliquem Hip- 
polytum vestras puto, contigit auris . . • 
oocubuisse neoi." 

82.] [Acoording to theordinary tradition 
Palamedes was the son of Nauplius, and 
was put to death through the instru- 
mentality of Ulysses, who trumped up a 
charge of treason a^inst him. The cause 
ofthe enmityof Ulysses against him is 
differently staied ; some aecounts alleging 
it to be mere jealousy, others mentiouing 
that Palamedes had brought Ulysses to 
the war against his will and thus incurred 
his undyingresentment. (See Scholia to 
Euripides Orestes 423, Tzetzes on Lyco- 
phron 385, Servius here, Hyginus 116.) 
Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides all 
wrote plays on the subject. As treated 
by Euripides in his * Palamedes * (see the 
»fragments in Nauck's edition) the story 
represented Palamedes (who was credited 
with a number of useful inventions) as « 
man of superior knowledge exposed to the 
jealousy of the crowd ; fr. 585 (Nauck) 
^Tp&TriKdrai rhp fivpioi ytvoifKOOf ^o<f>hs B* 
hf tTs ris ^ 8i/ iy fuiKpf XP^^V' ^^* ^^^ *Ek(£- 
i^cTc iKdyert riiy Tlavtro^u, £ Aayaoi, Thy 
oMy* iXyi^yovcrdv ii.riZ6va Movcrav, The 
** Oypria," aocording to Pausanias 10. 31. 
2, represented Palamedes as having been 
strangled while fishing by Ulysses and • 
Diomed ; but Virg. has followed the oom- 
mon tradition that he was put to death, 
after trial, by the whole Greek army. 
Virg. however has two points which do 
not appear in the common aocount. First, 
he represents Palamedesas connected with 
fielus. On this the Verona Scholia say 
that Palamedes was ultimately descended 
from Danaus, and so from Belus, adding 
tiiat Varro of Atax followed this tradition 
in his ArgonatUica. Hence,no doubt, Virg. 
adopted the genealogy. Seoondly, Virg. 



Gloria, qnem falsa stib proditione Peksgi 
Insontem infando indicio, quia bella vetabaty 
Demisere neci^ nunc oassnm lumine lugent : 
IUi me comitem et oonsanguinitate propinquum 
Pauper in arma pater primis huc misit ab annis. 
Dum stabat regno incolumis regumque yigebat 



sayt &at he was killed beoanse he wiflhed 
to make peace with the Tiojans. Thia 
etatement Serviiis thinks is intended to 
be an inTention of Sinon. Bnt it may 
have formed part of the tragedy of Euri- 
pidM, for it ooinoides exaotly with the 
oharaoter of Palamedes as conoeiyed by 
that poet. — H. N.] Palamedes wa« a 
fayoorite snbject with the Sophists, some 
of whom exercised their ingennity in 
dreasing up a case for him or for UlysseB, 
while otbers fized on him as the true 
type of a hero, notviolent, like Achilles, 
but wise after the Stoio pattem, and 
even inslnuated that Homer*s silenoeabout 
him was owing to jealousyof his supposed 
poetical power. 

83.] ^Falsa sub proditione' means not 
* under a false obarge of treason/ as all 
the editors take it,a sense wbich the 
words would hardly bear, nor *at the 
time of a false alarm of treason ' (Henry), 
which would be an inopportune detail, 
and barely oonsistent with the legend, but 
simply * under a false information,' < pro- 
ditio ' being equivalent to * indiciunv as 
in Plor. 3. 18, "postquam id nefas pro- 
ditione disoussum est," just as in Ov. 
Amor. 2. 8. 25, " index " and «* proditor "• 
are synonymous, " index ante acta fate- 
tx)r, Et veniam culpae proditor ipse 
meae." There is no reference whatever 
to the pretended treason of Palamedes, 
though that happened to bo the subject 
of the charge. The repetition ^falea 
sub proditione, Insontem, infandoindioio * 
is sufficiently aocounted for by Sinon's 
apparent horror of the transaotion. * Sub 
proditione,* like ** sub crimine," Juv. 10. 69. 
84.] [***Infando indicio,* propter aurum 
olam suppoeitum," Serv. Money was hid- 
den in Palamedes' tent by his enemies, 
and then used by tbem as evidenoe of his 
supposed treason. — H. N.] 

85.] *Ca88ns lumine' ocours Lucr. 4. 
368, of darknoBS or shadow, and Gic. 
Aittt. 869 has ** non cassum luminis en- 
sem," of a oonstellation. * Lumen ' here 
of oourse is the light of day or life, as 
in 12. 935, ** corpus epoliatum lumine," 
80 that the expression is equivalent to 
**aethere cassis," 11. 104, and agreefl 

exactly with ^demisere neoi.' Gomp. 
Aesch. Eum. 322, &Aao<(rt ical 9€9opK6<raf. 

86.] The apodosis begins here. 'In 
oase you ever heard of Palamedes, I was 
his oompanion in arms and near kinsman,' 
i e. I may designate myself as suoh ; an 
ellipeis, as Trapp remarks, as good in 
English as in Latin. * nii ' then is the 
emphatic word. *C5omitem' and *oon- 
sanguinitate propinquum ' are not strictly 
oo-ordinate, as the meaning evidently is 
that Sinon was sent to iS Palamedes' 
oomrade, being already his kinsman ; 
but writers are not always oonscious 
grammarians, and instances may be 
fuund even in prose where the ordinary 
epithet is oonfounded with the epithet 
used predicatively. [* Propinoum ' Med. 
— H. N.] 

87.] Of thevarious explanations devised 
by the oommentators to acoount for the 
mention of the poverty of Sinon's father, 
the most natural seems to be that some 
speoification was to be expected in a 
plausible tale, and that poverty, while 
mcreasing the pathos of the story, would 
aooount for Sinon's dependenoe on a 
superior. So in the oase of Achemenides, 
3. 615. *In arma,' to war, Lucan. 3. 
292. *Primis ab annis' can only mean 

* from my early youth,' as in 8. 517, in 
spite of thedifficulty to be noticed v. 138. 
It is probable, as Cerda suggests, that 
Virg. may have boen thinking of the early 
age at which the Romans were sent to 
war ; and this perhaps may lead us, with 
Heyne and Wagn., to extend a eimilar 
reference to *pauper,' war in Virgirs 
time being a lucrative calling. Weidner 
attempts to oonnect *primi8 ab annis' 
with * comitem,' which wonld be intoler- 
ably harsh. 

88.] * Stabat regno inoolumis ' is rightly 
explained by Heyne as a variety for 
**erat re^o incolumi." Comp. 1. 268. 

* Regno * 18 used for ** regia dignitate " 9. 
696. For *regumque' Canon. originally 
and some inferior MSS. have * regnum- 
que,' the old readiog, which is Bcarcely 
intelligible, as * regnum * could not stand 
for the state of the Greeks at Troy, and 
with Palamedes' influence at home we 



Consiliis, et nos aliquod nomenque decnsqne 

Gessimus. Invidia postquam peUacis Ulixi — 90 

Haud ignota loquor — superis conoessit ab oris, 

Adflictus vitam in tenebris luctuque trahebam, 

Et casum insontis mecum indignabar amici. 

Nec tacui demens, et me, fors si qua tulisset, 

Si patrios umqnam remeassem yictor ad Argos, 95 

Promisi ultorem, et rerbis odia aspera movi. 

Hinc mihi prima mali labes, hinc semper Ulixes 

have olearly nothing to do. < Vigebat : ' 
Lncr. 4.1156, *'Es8e in delioiiSjSnmmoque 
in honore vigere." 

89.] * Gonoiliis ' is the reading of Med. 
and Pal., * consiliis ' of the Yerona pa- 
limpsest originally, and some others. 
The reoeived diBtinotion between the two 
words ifl that the former signifiee an 
aaeembly in general, the latter a seleot 
deliberative body. The latter seems 
decidedly preferable, as the addition of 
'regnm' shows that the Homerio 6ov\^ 
y^^vruvf not the &7op^, is meant, and 
deliberative ability was the speoial virtue 
of Palamedes. Besides/consiUis* enables 
us at once to aooount fur the oorruption 

* regnnm ' in the previous line. 

90.] * Qessimus nomen decusque,' Uke 
**gerere honorem," ** auctoritatem," &o. 

* PeUaois,' Med., Gud. oorreoted, Serv., 
Donatus on Ter. Phorm. 1. 2. 17, Velius 
Longus, p. 2227 P. «Fallacis,' Pal., 
Gud. originally, probably Verona pa- 
limpe^t, Charisius p. 52. [No doubt * fal- 
laois * is a gloes. * Pellax ' is not derived 
from ** peUicere," but from the older form 
of the word ** pellaoere," the base of which 
is laa. Panlus p. 117 (MuUer) ♦* lacit in 
fraudem induoit. Inde est aUioere «t laceB' 
eere^ inde lactod vrdecAat deleetcU dblentat** 
*PeIlaoia,'the subst. derived from •pellax,* 
is found in Lucretius (5. 1004) and his 
imitator Amobius : it is also read by the 
Beme Soholia, andmentioned as a variant 
by Philargyrius, in G. 4. 443.— H. N.] 
The WGffd is abo foond in Anaon. Epi- 
taph. 12. 4. 

91.] «Hand iffnota loqnor' seems to 
mean *you doubtless know the story.' 

* Ooncessit,' 10. 820. See also £. 10. 63. 

92.] *Adfliotus:' dashed down from 
my prosperity, as Henry ezplains it; 
80 * tenebris,' in obsonrity, ooDtrasta with 
*nomenque deousque.' '*Ipsi se in 
tenebris volvi oaenoque quemntur," Lucr. 
3. 77. Oomp. Id. 2. 15, 54., 5. 11. The 
last passage might be quoted in support 

of a ourlous variety in the Verona palimp. 
here, * fluotuque.' [Sen. Gontr. 1. 6. 1 (fk 
92 Bursian) ** oaptus in tenebris iaoebam.'* 
— H. N.] 

93.] ** Gasns insontis amici," 5. 350. 

94.] *Et' follows *neo,' • neo taoni* 
being taken as a poeitive siatemeni 
• Tulisset ' as * ferebant,' v. 34. •• Quidve 
ferat Fors," Enn. A. 203. The pluperfeot 
is nsed on aooonnt of the oratio obliqua, 
as in V. 189., 3. 652., 9. 41, Livy 34. 6, 
which oonfirais the opinion that the so- 
called futurum ezaotum is really only the 
perf. subj. Wagn.'s other instances are 
not to the point. * Tulisset ' apparently 
for ** se tulisset," i. e. ** obtulisset." So 
the diotionaries quote ** ferentem " from 
Nep. Datam. 4. 5. ** Ferebant" v. 34 is 
not quite the same. ** Fors " is of ten said 
** ferre " in a transitive sense, as in Enn. 
L 0. 8ee on 11. 345. 

95.] **Bemeare proprie de victoribns 
dioitur. Vid. Cort. ad Lnoan. 7. 256, et 
Burm. ad Val. Fi. 4. 589 " Forb. * Argos' 
for Greeoe : his real oountry of course was 
Euboea. Heyne rather prefers the read- 
ing of some inferior MSS. * Wos.' 

96.] 'Promisi ultorem.' There is no 
occasion to understand ** fore," here or in 
4.227. Comp.8en.Ooutr.9.29.13(p.286 
Bursian) '*qui et promisit oratorem et 
praestitit." Quint. Deol. 1.6.(Forc.) * Ver- 
bis' opposed to *taoui:' *by speakingoutl 
made myaelf a bitter enemy (in Ulysses).' 

97.] * Hino/ from this time, as * semper ' 
seems to show. [Nonius p. 230 reads 
** tnnc.'*— H. N.] « Labes : ' the imitation 
of this passage in Justin, 17. 1. 5, ** Haeo 

Srima mali labes, hoo initium impen- 
entis minae fuit," shows that he took 
* labes ' in its primary sense of a downfiill, 
as in Luor. 2. 1145, **dabunt labem pu- 
trisque minas." We may paraphrase 
then ** Hino primum fortunae meae mere 
incipiebant." 8o Serv. **minam signi- 
fioat^ a lapsu." Tbere is a passage im- 
mediately preceding this ezplanation of 



Criminibtis terrere noyis, hinc spargere voces 
In Yulgum ambignas, et quaerere conscius arma. 
Nec requievit enim, donec Calchante ministro— loo 
Sed quid ego haec autem nequiquam ingrata revolyo ? 
Quidve moror, si omnis uno ordine habetis Achiyos, 
Idque audire sat est ? lamdudum sumite poenas ; 
Hoc Ithacus yelit, et magno mercentur Atridae. 

Tum yero ardemus scitari et quaerere causas, loe 

SeTY., whioh has led to a BUBpioion that 
he had a different text from that before 
HB : ** Qaia secuta snnt poetea oraculum 
et adscita OalchantiB faotio : adBcita sane 
dicitur adsumpta." From this Cunning- 
ham extracted ** Hinc adscita mihi labeB." 
But the glosB would be unintelligible 
'without ' prima,* whioh it iB evidently in- 
tended to explain, though the lemma 
eeems to haye mllen out. It would almost 
8eem as if Serv. had used the word ' ad- 
scita,' and Bome latter granmiarian had 
explained it by 'adsumpta/ his note 
afterwards ooming to be incorporated in 
Serv.*8 text 

98.] With * spargere vooes,' oomp. the 
Greek <rw€pfjLo\^os. 'In volgum' ib in 
accordance with the representationB of 
Ulysscs in the Greek drama as ^fjuoxaptff' 
rfis (Eur. Hec. 134), rou 5xAow fi4ra (Id. 
Iph. A. 526). 

99.] * Qui^rere couBciuB arma,' * to Beek 
allies as a conspirator,* — ^nearly equiva- 
lent to ** quaerere arma consciorum," or 
'*quaerere conscios," as Wagn. givea it. 
* Quaerere arma ' occurs in thiB very Bense 
11. 229. That Ulyssea eought for alliea 
appears from the introduction of Calchae, 
and from the anticipation of the event, v. 
124, which argues ihat his designB were 
not entirely a secret 

100.] * Neo requievit enim,* nor indeed 
did he rest. • Enim ' as G. 2. 104. The 
words at the end of Serv.^s explanation 
of * ministro ' are to be read " quasi non 
ex veritate responBuro." 

101.] *Sed autem:' Hand, Tursell. 1. 
575, 583. The expreasion appears coUo- 
quial, being peculiar to tlie comic writers. 
*Revolvo,* seemingly a metaphor from 
thread, 9. 391., 10. 61. 

102.] The old punctuation made the 
question end at *moror,* regarding 'ei 
omnis ' as the protasis to * sumite.' 
Wagn., who changed it, might have 
urged that ' quidve moror/sttmdingalone. 
would oome in rather tamely after the 
previouB line, that the contrast between 
' moror ' and * iamdudum * iB better 

brought out by the alteration, and that 
the use of * iamdudum ' with the impera- 
tive, as in other paBsages, implies a 
vehemenoe hardly compatible with the 
precedenoe of a conditional olause. An 
argument, too, may perhaps be drawn 
from a slight verbal similarity in one of 
theae passages, Stat. Theb. 1. 268, "quo 
tempore tandem Terramm furias abolere 
et saecularetro Emendare sat est? lam- 
dudum a sedibus illis Incipe,*' which 
looks as if Statius had founa the inter- 
rogation after 'sat est' in his oopy of 
Virg. ♦ Ordine habetis,' like " honestatem 
eo looo habet," Cic. Fin. 2. 15. 

103.] 'Id,* that I am a Greek, v.79. 
[Henry takes * id audire' as = "id esse," 
to be oalled, i. e. to be, a Greek.— H. N.J 
'lamdudum' with the imper. or Bubi. 
(Gv. M. 2. 482, A. A. 2. 457) is to be ex- 
plained as a violation of logictfd oongruity, 
for the sake of emphasis, *iamdudum' 
belonging to paet, * sumite ' to a futuro 
time, so that the Trojans are bidden to 
puniBh long since, because they havo long 
sinoe had the right to do so. fSen. Epist. 
84. 14*'iamdudum relinque iflta;" 17. 9 
♦* iamdudum exibit." * landudum ' Rib- 
beck from Pal.— H. N.] 

104.] *Magno mercentur:* 10. 503, 
**magno cum optaverit emptum Intactum 
Pallanta,'* perhapB a Grecism. Yirg. pro- 
bably thought of U. 1. 255, Ij k€p yrie^ffu 
Hplofios Tlpidfiot6 re irouScs. 

105 — 144.] « Pressed to enter into de- 
tail, he relatoB that the Greete were en- 
joined by an oracle to offer a human 
victim before their departure, and that 
he was singled out for the purpose by 
the machinationsof Ulysses, but escaped.' 

105.] * Tum vero ' emphatio, as in E. 6. 
27, A. 1. 485. 'Ardemus* with inf. 1. 
515, 581., 4. 281. The woitU themselves 
do not imp) V that they aotually questioned 
him, though the context does. • Scitari,* 
as well as * quaerere,' goes with * oausas.' 
Ov. M. 2. 511, '*causamque viae Boitanti- 
buB infit** PaL originally has ' oaflUB,* 
and Bo Bibbeck. 



Ignari scelerum tantorum artisque Felatsgae. 
Prosequitur pavitans, et ficto pectore fatur : 
Saepe fugam Danai Troia cupiere relicta 
MoUri et longo fessi discedere bello ; — 
Pecissentque utinam ! — saepe illos aspera ponti 
Interclusit hiemps, et terruit Auster euntis. 
Praecipue, cum iam hic trabibus contextus acemis 
Staret ecus, toto sonuerunt aethere nimbi. 
Suspensi Eurypylum scitatum oracula Phoebi 
Mittimus, isque adytis httec tristia dicta reportat : 
" Sanguine placastis ventos et virgine caesa, - 
Cum primum Iliacas, Danai, venistis ad oras ; 
Sanguine queierendi reditas, animaque litandum 
Argolica." Vulgi quae vox ut venit ad auris, 



106.] * Pelasgae : ' see on 1. 624, where 
it Bhould bave been mentioned that the 
epithet Pelasgic is applied to Argos IL 
2. 681, and associated with Dodona II. 
16. 233, 80 that Mr. Gladstone*8 statement 
(vol. iii. pp. 516, 517) is a little over- 
strained. See Dict. G. * Pelasgi.* 

107.^ * Prosequitur,* G. 3. 340, where 
an object is supplied. * Ficto peotore 
fatur,' like ** polleuti pectore carmen 
oondere," Lucr. 5. 1, " divino cocinerunt 
pectore," Catull. 64. 383. [Henry would 
take the words as = with feigned emotion. 
— H. N.] 

110, 111.] ' Feoissentque utinam* par- 
enthetical, like *^ mansissetque utinam 
fortuna,** 3. 615. 'Fecissent* is used 
idiomatically to express the general 
result of * moliri ' aiid ^ discedere : oomp. 
1. 58, E. 2. 44. *Saepe,* as often; re- 
ferring to * saepe,* v. 108. * Ponti : * we 
might have expected *ponto,* but the 
MiiS. give no variation, ezcept that one 
of the later has ' portum,* as a correotion, 
wbich might possibly point to *illis — 
ponium.' Serv. explains * ponti hiemps ' 
as distinguislied from •* hiemps temporis " 
(**hiempB anni,** Suei lul. 35): and so 
the genitive is put with '*hiemp8** in 
other writers to aenote that the word ia 
nsed analogically, ** hiemps montis,** 
Stat. Silv. 3. 5. 73, **rerum,** Claud. Bell. 
Get. 151, **amori8,*' Ov. Her. 5. 34. 
Here it seems most natural to interpret 
*the stormy state of the deep,* like 
**hiemat mare,** Hor. 2 Sat. 2. 17 (Mao- 
leane'8 note), not exactly *the stormy 
season,* like **pelago desaevit hiemps, 
4. 52, whioh could not have come unfore- 

seen on the Greeks, much less the winter, 
though the expression in 3. 285 rather 
resembles the present line. *Euntis,' 
not for * ituros,* as Forb., but a rhetorical 

112.] * Hic * the pronoun, not the ad- 
verb, V. 150, ** molem hano equi.** * Con- 
textus:* see on v. 16. *Aoernis' need 
not to be pressed against ** abiete,** v. 16, 
or *' pinea claustra,^' v. 258. See note on 
V. 577, and Introduction, p. xxxvi. 

113.] * Sonuemnt nimbi,! in prose, 
** nimbi et tonitrus orti sunt.** 

114.] Eurypylus, II. 2. 736. [* Scita- 
tum * Med-., corrected from * scitantum : * 
*8citatum.* Nonius, p. 386, Ghaiis. p. 
241 P. *' * Scitantem ; * participium pro 
participio est, id est scitaturum. Alii 
*8citatum' legunt, id est inquisitum,** 
Serv. Pal. hias *scitantem.* It seems 
most probable that * scitantem ' is the 
corrupt, and * scitatum * the true reading. 
Gud. has * scitantem ' corrected into 
* scitatum.'— H. N.] * Oracula Phoebi : ' 
there is nothing to fix the oracle intended, 
whether Delphi, Delos, Patara, or Ghrysa. 
In Hom. of oourse Galchas is the only 
interpreter of the divine will, and in Aes- 
ohylus he resolves the difficulty at Aulis. 

116. *Sanguine et virgine caesa,* hen- 
diadys, which is expressed v. 118 by two 

1 17.] * Venistis : ' the saorifice of course 
was before the arrival ; but we need not 
press the words, which merely mean ** ad- 
ventu vestro." 

118.] * And the sacriflce, to be propi- 
tious, must be of an Argive life.' ** Farre 
litabo," Pers. 2. 75. 



Obstipnere animi, gelidusqne per ima cncurrit 190 

Ossa tremor, cni fata parent, qnem poscat ApoIIo. 
Hic Ithacns vatem magno Calchanta tnmnltn 
Frotrahit in medios ; quae sint ea nnmina diyom, 
Flagitat. Et mihi iam mnlti cmdele canebant 
Artificis scelns, et taciti yentnra videbant. 125 

Bis qninos silet iUe dies, tectnsqne recnsat 

120.] ' Animi * appears to be the read- 
ing of all tlie MS8., but * aDimis ' fonnd 
its way into some of the later editions, 
and was adopted by Heyne without 
inquiry. In itself either would do : comp. 
8. 530.,* 9. 123, with 5. 404. Perhape 
' animi * suggests too definitely a Terbal 
contrast between * aures,* * animi,* * ossa : * 
but Yirg. may have meant this. I have 
sometimes thought that *animi' might 
= * animie,' being constructed as in the 
passages referred to on v. 61 ; but the 
existenoe of expressions like '^oonyersi 
animi" above v. 73, ** cecidere animi" 3. 
260. ** ooncussi animi " 9. 498, is against 
this. * Gelidusque per ima ouourrit Ossa 
tremor,* 6. 54.. 12. 447. 

121.] * Cui fata parent,' a clause depen- 
dent on * tremor,' the shuddering surmise 
being expresscd by an indirect question. 
*Fata,' the oracle, 1. 886. *Parent,* 

• ordain : * the word appears to be specially 
used of divine ordinance (Plaut. Mil. 3. 
1. 132, ** Aequom fuit, deos paravisse, ne 
omnes uno exemplo vitam viverent," 
Lucan 2. 68., 6. 783), a fact which may 
account for the omission of an acc. here ; 
possibly also, as Wagn. thinks, the omis- 
ston may be rbetorical, to produce a sense 
of horror. The passages in Lucan at 
any rate show that he took * fata * as the 
nom. [I should prefer, as Serv. suggests, 
to take * fata ' as the acc., ** cui praeparent 
mortem *' ; * for whom they are to prepare.* 
The form of the sentence closely re- 
sembles that of 12. 718 **musBantque 
iuvencae Quis nemori imperitct, queqi 
tota armenta sequautur.'* Madvig*8 emen- 
dation * paret ' is not nooessary. — H. N.] 
*Po8cat:' Hor. 1 Od. 4. 12, **8eu poscat 

122.] 'Hic,* at this crisis, 1. 728. 

* Magno tumultu ' is said of Ulysses, not 
of the multitude, like **magnis Ithaci 
clamoribus," v. 128. Omp. the imita- 
tion of Stat. Aoh. 1. 493, and the ora- 
torical terms in Oreek, Oopvfiuv, rapdrrfiM, 
KVKoy, For the conoeption of Ulysses as 
a boisterous demagogue comp. Eur. Iph. 
A. 528 foll. Hom. dwells on the yene- 

menoe of his oratory, II. 8. 221, &\x* ttt 
9^ p* Hira re fieyiiXriy iK <rrfi$€os Ui KtA 
Irca vi^)di€ar<ruf ioucdra xc</Mp^|7(riy, thougk 
he plays no such vulgar part in Uiad w 
Odyssey. Yirg. may have been thinkioff 
of the fuydkoi e6pvfioi of Soph. Aj. 141, 
which there however seem to be tbe 
clamours of the army caused by the 
whispers of Ulysses. 

123.] 'Numina.'*will.* Perhapsth^ 
is a reference to its origioal sense of 
^^nutus," so that *quae sint numina' 
may be equivalent to ** quem di innuant" 
Suoh at any rate must be the general 
meaning, the question being to whom 
the orade pointed. See on 1. 133. Lacb- 
mann's denial (on Lucr. 2. 632, where ke 
reads • momine * for the * numine * of tke 
MSS.) that * numen * can ever = * nutut,' 
is contradictcd, I think, by Catull. 91. 
204, **Adnuit invicto caelestum numiM 
rector, Quo tunc et tellus atque h<»- 
rida contremuerunt Aequora." (And m 
Prof. Munro.) [* Divum * Med.— H. N.] 

124.] *Flagitat' is in keeping wifli 
*magno tumultu,' *insi8ts on knowing;* 
aad the omission of the copula also «- 
presses vehemence. * Canere,' like ** au gtt- 
rare," of ordinary anticipation. ** Huiiis 
tantae dimicationis vatem Q. FabiM 
haud frustra canere solitiim, graviorem ia 
sua terra futurum hostem Hannibalem,'' 
Livy 30. 28. 

125.] «Artificis soelus,' 11. 407, in m 
different sense. * Taciti ' is not stricstty 
consistent with * canebant ; ' but Virf?. 
probably means that the forebodinffs 
were privately whispered, not openly 
expressed, for fear of Ulysses. [' Vide- 
bant,' were looking out for, providiii^ 
against. — H. N.] 

126.] StatiuB, in an obvious imitatloa 
of this passage, Theb. 3. 670 foll., 619 
foll., has the words **atra sede tegi,** 
** clausus," ** elicior tenebris," showing, m 
Henry remarks, that he understood 
* tectus ' here literally, * shut up in his 
tent* Comp. 7. 600, *• saepsit se tectis,'* 
where Latinus shuts hmiself up; ib. 
618, **caeois se condidit umbris.'' &o 



Prodere Yoce sna quemquam aut opponeie morti, 
Yix tandem, magnis Ithaci clamoribus actus, 
Composito rumpit yocem, et me deetinat arae. 
Adsensere omnes, et, quae sibi quisque timebat, 180 

vTJnius in miseri exitium conversa tulere, 
lamque dies infanda aderat ; mihi sacra parari, 
Et salsae frugesy et circum tempora yittae ; 
Eripuiy &teor, leto me, et yincula rupi, 
Limosoque lacu per noctem obscurus in ulya 135 

Delitui, dum yekt darent, si forte dedissent 

when Tiresias refnses to speak, Soph. 
O. T. 320, be says Apts /i' is oUovs. 
Otherwise there would be no objeotion to 
the rendering * seoret ' or *■ oautious.' 

127.] " * Opponere,* obicere, destinare." 
Serv. ** Aequius huio Turnum fuerat se 
opponere morti," 11. 115. 

129.] ^Composito,' by concert, seems 
to sbow tbat Calohas' reluctanoe was 
feigned, to give better effeot to bis disclo- 
sure. * Rumpit vooem ' (pnyv^yai ^«v^y), 
3. 246., 4. 553., 11. 377— here probably 
with the notion of breaking silence. 
* Destinat,' * dooms,' as is shown by the 
addition of the dative : not ' points out,' 
aa Wafifn. explains it. 

131.] *Tulere,' **passi sunt," Ruaens. 
*Acquie8ced in tuming on one poor 
wretch the fate which cach feared for 
himself.' But there is much to be said 
for the other view, as ezplained by 
Henry, *tumed and oarried to my de- 

133.] *Sal8ae frnges,' Dict. A. «Saori- 
fldum,' where ihe **mola'' is treated as 
identical with ihe oJxox^oi, oontrary to 
Vo88's opinion on £. 8. 82, refeired to by 

134.] *Eripui' has a logical, though 
not a grammatical relation to ^lamque 
dies infanda aderat : ' in prose, * at last, 
8eeing tbe fatal day had already arrived, 
I made my escape.' 8o 3. 356 — 8. 
** lamque dies alterque dies processit et 
aurae Vela vocant tumidoque inflatur 
carbasus Austro; His vatem adgredior 
dictis ao talia quaeso." * At last, seeing 
day after day was slipping by, and every- 
thing favourable for saiUng, I seek an 
interview with Helenus.' *Fateor, a 
hypocritical apology, *as if it were a 
crime to save hls life,* Trapp. * Vincula 
rupi,* the bonds with whidi the victim 
when brougbt up to the altar was fafitened 
till the moment of striking the blow. 

That he was actually led up to the altar 
appears from v. 156, nnless we take 
* gessi ' there with Serv. as a rhetorical 
ezaggeration. The general soDse seems 
to be *they were in the act of getting ready 
the sacrifioe, the salt cakes, and the fillet 
for my brow (**quae circum tempora 
essent **), when I broke away.' The image 
of a victim escaping at the moment of 
sacrifice is not an unoommon one. Forb. 
quotes Sil. 16. 264, a description whioh 
seems taken partly ^m the present pas- 
sage, partly from v. 223. 

135.] * Obscurus in ulva ' is to be taken 
together, soreened by the sedge, ezplain- 
ing how he came to be oono^ed in the 
marsh — a possible reference to the story 
of Marius, as Serv. suggests. 

136.1 Heyne altered the pointing, * dum 
vela, darent si forte, dedissent,' but the 
order of the words and the rhythm of the 
line are so strongly against him, that the 
poet wou]d in that case have been g^ty 
of an inezcusable ambiguity. * Dum vela 
darent ' is * while they might be setting 
sail,' to give them time to set sail, the 
subj. being used to show the logical rela- 
tion of the olause to the verb preoeding 
it. See note on G. 4. 457. * Si forte 
dedissent ' cannot stand, as Wagn. eup- 
poees, for ** si forte daturi essent." The 
ezplanation of other passages to wbich 
he applies his hypothesis has been given 
on V. 94. * Si forte tnli8set,' v. 756» sug- 
geets a better interpretation, in the hope, 
or on the peradventure that they wouhl 
have sailed, of whioh of oourse there 
would be a doubt, as the neoessary con- 
dition had not been fulfilled. An incon- 
sistency wiU still remain between * darent ' 
and *dedi88ent,' the one implying that 
Sinon waited while they were getting off, 
the other tbat he trusted to their having 
got off before his waiting was over ; but 
this is hardly an objection, if indeed 



Nec mihi iam patriam antiquam spes ulla Tidmdi, 
Nec dulcis natos exoptatumque parentem ; 
Quos illi fors et poenas ob nostra reposceftt 
Effugia, et culpam hanc miserorum morte piatmnt. 
Quod te per superos et conscia numina ym. 


the oonfoslon might noi be said to baye 
a dramatio propriety. [Virg. probably 
thought of ll. 2. 794, 94yfA€vos bvjrSr^ 
vov<piv iupopfxri$Mv *AxcuoL Ti. Donatus 
takes * 81 forte dedissent ' with the follow- 
ing line : ** bad they sailed, (I thought) 
there wae no longer any hope/* &c. — 
H. N.] 

137.] * Antiqnam/ an epithet of affeo- 
tion, not used, as in 4. 633, to distinguiBh 
the country of his birth from that of his 
floioum. Comp. Soph. O. T. 1394, ra 
irarpia A<f)^ iraKaik hd>fiaff, 

138.] * Dulcis natos : ' Serv. mentions a 
reading * duplicifl/ which is found in PaL 
originally, and Ribbeck adopts it. But 
the enumeration would be jejune, and the 
epithet ^dulcis' is tender and natural. 
Comp. 4. 33, G. 2. 523. « Natos ' presents 
a dimculty from the age of Sinon, who is 
said to have been sent to the war *' primis 
ab annis." v. 87 (note). The notion that 
Yirg. intentionally makee Sinon contra- 
dict himsclf is not to be thought of; 
while Henry*8 former interpretation * the 
sons and the father,' i. e. my father and 
his sons, is equally impossible, and not 
to be defended from 4. 605., 6. 116, where 
the oontext at once fixes the sense. Had 
there been any object in reculing * exop- 
tatamque,' we might have explained 
*parentem* with reteronce to *natos;* 
but the reverse process in a context like 
this is not so easy. Either we must sup- 
pose an oversight, or say that Sinon, 
though seut out ecurly (the time, as re- 
marked in note on v. 87, being pro- 
bably fixed with reference to the Koman 
age for servioe), may yet have been 

139.] * Fors et * is the reading of Med., 
Pal., and Gud., supported by Serv., who 
explains it ** forte et poenas," and says 
that others join *for8et,*a8 •forsit' or *for- 
sitan,' a variety which of course ofiers a 
further oonfirmation. Heyne supposes 
' et ' to have arisen from * at,* the old 
way of writing the common reEiding * ad,* 
which is recognized by Pomponius ; but 
in the absence of a more ancient autho- 
rity it seems more probable that *nd* 
was introduced fh>m tlie parallel passage 

8. 495, ^ Begeai ad rappHoiitm oommuBi 
Marte reposouDt,'* to avoid tiie dlfficul^ 
of the original text But ^^ad" and 
*'et" are oonfiued eliewhere, as in ▼. 
781 below, and perbapt in Gatull. 11. 11, 
** Gallicum Rhenam norribiltBque et ulti- 
mosque Britaanofl** (to MS. Dresd. ; the 
oldest copies omit ** ei *'), where ali per- 
plexity would be renoved by readin^ 
** GuIUcum Rhennm horribilem usque ad 
Hltimosque Britannot.'* Wagn. and 
Forb., who md * et,' tak» * poenas ' in 
apposition with * quot,' oonp. 6. 20 ; there 
however the straoture of the sentenM 
g^ves more soope for •ncfa a constructioa, 
which here eould only be explained by 
reference to the nee of 'Wivhs in Gre^. 
Had Virg. intended a Greoifm, we should 
probably have other instanoes of the kiod 
m his imitatcnv, suoh ae Silius, who in 
1. 677 has ** poecendum poenae iuvenem." 
There seenui no objection to the double 
aoc. after *repo0oo,' whioh is found 7. 
606, for Barm.*B remark, adopted by 
Hoyne, that the demand was i)ot oBe 
from, bnt of the family of Sinon, is 
equally good against the expression * po«- 
cere* or *repetere poenas ab aliquo,' 
which it is needless to •av is used whete 
the perBon'8 own llfe is the satisfaction 
demanded. *Poni et* if found 11. 50, 
Hor. 1. Od. S8. 31 ftc., Mid is doubtlets 
to be explained as an arcfaaic expression, 
*it may b#and' = *it may be that:* see 
below on t. 692. 

140.] **KefiMqiiae ^e piaret," below 
V. 184. 

141.] *Qiiod*i8 usnal in adjurations, 
6. 863, Hor. 1. Ep. 7. W, Ter. And. 1. 
5. 54. Grammatically it is of course tbe 
oognate or adverbial aoo. after * oro ; ' bnt 
we need not therefore take * miserere,' 
&c. as epexegetical of it, which is the 
view of Goesrau, oomp. 10. 903., 12. 81» ; 
as it may eaually weU stand for *' quBHi 
ob rem," and in the other passages whero 
it is used, as here, it comes in aftera 
Bontence tnpplying tfae considerations oa 
whloh tiie petition if based. * Yeri/ of 
truth, not as Tfaiel tfainks, of justice aiid 
right dealiog, Buoh as Sinon expeota 
from the TrG»|iaii. 



Per, si qua est, quae restat adbuc mortalibus usquam 
Intemerata fides, oro, miserere laborum 
Tantorum, miserere animi non digna ferentis. 

His lacrimis vitam damus, et miserescimus ultro. 145 
Ipse viro primus manicas atque arta levari 
Yincla iubet Priamus, dictisque ita fatur amicis : 
Quisquis es, amissos hinc iam obliyiscere Graios ; 
VNToster eris, mihique haec edissere vera roganti : 
Quo molem hanc inmanis equi statuere ? quis auctor ? 150 

142.] *Si qiia est' instead of an acc. 
4. 817., 6. 459., 12. 56. Forb. also comp. 
Soph. Phil. 469, irp6s t* «f ri crot /eor* oJk6p 
iirrt irpoiripiKis. ' Bestat:' Heins. reetored 
' restet,' the oorrected readiDg of Med., 
foiind also in PaL, Gud., and other MSS., 
and sanctioned by Serv. ; and Wagn. sup- 
ports it by a reference to v. 536, " si qua 
est caelo pietas, quae talia curei" ^Bestet ' 
alone however would bave no meaning 
afl expressing a purpose ; and to connect 
* restet ' with ' intemerata ' would injure 
the rhythm. *Si qua est, quae restat' 
appears to be a pleonasm, not unlike that 
in 6. 367, '* si qua via est, si quam tibi 
diva creatrix Ostendit." [* Athuc' Pal. — 
H. N.] Med. (first readmg) and others 
also read * umquam : ' but see 1. 604. 

143.] *Fides:* see on v. 541 below, 
•* inra ndemque Supplicis erubuit." 

144.] With ' animi non digna ferentis,' 
comp. 5. 751, ** animos nil magnae laudis 
egentis," where, as here, it is identified 
with a person. It would be poasible to 
separate * animi * from ^ferentis' and con- 
Btruct it with * miserere' (see on 6. 332) ; 
but this is not likely. 

145—198.] • We pity him, and Priam 
bids him explain the detdgn of the Greeks 
in building the borse. Ue vows fidelity 
to us, and declares that the horse is an 
offeriog to Pallas in exohange for the 
Palladium, and that by accepting it we 
may strike a fatal blow at our enemies. 
We, alas ! believe him.* 

145.] *His lacrimis:' to this tearful 
appeaL So **quo gemitu" of Sinon*8 
speech, v. 73. ' Ultro * seems to express, 
we not only grant his life to his tears, 
but oompassionate him, as * petere ultro ' 
is said of a man who not only maintains 
his rights, but acts on the offensive. 
Thns it may often be rendered * grotnit- 
ously.' So *♦ compellare ultro," to speak 
without having been first addressed. So 
Serv., **Non est vponte^ nam rogaverat 
Sinon, sed intuptr, £t venit ab eo quod 

est uUra: qnia plns quam rogaverat 

146.] Thecommon oonstruction in Virg. 
is **levare aliquem aliqua re," as E. 9. 
65, ** ego hoc te fasoe levabo." It may 
be doubted whether we have here that 
constmction reversed, the fetters being 
said to be relieved of the man, *viro' 
abl., or whether * viro* is dat., and * levari* 
has the force of being Ughtened or re- 

148.] * Amissos obliviscere ' for ** amitte 
atque oblivisoere," like ** submersasque 
obrue puppis," 1. 69, ** amittere " being 
used in its primary and earlier sense of 
•• dimittere " (*' quod nos dicimus dimit- 
tere antiqui etiam dicunt amittere" Donat. 
on Ter. Haut. 3. 1. 71), which, though 
mostly ante-classical, is found in Cic. 
(see Forc.). Sinon responds to the ap- 
peal V. 157 foll. by formally disoonnecting 
himself from all previons ties. [* lam 
hinc' Pal.— H. N.] 

149.] Serv. says that Livy gives ** quis- 
qnis es, noster eris," as the formula ac- 
tually used by a general in receiving a 
deserter from the enemy. *No8ter* is 
opposed to ** alienus " more than once in 
Plautus (MU. 2. 5. 21, Amph. 1. 1. 243), 
so that when Oicero (Q. Fr. 1. 1. 3)says 
** Halienus noster est cum animo et beni- 
volentia, tnm vero etiam imitatione vi- 
vendi," he doubtless intends a pun. 
Other instances quoted by Forc., wliere 

* noster * clearly beurs a similar sense, are 
Ter. Adelph. 5. 8. 28, Val. Fl. 2. 561. 

* Eris * is probably Virg.*8 own vanation 
for **esto:" at any rate the future is 
nsed in an imperative sense (Madv. § 384, 
obs.), so that there is no diffloulty about 
the coupling of ^eris' and *edis8ere.* 

* Mihique haec' &c : D. 10. 284, dAV iy^ 
fioi r6d€ €iwh KoH a,rp€K4ws irarcUc|oi', ad- 
dressed to Dolon. 

150.] 'Quo:' *to what end?' 4. 98., 
12. 879. * Molem equi : ' v. 32. * Auotor,' 
not builder, but adviser. 



Quidye petunt ? qnae religio ? aut quae machina belli ? 
4 Dixerat IUe, dolis instrQctns et arte Pelasga, 
Sustnlit exutas yinclis ad sidera palmas : 
Yos, aetemi ignes, et non violabile yestrum 
Testor numen^ ait, yos arae ensesque nefandi, 155 

Quos fugi, yittaeque deum, quas hostia gessi : 
Fas mihi Graiorum sacrata resolyere iura, 
Fas odisse yiros, atque omnia ferre sub auras, 
Si qua tegunt ; teneor patriae nec legibus ullis. 
Tu modo promissis maneas, seryataque seryes 160 

Troia fidem, si yera feram, si magna rependam. 

151.] *Qiiae religio ant <^Tiae maohina 
belli.* * Aut ' is striotly disjanotive, as 
the two qnestions involve inoompatible 
snppoeitions, — the one rererring to the 
atory spread by the Oreeks themaelves, 
tbe other to the suspiciona of Laocoon 
and otbers. It wonld be foroing * religio ' 
too maoh to interpret it * a religioob 
Offering;* but it may nevertheless be 
coupled with *machina,* both being re- 
garded as objects which the Greeks 
roight desire. In proee ** religionisne 
observandae, an machinae fabricandae 
caosa ? " ♦ Quae * is to be taken strictly, 

* What was the religious object (if re- 
ligious object there were)?' [8o Ti. 
Donatus **atrum religionis alicuius 
causa " : but Serv. explains * quae religio* 
more simply as = ** quae consecratio ? " 
who oonsecrated it ? (if oonsecrated it is ?) 
Literally, * what sanctity attaches to it? ' 
— H. N.] 

152.] With *doIis instructus' Heyne 
comp. II. 4. 339, KOKoiari 96XMuri iccicour- 
fi4y€. ** Artis Pelasgae " v. 106. 

154.1 *Aetemi ignes' of all the hea- 
venly bodies, as * ad sidera ' merely means 

* to heaven.* * Vos et vestrum numen : * 
pleonastic, like Lucr. 1. 6, **fngiunt . . . 
te nubila caeli, Adventumque tuum." 
Oomp. also 4. 27, **quam te violo aut 
tua iura resolvo." Markland ingeniously 
but needlessly conjeotured ^Vestae* for 

* vestrum * 

156.] See note on v. 134. 

157.] 'Fas est,' not ** sit," as * teneor ' 
showB. • I am free to break my oath of 
fealty to the Greeks.* [*8acrata iura,' 
according to Serv., is equivalent to 
** saoramentum," the military oath. 
Literally tbe words *sacrata Graium 
iura' mean the consecrated bonds or 
ties of allegiance imposed by the Greeks. 
Thu» *resolvere' is used of breaking 

a bond as in 4. 27, '«ante, Pudor, 
quam te violo aut tua iara resolvo." — 

158.] *Ferre sub auras,' iyttv ^ 
«dr/ds^ a phrase for which Forb. refers to 
Ruhnken on Timaeus, p. 265. Gomp. 
** sub divum rapiam " Hor. 1 Gd. 13. 13. 

159.] *Teneri legibus' is a phrase. 
Cic. Phil. 11. 5 oppoees it to **8olvi:" 
**Vopiscus . . . Bolvatur legibus, quan- 
quam leges eum non tenent." Generally 
it seems equivalent to **Iegibus oh- 
noxius esse," ** poena teneri " being also 
used. On the other hand in 12. 819, 
** nulla fati quod lege tenetur," and Ov. 
M. 10. 203, **quoniam fatali lege tene- 
mur," it appears to have the sense of 
** oontineri,** to be restrained. This mtght 
possibly be its foroe here, so as to restriot 
the reference of the words to the olaase 
immediately preceding, *I am free to 
reveal all secrets, nor does any law le- 
strain me ; ' but the other view seems 
more oonsistent with the soope of the 
passage as explained on v. 157, as well 
as witii ^enend usage. 

160.] *Promi8sis maneas,' 8. 643, more 
oommonly ** stare promissis." * In ' is 
generally added (see Foro. *maneo'), 
from which it appears that the case is 
local : and so the Greek ififi4ytiy. * Ser- 
vata serves fidem,* *preserve faith with 
thy preserver.' 

161.] * If I shall make a large retum 
(for life granted and protection assured).' 
Forb. and others call attention to the art 
with which Sinon'8 invooation and ap- 
peal are oonstructed, as if every part of 
them were oapable of double sense. But 
though his appeal to the sacrifice which 
he had escaped was a sham oath, the 
same cannot be said of the address to 
heaven ; and so we need not fancy that 
anything is intended here by the use 



OmDis spes Dananm et coepti fiducia belli 
Palladis anxiliis semper stetit. Impius ex quo 
Tydides sed enim scelemmqne inyentor Ulixes, 
Fatale adgressi sacrato ayellere templo 165 

Palladinm, caesis summae cnstodibus arcis, 
Corripnere sacram effigiem, manibnsqne cmentis 
Virgineas ausi diyae contingere yittas, 
Ex illo fluere ac retro snblapsa referri 
Spes Danaum, fractae yires, ayersa deae mens. 170 

Nec dubiis ea signa dedit Tritonia monstris. 

of 'ei/ 'feram' ftnd 'repepdam' being 
pUdnly fatores. The irony is merely ihat 
ef general hypoorisT. 

162.] * Goepti fidaoia belli,' eqaiTalent 
to **fiaacia qoa bellam inoepenmt" 

16S.] The oonstmction is not 'stetit 
aaziliit ' fbr '* stetit in aaxiliia " (comp. 1. 
646), which is Heyne'8 yiew, bat *stetit 
aaxiliis,' * stood by the aid,' * was kept 
up by the aid.' Livy 8. 7, " disciplinam 
militarem, qaa stetit ad hano diem Bo- 
manaMB." Id. 45. 19, ** regnum . . . fira- 
tema stare concordia." So **Di qaibus 
imperiam hoo steterat," y. 352. See also 
note on y. 169. 'Impius,' already im* 
pioas, as having wounded Venus and 
Mars (Forb.X — an interpretation required 
by * scelerum inyentor.* 

164.] *Sed enim' 1. 19, note. *8eele- 
rum inyentor,' like **artifiois scelus" y. 
125, of Ulysees as a designer, as ** horta- 
tor soelerum " 6. 529 of his powers of per- 

165.] ' Adgressi ayellere,' 6. 583. The 
story of tbe Palladium was yariously told; 
the main points howeyer seem to be that 
its importanOe as one of the ohfurms 
which rendered Troy impregnable became 
known to the Greeks tiirough Helenus, 
and that Diomed and Ulyssee made 
their way to the oitadel by a secret pas- 
sage and took the image, quarreliing 
about it on their road home. Its sup- 
posed poesession by the Bomana was 
aooounted for in different ways, some 
saying that Diomed restored it to Aeneas 
in Italy (see on 3. 407), others that it 
was neyer taken by the Greeks, but hid- 
den by the Trojans, and discoyered by 
the Romans during the Mithridatio war. 
But it forms no part of Virg.'s story, being 
merely alladed to again 9. 151. See 
&ery.'8 note on the present passage, and 
Heyne^s fixcursus, which treats ehiefly 
of the capture of the Palladium as repre- 

sented on gems. [Pal. has * aoyeUere.' — 

168.] * Yirgineas yittas ' seems to show, 
as Heyne remarks, that the figure was 
one of ** Pallas yittata," not of Palias 
with her helmet on. So the Vesta whioh 
Hector carries out y. 296 is ** Vesta yit- 
tata." But it is strange that, haying 
shield and spear, she should not also have 
worn her helmet For a somewhat similar 
difiSculty, see on 5. 556. 'Virgineas:' 
the fillets of yirgins were different from 
those of matrons. Diot A. * yitta.' Prop. 
5. 11. 34, ** Vinxit et aoceptasalterayitta 
oomas," of marriage. 

169.] See G. 1. 200, from which part 
of this line is repeated. The geneial 
notion is that of flowing away, as oppoeed 
to permanence, **st6tit" 163 (and so 
Ti. Donatus). So Cic. Orator 3, *• cetera 
nasci, occidere, fluere, labi, neo diutius 
esse uno et eodem statu." So too the 
philoeophical use of *fluere' in Lucr. 
e.g. 5. 280. The particular image it is 
difficult to fix, if indeed any definite 
image was present to the poefs mind. 
Perhaps that of a man carried off from 
his standing-ground ** in solido " (11. 427) 
by the reflux of a waye (** retrahitque 
pedes simul unda reLibens," 10. 307), and 
so bome back to sea, would oome nearest 
to it : but as the same words in the passage 
from the Georgios introduce a different 
image, though one excluded here by the 
eontext, it is aafer not to speak oonfidently. 
[The language reoalls Luor. 2. 69 **et 
quasi longinquo fluere omnia cemimus 
aeyo, Ex ocufisque yetustatem subducere 
nostris,"— H. N/) 

171.] ** Ea signa dedit : eius rei signa 
dedit, id significavit." Forb. Wagn. re- 
fers to 4. 237 ** hic nuntius," 7. 595 ** has 
poenas," 12. 468 ** hoo metu." The prin- 
ciple is the same as has been illustrated 
in the oase of ** qui " (E. 1. 53, Ac), aud 



Yix positum castris simalacrum : arsere coruscae 

Luminibus flammae arrectis, salsusque per artus 

Sudor iit, terque ipsa solo — mirabile dictu — 

Emicuit, parmamque ferens hastamque trementem. 175 

Extemplo temptanda fuga canit aequora Calchas, 

Nec posse Argolicis exscindi Pergama telis, 

Omina ni repetant Argis, numenque reducant, 

Quod pelago et curvis secum avexere carinis. 

Et nunc, quod patrias vento petiere Mycenas, 180 

"uUus" (E. 10. 12). *Nor were the 
portentB dubious by which ahe gave signs 
of her anger.* 

172.1 * v ix ' 18 sometimes as here, 3. 90 
&o., followed by aclause without any oon- 
necting particle, sometimes by a olause 
with"que" or"et" (2. 692), raore fre- 
quently by a clause with " oum." 

173.] 'Arrectis,* raised in fury, just as 
1. 482 the goddess keeps her eyes on the 
ground in suUen displeasure: *'arrigere 
lumina," like "comas/* "auris," &o., being 
seemingly expressive of quicker motion 
than " erigere." * Salsus sudor,' probably 
from some old poet, like "salsae lacrimae" 
Att Med. fr. 15. Phin. fr. 7, Lucr. 1. 125, 
and " salsus sang^s," Enn. Cresph. fr. 8, 
Att. Epin. fr. 12. Inc. fr. 39. For the 
quality of saltness Forb. refers to Aristot. 
Prob. 2. 3. The force of the epithet here 
is to show the reality of the portent, as a 
proof of indig^ation. For the portent 
itselfseeG. 1.480. 

174.] *Ipsa,* of herself ; not the whole 
goddess, distinguished from the parts just 
enumerated, as Forb. thinks. 

175.] The clashing of the arms is pro- 
bably intcnded as weU astheirmotion, as 
Cerda remarks, comparing a passage of 
Philostratus De Heroicis, where the spirit 
of Ajax is said Bovriiaat roh 5ir\o(s oTov 
4y rcus fitixais eUeti. Oomp. G. 1. 474, 
A. 8. 526 foll. 

176.] *Canit' here of prophetio injunc- 
tions, as elsewhere of prophecies. [Livy 
7. 6 **id enim ille looo dicandum vates 
canebant." — H. N.] *Extemplo* pro- 
bably with *canit.* *Temptanda fuga 
aequora* seems to answer to **temptare 
Thetin ratibus" E. 4. 32. The dangers 
of the voyage have been already referred 
to V. 110. 

177.] *Ex8oindi telis' like " excindere 
ferro " 9. 137, and perhaps 6. 553, though 
there on the whole I have preferred 

178.] *Qmina repetant' referring to 

the Roman custom of retuming from the 
camp of the city for fresh auspices in oese 
of anything unlucky. Serv. ** Repetere 
auspicia " was the common phrase : see 
Drakenborch on Livy 8. 30, § 2. *Nu- 
men reducant * is explained by ** deos pa- 
rant comites," v. 181, to refer to the same 
thing, the bringing baok of fresh auspioes 
from Groeoe, not to the bringing back of 
the Palladium, which it is evident from 
the context tiiey had not oarried to 
Greece. The gods are put for the au- 
spices, as probably in 12. 286, **Pulsatos 
referens infecto foedere divos." If the 
army had actually had the gods with 
them, as Aeneas the Penates, it is difficult 
to see why they should have gone back 
to Greeoe. *Numen' of an indication 
of the divine will vv. 123 above, 336 
below, 3. 363., 7. 119 (where it might 
be exchanged for **omen"), 9. 661., 
11. 232. 

179.] * Pelago et oarinis,* over the sea 
and in ships, the oopula being introduced 
to connect two different but equally ad- 
missible constructions, **pelago vehere" 
and **carini8 vehere.*' So probibly Aesch. 
Gho. 557, d6\<p T€ Koi \Ti4>06iariy 4it ra^f 
fip6xV' * Avexere,* from Greece to Troy, 
at the beginning of the expedition. The 
mood would more regularly have been the 
subj., but Virg. hns retumedto theoratio 
recta. Some inferior MSS. have *ad- 
vexere,* which was the reading before 
Heins. ; two give * adduxere.* 

180.] V. 25 above. *Quod petiere' is 
explained by Munro on Luor. 4. 885 as a 
peculiar use of * quod,' denoting the effect 
rather than the oause, * the reason why 
they have sailed &c. is,* a use found also 
in Lucr. 1. c, Ov. 3 Amor. 5. 39 foll. The 
instances given by Madv. § 398 b, obs. 2. 
e. g. "quod scribis te . . . ad me venturumy 
ego vero te istio esse volo " Cic. Fam. 14. 
3, are of the same Mnd. Madv.'s ex- 
planation, *as to the fact that,' will apply 
to all the passages equally, as it will to 



Anna deosque parant comites, pelagoqne remenso 
Inprovisi ademnt Ita digerit omina Calchas. 
Hanc pro Palladio moniti, pro numine laeso 
Effigiem statuere, nefas quae triste piaret. 
Hanc tamen inmensam Calchas attoUere molem 185 

Boboribus textis caeloque educere iussit, 
yfi^e recipi portis, aut duci in moenia posset, 
I Neu populum antiqua sub religione tueri. 
Nam si vestra manus violasset dona Minervae, 
Tum magnum exitium — quod di prius omen in ipsum 190 
Convertant ! — Priami imperio Phrygibusque futurum ; 
Sin manibus vestris vestram ascendisset in urbem, 
Ultro Asiam magno Pelopea ad moenia bello 

Liicr.2.532.,6.740. Comp. alBO Prop. 5, 6. 
49, *^ Quodque vehunt prorae Gentaurica 
saza minantes, Tigna cava et piotos ex- 
periere metus." In eaoh case the speaker 
18 adverting to some faot which he feels 
himself called upon to meet [Munro 
in his third edition adds Cic. Att. 12. 18 
a 2, O?. Trist. 3. 1. 13, Am. 1. 13. 33.— 
H. N.] 

181.] Note on v. 178. 'They are fur- 
nishing themselves with fresh forces and 
fresh auspioes : ' they are either in Greece 
doing 80 at this moment, or on a voyage 
of which that is the object. 

182.] *Inprovi8i aderunt:' Serv. says 
well '* Verum metum falso metu abigit, 
ut dum reversuros timent non timeant ne 
non abierint." * Digerit omina,' arranges 
the omens, perhaps with reference to the 
* sortes ; ' hence expounds the omens in 
order {i^Trr^^^Oi explains the routine 
which must be followed to propitiate the 
gods and ensure success. The word is 
U8ed 3. 446 of the Sibyl. For *omina' 
here and in v. 178. some inferior MSS. 
have *omnia,' which in this passage at 
least was for some time the oommon read- 
ing, and is supported by Canon. Oanter 
appears to have restored * omina * here on 
conjecture, and Stephens in the former 
pastfage, before Ueins. introduced it from 
tUe MSS. 

183.] » Moniti/ by Calchafl. * Pro nu- 
mine laeso,' not in exchange for the vio- 
lated statue, but to make amends for the 
offence to the divinity, as in 1. 8. 

185.] ^Tnmensam' to be taken with 
•attollere,' * to rear in vast bulk.' 

186] *Ca©lo eduoere' 6. 178. Comp. 
6. 2. 188, "editus austro" and note, 
though *» anstro " = " ad austrum " bears 

rather a different sense from 'caelo' = 
** ad oaelum." For * roboribus textis ' see 
on V. 112 abovo. 

187.] * Aut ' connects * duoi ' with * re- 
cipi,' as expressing mere varieties of de- 
tail, while ooth are ooupled with * tueri ' 
by * neu,' to express two different points 
of view. *Po88et' Pal., Gud., *possit' 
fragm. Vat, Med., Priscian p. 1028. 
Bibbeck soems right in restoring the 
imperf. as the more regular. The words 
are constantly confounded (see on 6. 754), 
and here, as Wagn. remarks, ** inssit ' at 
the end of the preoeding line may have 
oaught the transcriber^s eye. 

188.] *Antiqua sub religione,' the 
ehelter of the worship of Pallas, as secur- 
ing proteotion to the worshippers. So 
when the city is to be taken, the gods 
depart,v. 351. 

189.] *Viola88et' noto v. 94, *dona' 
note V. 36. 

190.] * Omen,' augury. The denuncia- 
tion of ruin however would itself be a bad 
omen ; so Sinon ever in repeating it thinks 
it necessary to pray that it may recoil on 
its author. * Prius,' ere it reaches you. 
[* DU ' Med. and Pal.— H. N.] 

192.] *Ascendi8set' may refer both to 
Burmounting the walls, v. 237, and to 
entering the oity and beingloUged in the 

193.] * UltK),' note v. 145 ; not merely 
repel the invaders, but retaliate. Comp. 
11. 296, ** ultro Inachias venisset ad urbes 
Dardanus, et versis lugeret Graecia fatis,". 
where the language is exaotly parallel. 
* Asiam magno bello : ' the terms are 
chosen so as to convey the meaning that 
the new war against Greece will be as 
great as the old against Troy. Not uq- 



Yentaram^ et nostros ea fEtta manere nepotes. 

Talibus insidiis perioriqtie arte Sinonis 
Credita res, oaptiqne dolis lacrimisqne ooactis, 
Quos neque Tydides, nec Larissaeus Achilles, 
Non anni domuere decem, non mille carinae. 

Hic aliud maius miseris multoque tremendum 


likeis Hor. 1 Ep. 2. 7, ''Graeoia Bar- 
bariae lento oonliBa dueUo." 

194.] Comp. 3. 505, "maneat nostros 
ea oura nepotes." The sense here ie that 
Troy wae to invade Greece in the next 
generation, as the Epigoni invaded The- 
bes where their fathere had fallen. * Ea 
fata,' **nMgniina exitium ** v. 190. 

195.] * Talibns insidiis,* tbe instrum. 
abl. In prose "talibus insidiis e£fectum 
est ut res crederetur." 

196.] ["'Credita res,' aut fides habita, 
aut commissa res publica." 8erv. — H. N.] 
* Goacti,' the old reading before the time 
of Heins., supported by Gud. corrected 
and othere, and the MSS. of Nonius,p. 253, 
is more euphonious: but ^ooactis,* which 
is found in the best extant MSS., and 
was read by Serv. and perbaps Ti. Dona- 
tus, is much more foroible, and is oon- 
firmed by imitations in Ov. 1 Amor. 8. 83, 
** discatit oculi lacr.mare coacti," and 
Juv. 13. 133, " vexant oculos umore 
coaoto,'* and was possibly itself imitated 
firom Aesch. Ag. 794, i.y4\airra irp6<rmra 

197.] *Tydides:' called already, 1. 96, 
**Danaum fortissime gentis." [•Olariseus * 
Yat firagm. * Clarissaeus ' originally Med. 
— H. N.] 

198.] «Mille oarinae' 9. 148. The 
round number 1000 for 1186 (the actual 
Bum in Hom.), hsd been alreadygiven bj 
Aesch. Ag.45, <rr6\ov *Apytlcov x^tovairaPy 
and othen. Gerda quotes a passage from 
Yarro, R. R. 2. 1, '*si, inquam, numerus 
non est ad amussim, ut non est, cum 
dioimus mille naves iisse ad Troiam, 
oentumvirale esse iudicium Romae." In 
the sentiment and form of the expres- 
Bion, Virg., as he remarks, may have 
imitated Hor. Epod. 16. 3, *' Quam neque 
finitimi," &a 

199 — 249.1 'Two monstrous serpents 
appear and aestroy Laocoon and his sons. 
We aocept the event as a token of the 
will of Heaven that we should admit the 
horse, wbich we forthwith draginto thecity 
with festive demonstrations.* 

199.] The story of Laocoon appeara to 
have been variously related. See Intro- 

dootion to this book. [Tzetzea on Lyoo- 
t^iron 347 makes Laoooon a priest of 
Poseidon: but aooording to Euphorion, 
Laoooon^ the priest of PoseMon, was 
Btoned to death soonafter the arrival of the 
Greeks. At the time of their departure 
another Laoooou, the priest of ApoUo 
was appointed by lot to saorifice to 
Poeeidon. **Hic,** continues Serv. from 
Euphorion, **piaoulum oommiserat . . . 
et ob hoo inmissis draconibus cum suis 
filiis interemptus esi Historia quidem 
hoo habet; sed poeta interpretatur ad 
Troianorum excusationem." Hyginus 
(p. 115 Sohmidt) also makes the Laocoon 
who was killed .by snakes a priest of 
Apollo, appointed by lot to saonfioe to 
Neptune : but gives a difi*erent oause for 
Apollo'8 anger against him. Evidently 
Virg. did not follow Euphorion here, any 
more than he did in the story of Sinon, 
whose part Euphorion, acoording to Serv. 
on V. 80, assigned to Ulysses. — H. N.] 
Of Sophocies* tragedy of Laocoon but very 
few fragments have been preserved : from 
one of them however (fr. 343, Nauck) it 
appeara that his story must have difiered 
from Virg.^s, as the fiight of Aeneas with 
his father and a body of Trojan emigfrants 
is distinctly mentioned, so tbat the hero 
of the play oan hardly have died before 
the taking of the oity. Serv. has a 
strange notioe of Bacchylides, who, he 
says, speaks of Laocoon and his wife, or 
the serpents which came from the Calyd- 
nae islands and were tumed into men 
(**in homines convorsis" might oonceiv- 
ably mean *attacking men'); but the 
paasage may be oorrupt. For fuller de- 
tails of these legends see Heyne*s Exonr- 
sus. An interest of a diflferent kind is 
given to the story by Lessing^s oelebrated 
treatise. [Med. writes * Laucoon,' an 
orthography perhaps intended to represent 
the digamma which Priscian (p. 709 P.) 
atteste. Serv. remarks on the alliteration 
*maius miseris multoque,* and adds 
** apud veteres a similibus incipere vitio- 
sum non erat.*' With this line Henry 
comp. Od. 4. 698 4\\A iro\h fitlC^v re koI 
ipya\9^€poy &AAo. — ^H. N.] 



Obicitur magis, atqne inproyida peotora torbat. 200 

Laocoon, ductns Neptnno sorte sacerdos^ 
SoUemnis taumm ingentem mactabat ad aras. 
Ecce antem gemini a Tenedo tranqnilla per alta — 
Horresco referens— inmensis orbibus angnes 
Licumbunt pelago, pariterque ad litora tendunt ; ao5 
MPectora quomm inter fluctus arrecta iubaeque 
Sanguineae superant undas ; pars cetera pontum 
Fone legit sinuatque inmensa volumine terga ; 

200.1 *Inproyida' refers generallj to 
the blmdnesB of the Trojans, not to their 
inabili^ to foresee this portent (Heyne) ; 
nor pTolepticaUj to its effeet in making 
them rosh on their doom (Wagn. ed. mi., 
Forb. &c). Comp. y. 54. * Pectora," the 
inteUect, as 1. 567. 

201.] * Dnctnfl sorte : ' a yarietj for 
**e]eotii8 ducta sorte." Comp. 1. 508, 
** Borte trahebat,*' and note. 80 in English 
a man is said to be drawn for the mmtia. 
8oph. Elect. 709, Ut avrobs ol rrroy/u^voi 
fipafiris KXiipois tf-wTiXay, a thoroughly 
Siophoclean expression, altered, likeothers 
of the sort, by Bome later critics. Berv. 

Suotes a fn^^ent of SaUnst, ''sorte 
uctos fusti necat," [and the phrase is 
also found in Gic. Rep. 1 § 51 ** si e vec- 
toribus sorte duotus ad gubemaoula aocee- 
serit," and in legal documents. — H. N.]. 
0>mp. also Tac. A. 1. 54., 13. 29. Herder 
(referred to bv Heyne) thought this de- 
scription partly suggested by H. 2. 805 
foll. ; but the resemblance is very slight. 
202.] * SoUemnis ad aras,' tbe altars 
where the customary sacrifices took place; 
Heyne, who oomp. "soUemnis Cirous" 
Ov. F. 5. 597, "soUemnia tbeatra," A. A. 1. 
133, "campus soUemnis" Claud. 6 Cons. 
Hon. 5. Hyginus makes him sacrificeon 
the shore according to the Homerio prao- 
tice, and this is probably Virg.'s meaning 
(comp. 8. 21, ** Caelioolum regi mactabam 
in litore taurum'*), as the subseqnent 
description suggests. 

203.] * A Tenedo: ' Quinctus Smymaeus 
and Lycophron Cass. 847 make them 
oome from the Calydnae, two islands near 
Tenedos, mentioned 11. 2. 677 with Cos. 
TL Donatus is doubtless right in saying 
that this symbolized the appearance <^ 
the enemy from Tenedos; but there 
seems no occasion, in default of any in- 
timation from the poet, to draw out the 
paraUel into detail, as Henry does, not 
only making the destruotion of Laoooon'8 
•ons and their father stand for tlie 

slaughter of the Trcrjans and the oyer- 
throw of their religion, but supposing 
that the morement of the serpents abreast 
represents the saUing of the ships to- 
gether, the erection of their flaming 
crests the signal from the royal galley, 
the floating of their hinder parts on the 
surfaoe the motion of the yessels in the 
rear, and lastly, their taking refuge nnder 
Palias* feet tne hostile settlement of 
Pallas herself on the oitadel, v. 615. 
* Gemini : ' the names of the serpents 
were actually giyen in the legend, among 
others by Sophocles. Tzetzes on Lyoo- 
phron L o. calls them Porces and Chari- 
t)oea, Lysimachus ap.Serv.Curiffis(?)and 

204.] ['Immensia* Pal.— H. N.] 

205.] *Lioumbunt:* with a notion of 
movement suppUed from the oontext. 

206.] * Angues iubati ' appear to have 
been unusual, if not prodigies. Cerda 
refers to Livy 43. 13 (15X ** in aede For- 
tunae anguem iubatum a compluribus 
visum esse," and to Plaut. Amph. 5. 1. 
56, **devolant angues iubati," of the 
serpents strangled by Hercules; aa also 
to Eur. Phoen. 820, <potyuco\6foio ^piKov 
Tos, which Virg. may have had in his mind. 
These orests seem to have been of actual 
hair, as Pindar, Pyth. 10. 47, spenks of 
them as <p6fiai, Piiny 11. 122 says 
**draconum oristas qui viderit, non re- 

207.] * Sanguineae : ' so the serpent In 
IL 2. 308 is M y&ra 9wpoiu6s. *Ezsnpe- 
rant,' the reading of but one late MS., 
found its way into the oommon texts, and 
was retained by Heins. and Heyne ; but 
the later editors have properly replaced 
' Buperant.' 

208.] *Legitpontum,'*skim8thedeep,' 
is not precisely parallel to 3. 127, 706, 
Ov. F. 4. 289, 566, where the notion is 
really that of picking the way among 
islands or sunk rocks, so that perhaps it 
had better be compared to * legere oram ' 



Fit sonitas spnmante salo. lamque arya tenebant, 

Ardentisqne oculos snffecti sanguine et igni, aio 

Sibila lambebant linguis vibrantibus ora. 

Diffugimus visu exsangues. Hli agmine certo 

Laocoonta petunt ; et primum parva duorum 

Corpora natorum serpens amplexus uterque 

Inplicat et miseros morsu depascitur artus ; 215 

Post ipsum, auxilio subeuntem ao tela ferentem, 

Corripiunty spirisque ligant ingentibus ; et iam 

Bis medium amplexi, bis coUo squamea circum 

Terga dati, superant capite et cervicibus altis. 

IUe simul manibus tendit divellere nodos, 220 

Perfusus sanie vittas atroque yeneno, 

Clamores simul horrendos ad sidera toUit : 

or * litus,' the motion of the serpentB aloDg 
the surfieu» of the water resembling that 
of a ship skirting the land. * Sinaat,' the 
oommon reading, Bupported by Pal., Med., 
and other MSS., ana bj Bery. is restored 
by Wagn. instead of * sinaant,' the read- 
ing of Heins. and Heyne, whieh Pierius 
found in some very old copiea. As 
Wagn. remarks, the nom. * para cetera ' 
is emphatic, opposing the Beoond part of 
the sentence to the first * Their heads 
and breasts are erect; the rest floats in 
Binuous waves along the aea.' 

209.] *Fit Bonitus:' caused by their 
rapid motion through the otherwise calm 
water. The dause oonfessedly relates to 
what goes before, not to what foUows ; so 
I have pointed accordingly. * Arva,' as 
Henry remarks, is the fleld inside the 
beach, where the altars seem to have stood. 

210.] * Suflfecti : ' a rare use of " sufficio," 
seemingly in the sense of ** inficio," with 
the notion of the process as taking place 
from beneath. Gic. Hortensius ap. Non. 
p. 386, " ut qui oombibi purpuram 
volunt, sufficiunt prius lanam medioa- 
mentis quibusdam,'' unless the word is 
there to be understood in its ordinary 
sense, ^subject,' or ^submit wool to the 
the operation of certain dyes.' The other 
instances given in Forc. are apparently 
from imitators of Virg. * Sanguine : ' oomp. 
4. 643., 7. 899, whero eyes glaring with 
excitement are called ** sanguineL" *8an- 

r'ne et igni,' which Ovid as usual oopies, 
8. 284 (quoted by Forb.), is a union of 
a physical cause with a metaphor. 

211.] *Vibrare,' of a serpenfs tongue, 
Luor. 3. 657. So *• micat," G. 3. 439. 
212.] * Visu/ at the aight, like ** aspectu 

Buo," Lucr. 1. 91. See v. 882. « Agmen,' 
of a serpent, G. 3. 423, A. 5. 90, where it 
is synonymous with **traotus;" here it 
expfesses not ouly the long column, but 
the march. * Certo ' contrasts with * dif- 
fugimus.' Lucan 9. 712, **Bemper recto 
lapsurus limite Genchris." 

213.] [*Laucoonta' Med. Seeonv.199. 
— H. N.] * Primum/ opposed to * post,' v. 
216. The names of Laocoon'8 sons are 
given by Hyginus as Antiphantes and 
Thymbraeus; by TheBsander (Pisander?) 
ap. Serv., aa Ethron and Melanthus. 
They were probably in attendanoe on 
their father offlcially, like the Gamilli at 
Bome (Dict. A. * Oamilli '). 

215.1 [*Implicat' Med. and Gud.— 
H. N.J * Depascitur artus.' G. 3. 458. 
Perhaps Virg. thought of 11. 2. 314, M* 
57« rohs 4k€€tvit fcar^trOtc Terpt^Sraj. 

216.] * Auxilio: ' either the instrum. abl. 
or the dative, as 1, 22, &c. In Quinct. 
Smymaeus, the father, though not de- 
stroyed himself, is deprived of power to 
help his sons. * Tela ferentem,'* 12. 565. 

217.1 *Spiris,' G. 2. 154., A. 12. 848. 

219.] * Gapite et cervicibus,' of the ser- 
peuts. Comp. **colla," v. 381. 

220.] * Simul— simul,' 1. 681. * Tendit 
— diveliere,' ** aqua tendit rumpere plum- 
bum," Hor. 1 Ep. 10. 20, of effort, almost 
like the frequentative ** temptat." 

221.] • Sanie — ^veneno : ' theee serpents, 
as being portentous, oombine the noxious 
powers of Beveral varietioB, devouring, 
fitrangling, and poiBoning. *Sanies,' of 
blood tainted by the venom, Lucan 9. 770, 
783, 794. *Vitta8,' to show oompletely 
the inefflciency of his priestly character to 
protect him. So v. 430. * Atro veneno/ 



Qualis mngituSy fagit cum saucius aram 
Taurus et incertam excussit cervice securim. 
At gemini lapsu delubra ad summa dracones 
Effugiunt saevaeque petunt Tritonidis arcem, 
Sub pedibusque deae clipeique sub orbe teguntur. 
Tum vero tremefaota novus per pectora cunctis 
Insinuat pavor, et scelus expendisse merentem 
Laocoonta ferunt, sacrum qui cuspide robur 
Laeserit et tergo sceleratam intorserit hastam. 


O. 2. ISO note, 8. 480. fSeir. remarks of 
this line **e8t interpositns yersus, nam 
potest toUi ealvo senBu."— H. N.] 

228.] It seems better, on a oomparison 
of E. 8. 85, to nnderfltand <*eet^' after 

• mugitoB * than to supply ** tollit," with 
Wagn. and Forb. ; but tne point is yerj 
doubtfuL It signifiee little whetber we 
make * mugitus * nom. sing. or pl. ; but 
' aualiB ' is said to be better supported by 
MSS. and grammarians, bo the sing. eeems 
ihe more probable, tbough inthese mattera 
the weight of external evidenoe must be 
yery slight The early oommentators 
rightly remark on the propriety of ^e 
simile of the buU, as suggestiog Uie saori- 
fioe in which Laoooon was engaged by a 
kind of tragio ^lpwr^la, The simile is 
partially imitated firom II. 20. 403, where 
the bull is being oflered to Poseidon. 
For a yiotim to esoape from the altar, 
or to beUow when struck, was a bad 
omen. Cerda refere to Ov. M. 7. 697, 
««mugitus yictima diros Edidit," and 
liiyy 21. 68, **immolanti ei yitulus iam 
ictus e manibus sacrificantium- sese cum 
proripuisset, multos oiroumstantis cruore 
respersit" See also y. 184, note. [Macrob. 
Sat. 4. 5. 8 quotes as foUows : s^ mugitus, 
yeluti fugit" &o.— H. N.J 

224.] * Incertam,' ill-aimed and so not 
fatal. "Certamha8tam,"11.767. **Certa 
aagitta," Hor. 1 Od. 12. 28. 

225.1 * Delubra ad summa ' is ezplained 
by what foUows, *saeyaeque petunt 
Iritonidis arcem,' the temple of Minerya 
being at the top of the arx, y. 136. 

226.] *EflUgiunt' to be joined with 

• lapsu/ i. q. ** elabuntur." • Diflugiunt ' 
is the reading of Med. and another MS., 
but the word probably came from y. 212, 
and haa no plaoe here, as it could only 
mean, *fly in diflerent directions;' 
whereas the story of the serpents seems 
to imply that they moved together Irom 
first to last, and the repetition of the 
word * gemini,' and the fact that they fiy 

VOL. n. 

tothe same spot,oonflrm the presump- 
tion. *Saeyae:' comp. 1. 479, **noa 
aeguae Palladis." 

227.] *Que,' plaoed as in E. 5. 67, G. 
8. 528. There seems to haye been a 
statue of Pallas in the arx besidea the 
Palladium, or possibly one was introduoed 
in its plaoe, as the worehip of the god- 
dess of course was still kept up. That 
the mention of it here is not a mere 
oyersight of Yirg.^s, appears fh>m the 
legend that Cassandra was dinging to 
Pallas' statue when dragged away by the 
lesser Aiax. See Heyne^s Excursus on 
Yesta, the Palladinm, and the Penates. 
Pallas' statues, as Heyne remarks, had 
sometimes a serpent ooiled at the feet, 
so that this part of the loRend is in 
keeping. In Q. Smymaeus tbe serpents 
yanish into the earth near the temple of 

228.] * Noyus : ' see note on G. 4. 857. 

229.] **Diyom metus insinuarit Pec- 
tora," Lucr. 6. 73, with whom the word 
** insinuo " is a fayourite, being used in a 
variety of oonstructions (see Munro on 
Luor. 1. 116). * Scelus ' may belong both 
to * expendisse ' and to * merentem,' the 
latter being in any case the more em- 
phatio word. * Scelus merentem ' oocurs 
again 7. 307. * Soelus expendisse ' is a 
brief expression for ** soeleris poenam ex- 
pendisse," as in 11. 258, like ** luere oom- 
missa," ** peccata," Ac, for ** luere poenam 
commissorum," &c., and the similar use 
of rlr€ir in Greek, e. g, Aesch. Cho. 435, 
iraTphs 8* irifjMtriv ipa riff^t, [Henry 
takes *scelus' to mean ** scelus poena- 
rum ; " the wiokedness or horror of the 
punishment, as if Virg. had said ** sce- 
lestas poenas." — ^H. N. J 

281.] * Laeserit ' and * intorserit ' rather 
than **laesi88et— intorsisset," because of 
* ferunt.' * Tergo * is not really inconsis- 
tent with *latu8,' y. 52, as it appears to 
be oo-extensive, and sometimes oonverti- 
ble, with ** tergus," 1. 872, Ao. 



Ducendum ad sedes simulacram orandaqne diyae 
Numina conclamant. 

Dividimus muros et moenia pandimus urbis. 
Accingunt omnes operi^ pedibusque rotarum 
Subiciunt lapsus, et stuppea vincula coUo 
Intendunt. Scandit fatalis machina muros, 
Feta armis. Pueri circum innuptaeque puellae 


232.] < Simnlacniin : * jtkf iyaXfia My 
OtXjcr-fiptor, Od. 8. 509. * Oranda numlna,' 
1. 666, note. 'Oranda,' not for "exo- 
randa," but in its natnral senae, thongh 
of oouree the Trojans hoped for a favour- 
able answer. The passage is apparentlj 
imitated ftrom Eur. Tro. 522 folL, quoted 
by Cerda, &r^ 8' Waff^v ^e^s . . . t<j8* 
Uphv iufdytrt ^Satrov *l\idbii itoywvti «c^pf. 

234.] [" In order te understand the pio- 
ture here presented, it must be bome in 
mind that the gatea of anoient oitieB were 
very small, little larger than our modem 
doors; and that the walls, which were 
high, were carried across over the gates, 
80 that there was no division of the wall, 
but onlj a hole or opening in the undi- 
vided wall, where the g&te stood. Bj 
the expression * dividimus muros,' there- 
fore, we are to understand that the Tro- 
jans enlarged the gate so as to make a 
complete division of the wall, viz., by 
breaking down that part of the waU over 
the gate on whioh the oontinuity of the 
waU depended:" Henry, who goes on to 
quote Plaut Bacchides 955 B. **qiuom 
portae Phrvgiae limen superam soindere- 
tur ; " the thM fatvin of Troy.— H. N.] 
*Moenia* appears to be the buildings 
within the * mnrus ' (" Moenia lata videt 
triplici cironmdata mnro," 6. 549), so that 
when a breaoh was made in the * murus ' 
(probably olose to the Scaean gate, so aa 
to enlarge it, as Heyne says), the * moenia ' 
would be laid open. Where used gene- 
rally the word seems nearly equiv^ent to 
the city, considered as a strong plaoe. 
So ** media per moenia duoit," 4. 74. 

285. ] This intransitive use of ' aocinRo ' 
is quite after the manner of Virg. ; but 
he does not use the word intransitively 
elsewhere, as in 11. 707 " te " is supplied 
£pom the previous clause. Non. p. 469 
quotes from Pomponius, ** dum ego re- 
vertor, age, anns, accinge ad molaa." 
The BaUiol MS. has *aocingunt se 
omnes.' In Quinot. Smymaeus and Try- 
phiodorus wheels are attached to the 
horses' feet, as made by Epeus. * Rotarum 

li^)BU8 :' rp6x»y $dff€is, Soph. El. 718. 

236.] ' Vincula intendunt,' like ** vin- 
oula tende," G. 4. 399, the verb itself not 
meaning *to bind,' but *to stretoh,' 
though it is frequently used in con- 
nexions where binding is spoken of; e. g. 
4. 506., 5. 403 (notes). So perhaps Aot 
Apost. 22. 25, &i 8i irpoir^ivav ahrhv rots 
Ifiatru We need not however suppoee the 
rope to have been twisted round the neck, 
but simply thrown over it (Forb. after 
Henry). *Stuppea vinoula:' K\»arrov 
iLfjuptfi6kots Xlvourt, Eur. Tro. 537. 

237.] *Scandit.' **Saltu super ardua 
venit Pergama," 6. 515, after Ennius, 
Alex. fr. 11, ** Nam maxumo saltu super- 
abit gravidus armatis equos, Qui suo 
partu ardua perdat Pergama," who per- 
hape followed Aesch. Ag. 825 foU., Tinrov 
v€o<ra6sf itffnt^<rrp6^os Acc^f, n^i}/i' 
hpoidtras &/ti^l HKudJBw ^6<rtv *tirepBopiov 8^ 
ir6pyov itfiriar^s \ivv. In that case a fact 
has probably been created out of a meta- 
phor, as Virg. evidently means that the 
horse was heaved over broken walls. 
[***Fatalis,' mortifera," Serv.— H. N.] 

238.] *Feta armis:' Eur. Tro. 11, 
iyK^fuiv* tintov rwx^w, Besides the pas- 
sage just quoted from Ennius, Lucr. 1. 
476 has **Neo clam durateus Troianis 
Pergama partu Inflammasset eoas noo- 
turao Graiugenarum." KoiKov \6xoVf Od. 
4. 277., 8. 515, is of course the lurking- 
plaoe, but it is jnst possible that Eur. 
may have misunderstood it, as he cer- 
tainlv has misnnderstood the epithet 
Zovpireos (comp. Od. 8. 493, 507, with 
Eur. Tro. 14). But the metaphor is 
natural enough. *Pueri:' the desorip- 
tion, as Gerda remarks, is probably taken 
from the Roman **ten8ae" (Diot A.), 
which were escorted by senators and 
boys (** patrimi " and ** matrimi") laying 
hold of the tracee, to let go which was 
profanation. Mr. Eeightley, in a com- 
munioation to me, remarks a further pro- 
priety in tbe faot that the ** teusae " pr' 
oeeded from and returaed to the Oapit ^ 
which would answer to the ** arx '* he 



Sacra cannnt, funemqne mann oontingere gaudent. 

lUa subit, mediaeqne minans inlabitar nrbi. 240 

patria, o divom domus Ilima, et incluta bello 

Moenia Dardanidum I quater ipso in limine portae 

Substitity atque utero sonitum quater arma dedere ; 

Instamus tamen inmemores caecique furore, 

Et monstrum infelix sacrata sistimus arce. 245 

Tunc etiam fatis aperit Cassandra futuris 

Ora^ dei iussu non umquam credita Teucris. 

Nos delubra deum miseri, quibus ultimus esset 

Hle dies, festa velamus fronde per urbem. 

The woid is suppofsed to be derived frcm 
•• teudo " (*• a tensis ▼iDculis "), whicb, if 
tnie, or if conBidered so by Yirg., would 
give additional propriety to the use of 

* intendaDt ' here. 

239.] Heyne comp. Enr. Tro. 527 foU. 
' Sacra ' is ezplained by ' canont,' as i q. 
** sacra carmina." 

240.] * Minans,' 1. 162 (note> • Urbi,' 
better taken with 'inlabitnr' than with 

* minans,' becanse of • mediae.' 

241.] Oopied, acoording to Serv., fh)m 
Ennius. Ueyne thinks the reference ia 
to Enn. Andr. fr. 9, ♦* O pater, O patria, 
O Priami domns.'* ' Divom domus : ' see 
▼. 351. The exclamation is wrung from 
Aeneas as he thinks of the waming 
given juat as the destmction of the aty 
was about to be aseured, and of the blind- 
ness which missed this laet opportunitj 
of efcape. We may be reminded of 
Clarendon'8 wordB at the end of his nai^ 
rative of the abortive attempt of Hamp- 
den, Cromwell, &c., to leave England: 
^ 8o near came this poor country to its 
deliverance." [* Divum ' Med. and Pal. 
-H. N.] 

248.] * Substitit : ' as they were pulling 
it over the breach. Stumbling on the 
threehold was regarded a8 a reason for 
paufling in an imdertaking (Weidner 
oomp. Ov. M. 10. 452, Id. 1 Triflt 8. 55, 
TibuU. 1. 3. 19), 80 that Virg. means that 
the omen onght to have wamed them, as 
weU as the actual sound of the armour. 

244.] ' Inmemoree,' not taking thought, 
a aense which the word approaches in 
many other passages, though there is 
generaUy a notion of the thing neglected 
as having been previously in the mind, 
vhich here seems hardly to be the case. 
omp. the U8e of **memorare" for to 

ke mention of. [Serv. quotes from the 
ent form of prayer U8^ against their 

enemies by the Bomans when going to 
war, *' eique populo civitati metum for- 
midinem obHvionem iniciatis." The 
whole of this is given by Maorobius S. 3. 
9. 7 foU.— H. N.] 

245.] ♦Monstrum,* of anything por- 
tentous, as of Polyphemus, 8. 658. * In- 
felix,' inauspicious. 

246.] * Etiam,' not, * then, as oAen be- 
fore,' but ' besides our other wamings.' 
♦Fatis futuris' seems to be either a 
dative, ' for a wamiag of the future,' or 
an abl. of the manner. See on G. 4. 452, 
where perhaps I have gone too far in 
saying tbat the balance inolines to the 

247.] Henry rightly takes *credita' 
with *ora,' arguing m>m the emphatic 
position of *ora,' as well as from the 
greater poeticalness of the expression, 
and quoting Ov. M. 15. 74, "primus 
quoque (Py^agoras) talibus ora Docta 
quidem solvit, sed non et credita verbis," 
which also seems to show that * fatis ' is 
tbe abl. * Those lipe, which were doomed 
never to be believed.' 

248.] * Quibns,' &c, not oonnected with 
* miseri,' * wretched, inasmuch as that day 
was our last,' but * though that day was 
our last : ' ** a relative propoeition, con- 
taining an antithesis to the leading pro- 
tion," Madvig, § 866. 3. 

249.] *Velamu8' for "ooronamus," 8. 
405, 545., 5. 72, &c., the festoons being 
thidc and long, so as to cover the altar. 
So KaToaielovs Aesoh. Supp. 345 {Kkdiois 
KwrdffKiop rt6oirfty v. 335) answers to 
4<rr€tifi4mp iu the line before. Henry 
compares 3. 25, *' ramis tegerem ut firon- 
dentibus aras." «Festa fronde,' 4. 459, 
where it is joined with "velleribus 
niveis," alao of the decorations of a 
temple. It seems equivalent to " sertis " 
(Dict. A. 'serta'). See 1. 417. li 1. 



Vertitur interea eaelum et ruit oceano Nox/ 250 

Involyens umbra magna terramque polumque 
Myrmidonumque dolos; fusi per moenia Teucri 
Conticuere ; sopor fessos complectitur artus. 
Et iam Argiva phalanx instructis navibus ibat 
A Tenedoy tacitae per amica silentia lunae 255 

Litora nota petens, flammas cum regia puppis 
Extulerat, fatisque deum defensus iniquis 

The leaves seem to have been of yarions 
kindfl, such aa laurel, olive, ivy, myrtle 
(the last of which is named 3. 23), vary- 
ing acoordine to the god whose temple 
was decorated. 

250—267.] * At night, while we were 
asleep, the onemj^s fleet retums from 
TenedoB. Sinon opens the horBe, and a 
junotion is eflTected.^ 

250.1 ' Yertitur interea caelum : ' from 
Enn. A. 218. * Ruit,' oomes up, 6. 539., 
8. 369., 10. 256. The conception of night 
rifling from the ocean seems to be due 
partly to the sun'B Betting in the ocean 
(II. 8. 485, which Maorob. 5. 5 oonsiderB 
the original of the preaent ]ine, 4v 8* 
llirc<r* &Kfou'f Xofivphp <l>dos ^c^(oio "EAicof 
y^KTa fA€\aiyay ^irl (^i^ofpov ipovpav), 
partly to the dewB of night (11. 201, 
**nox umida donec Invertit oaelum''). 
The rhythm Is from Od. 5. 294, 6p<i,pti 8* 
ohpav66tv yi;|. 

251.] The spondeeB ezpress solemnity, 
and BO the terminations ^ umbra,' *magna.' 
PMagnam' Pal. and originally Gud. — 

252.] ' Myrmidonumque dolos,' becanse 
the same night whioh hid earth and sky 
was favourable to Btratagem. *Pusi,' 1. 
214, note. 

255.1 ['Conplectitur'PaL— H.N.] 

254.] The fleet was on its way when 
the royal ship hoisted the signal to Sinon. 
'Phalanx' seems to mean the army, 
which * ibat instmctis navibus,' sailed in 
order. So Wund. But there may also 
be a comparison implied between the 
naval array and the array of a phalanx. 
"Argivae phalanges," 12. 544. "Ter 
denis navibus ibant," 10. 213. 

255.] 'Silentialunae' has been under- 
stood in two opposite ways — ^the moon 
quietly shining, or there being no moon 
as yet ; for that tbe moon did rise appears 
from V. 340 — in the one case the silence, 

latter view, whioh Beems to have origi- 
nated with Politian, Miscell. 100, is ap- 
parently snpported by the phrase ** luna 
Bilens" (ezplained by Milton, Samson 
Agonistes, "dark And silent as the 
moon, When she deserts the night, Hid 
in her vacant interlunar cave "), for in- 
stanoes of which see Forc. ; the words 
however must then be understood im- 
properly,to signify the temporary absence 
of the moon, unless we suppose that Virg. 
forgot himself in v. 340, and argue ttom 
w. 335, 360, that the night was meant to 
be a dark one. On the other hand the 
former view is supported by all the tra- 
ditions of the taking of Troy, which is 
expressly stated to have happened on 
the full moon of the seventh month, and 
the expression may well be a variety, as 
Heyne says, for "silentia noctis" (as 
Hor. Ep. 5. 51, quoted by Gerda, has 
** Nox et Diana qnae silentium reg^s "), 
even if we do not go farther, and suppose 
Yirg. to have intended the doudless tran- 
quillity of the moonlight, " silente caelo 
serenisqne noctibus " (Pliny, 18. 29), to be 
the circumstance which befriended the 
Greeks. The old punctuation, whioh 
Wagn. altered, placed a oomma after 
* lunae.' 

257.] * Extulferat * is rightly nnderstood 
by Forb. of instantaneous action, being 
in fact the past tense of the quasi-present 
" extulit." See on E. 1. 24, and oomp. A. 
10. 262, an exact parallel, wbere ** iamque 
habet . . . cum extulii," answers to * et 
iam ibat . . . cum extulerat' here. To 
understand the words to mean *■ after the 
signal for moving had been given to the 
fleet,' which is the view of most other 
commentators, would require, I think, 
according to the usage of Virg., " post- 
quam" or "ntextulerat." *Eegia;' Agt 
memnon'8 ship. The legends spoke o^ 
signal-torch held up witnin the city 
Sinon, or by Antenor, who ther^i 

jrUlU V. irtV— 411 WJIO WUC VCM>0 fcUC OIA^UW, I^AUV/U, VJ. WJ AJ 

in the other the darkneas, being aBSumed opened the horse. In 6. 517 this ix, 
as favourable to the undertaking. The is said to have been given by 



Inclusos utero Danaos et pinea furtitn 

Laxat claustra Sinon. Illos patefaotus ad auras 

Beddit equus, laetique cavo se robore promunt 260 

Thessandrus Sthenelusque duces et dirus Ulixes, 

Demissum lapsi per funem, Acamasque, Thoasque^ 

Pelidesque Neoptolemus, primusque Machaon, 

Et Menelaus, et ipse doli fabricator Epeus. 

Invadunt urbem somno vinoque sepultam ; 265 

Caeduntur vigiles^ portisque patentibus omnis 

* Fatifl deum ' 6. 376, note. * Defensua : ' 
from the Troians, who might otherwise 
have Biirpnsea him in his act of treachery. 

258.] ' DanaoB et olaastra laxat : ' a 
zeuema; eete free the Greeks from their 
connnement (like "quieB laxaverat artus," 
5. 857), and opens the closed doors of the 
horse(like '*laxant arva sinns*' G. 2. 331, 
and the nseof xaXai^in Greek, yvpatKtlovs 
ir6Kas MoxAois x^^'''^* Aesoh. Cho. 878). 
*Pinea,*v. 16. 

259.] * Auras,' open daylight, as in 4. 
388, note. 

260.] Gd. 8. 515, hnrSetp iKx^fitroi, 
Koi\oy \6xop iKwpo\iir6irr€S. 

261.] *ThesBandru8:' * Tisandrus ' was 
theold readingfSupported hy some inferior 
MSS. The Greek form is B4pffav9pos. 
Most of the lesB known names here and 
elsewhere are greatly varied- in the dif- 
ferent MS8. Thessander, unknown to 
Homer, is suppoBod to be identical with 
a son of Polynioes of that name, whom 
other legends represented as slain by 
Telephus at the Deginning of the war. 

* Sthenelus,' II. 2. 564, &c, ' Ducob,' as 
coming out flrst. For *diruB* Macrob. 
read * dios,' which he quotes Sat. 5. 17 as 
a proof of Virg.*B addiction to Greek 
words; and so fragm. Vat. originally 
'divns.' [Serv. and Ti. Donatus are 
sUent. — ^H. N.] Others give * durus,* as 
in V. 7 above. But it is evident that in 
a oontext like this * dirus ' (with whioh 
comp. ** dira Olaeno " 8. 211) is far 

262.] * Demissum lapsi per funem ' re- 
fers of coiirse to aU mentioned, like ** ob- 
lati per lunam," v. 340, which, as Forb. 
remarks, is similarly introduced. ' Aca- 
maB,' alBO unknown to Homer, son of 
TheaeuB, and brother of Demophoon. 
The early edd. and Charisius p. 351 have 
'Athama&' *Achamas' Med. <Tboa8' 
II. 2. 638. Ac. [* Labsi ' Med.— H. N.] 

263.] ' Primus ' has not yet been satis- 
factorily explained, aa it is weak to take 

it"inter primos" with Heyne; and to 
sappose that the man who was actually 
meant to come out first would be named 
seventh in a oompany of nine, is to sup- 
pose an abuse of language, though Val. 
Fl. 4. 224 iB quoted as applying the epi- 
thet "prior" to the person mentioned 
last in order. If it be thought that ^pn- 
mus' in the present connexion (which 
Henry oompares with v. 32) can bear no 
otber meaning than first in order, it 
might perhaps be better to plaoe a colon 
after * Neoptolemus,' and connect * pri- 
musque Machaon,' &c. with • invadunt,' 
at the risk of Beeming to make a distinc- 
tion without a difference between those 
who oome out of the horse and thoee who 
rush on the city. On the other hand, 
it can hardlv be an epithet proper to 
Machaon independently of the present 
passage, unless it be conoeivable that 
Virg. misunderstood something in his 
authorities, e. g. H. 11. 505, iravatv hpia- 
Tf^ovra Maxdovay iroifi4ya \aay. Possibly 
the word may be corrupt, though the 
MSS. do not appear to vary. [Henry 
now takes * primus ' as = foremost, most 
prominent; comparing Sil. 7. 86, **nec 
non et proprio venerantur Pallada dono, 
Phoebumque, armigerumque deum, pri- 
majnmte Dionen." — H. N.] 

264.] *Doli,' note on v. 36. *Epeus' 
or * Epius ' seems the natural Latin form 
of 'ETfi6s (comp. **Epeum fumifloum," 
Plaut. quoted by Varro L. L. 7, p. 324, 
** Epiust Pistoclerus," Id. Baooh. 4. 9, 
13, cited by Laohm. on Lucr. 3. 374), 
though the first-class MSS. and gram- 
marians Beem to be divided between 
*Epeos,' *EpioB,' and *Epaeos.? He is 
mentioned II. 23. 608, in the boxing- 
match, and Od. 8. 493, as maker of 
the horse. 

265.] *• Vino domiti somnoque sepulti" 
occurs in Enn. A. 8, **morbo adfectis 
Bomnoque Bepultis" Lucr. 1. 133. Oomp. 
A. 3. 630., 6. 424., 9. 189. 



Accipiont socios atqne agmina conscia iangunt. 

Tempns erat, quo prima quies mortalibiis aegris 
Incipit et dono divam gratissima serpit : 
In somnis, ecce, ante oculos maestissimus Hector 270 
Yisus adesse mihi, largosque effundere fletus, 
Baptatus bigis, ut quondam, aterque cruento 
Pulyere, perque pedes traiectus lora tumentis. 
Ei mihiy qualis eratl quantum mutatus ab illo 
Hectore, qui redit exuvias indutus Achilli, 275 

Vel Danaum Phrygios iaculatus puppibus ignis ! 
Squalentem barbam et concretos sanguine crinis 

267.] * langnnt (sibi) : ' 4. 142, •* Infert 
86 sooium Aeneas, atque agmina iungit*' 

268—297.] * Hector appears to me in a 
yision, tellB me idl is over, and bids me 
fly yfiih the national goda of Troy, which 
he places in my hands.' 

268.] * Prima quies,' 1. 474. ♦ MortaU- 
bos aegris,' G. 1. 237 (noteX where 
**manere diTnm" answers to ^dono divum* 
here,mortal8 being characterized in their 
relation to the gods. The epithet here is 
general, but it is meant to excite sympa- 
thy for the Trojans, betrayed mhile en- 
joying the relief which kind nature gives 
to over-toiled mortulity. 60 y. 253, and 
6. 520. Contiast Aesch. Ag. 836, &s S* 
tviaifunrts *A(p6\cucrotf cdS^outrt ira<rar 
€b^p6v7ir, of the first tranquil sleep en- 
joyed by the yiotors after a ten years* 
siege, unbroken by watohings, and unmo- 
lested by the cold airs of heayen. 

269.] * Dono : * probahly abl., not, as 
in E. 2. 37, datiye. * Gratissima ' answers 
to * prima ' in the former clause : **prima 
eademque gratifiBima." Forb. nghtly 
places a oolon rather than a foll stop 
after * serpit,' to show that tbe next yerse 
is dosely connected with y. 268. * It was 
the time of first sleep, when I saw,' &o. 
See notes on yy. 184, 172. [«Diyom' 
firagm. Vat.— H. N.] 

270.] Gerda is no doubt right ia ^g- 
gesting that Yirg. thought of the appari- 
ti(Hi of Homer to Ennius, whioh we imow 
to haye been reoorded at the beginning 
of that poefs Annals. 'Yisus adesse' 
oomes frem Enn. A. 6, ** yisus Homerus 
adesse poeta," and ** Ei ndhi, qualis erat 1 " 
y. 274, doubtless is to be referred with 
Yahlen and Ilberg to the same passage, 
as Sery. says of it, •* Ennii yersus." It 
appears too from Luor. 1. 125 that the 
apparition of Homer shed tears, ^'lacrimas 
enundere salsas Coepisse." In Q. 23. 

105, the spectre of Patroclus stands all 
night by the oouch of Acbilles, yo6€Mrd 
Tc fivpofi4ni Tf. 

272.] Henry seems right in restoring 
the old punctuation, so as to make * ut 
quondam ' parenthetical, instead of con- 
necting it with 'raptatus bigis.' Hector 
appears * raptatus,' baving b^n dragged, 
i. e. tom by dragging, disfigured with 
dust, and with his feet bored. So in 1. 
483 the body, when ransomed by Priam, 
is represented as in a mangled state, as 
the difference between the tenses shows. 
' Ater ' may refer to the blood as well as 
to the dust, 3. 33. The dust is from n. 
22. 401 foll. rov 8* liv ikicofUyoio Kowlffffokas, 
Afi^ 8i XouTOi Kvdvw. ifiXvwro, k^ 8' 
Ikitcaf iv Kovixiai Kcrro, st(^os x^^*^» 

273.] ^Tumentis,* as Henry remarks, 
proyee that Virg. like Sophooles(Aj. 1031, 
^jo^^vTcr* ai\v U t' kirf^v^w $lov) followed 
a story representing the •raptatio' (for 
his *view of wbioh see 1. 488, note) to 
have taken plaoe in life, as dead limbs 
do not swell from yiolence. For the 
boring of the feet oomp. II. 22. 896 : for 
the swellinff, the story of Oedipus. * Trai- 
eotus lora :^see note on G. 4. 337. 

274.1 See on y. 270. 

275.] * Bedit,' oontrasted with his pre- 
sent return. The present makes the re- 
membrance more vivid. U. 17. 207, B roi 
othi fidxifis iK voar^aami^ A^Ictou 'Ay^po' 
ju^x^ kXvt^ Tc^ca ni}A.c^ros. Hector 
never retumed to the oity after taking 
the arms of Achilles, though he wore 
them in the battle. 

276.] *Iaculatus'ooupled with*redit,' 
like *indutu8.' The oontrast is taken from 
the taunts of the Greeks, B. 22. 373, ^n 
'kSifoi^ 9 /A(£Aa 8^ fia\<ue^€pos JLfKJMUpdaQ-dai 
**EKr<0p^ ^ 8tc vrias 4v4vpri(rw xvpi kh\4^» 

277.] See the quotation from Hom. on 

AENEH). LIB. n. 


Vulneraque illa gerens, quae circam plnrima muros 

Accepit patrios. Ultro flens ipse videbar 

Compellare yirum et maeetas expromere voces : 280 

O lux Dardaniaey spes o fidissima Teucrum, 

Quae tantae tenuere morae ? quibus Hector ab oris 

Expectate yenis ? ut te post multa tuorum 

Funera, post varios hominumque urbisque labores 

Defessi aspioimus I quae causa indigna serenos 285 

Foedavit yultus ? aut cur haec volnera cerno ? 

278.] * Gerens ' w appropriate, signify- 
ing that Hector assumed the same appear- 
anoe which he exhibited at the time of 
hiB death. Gorop. 1. 315, note. In con- 
stractiQn it seems to be in appoeition 
with 'qualifi' and *mutatas,' y. 274. 
*Vulnera' are probably the wounda which 
he reoeived whilebeing dragged round the 
walls, which is the Hatural seDse of * cir- 
cum muros accepit patrioa.' In Hom. the 
body is dragged not round the walls but 
through the plain to the ships (II. 22. 392 
folLX ^^ afterwards round the tomb of 
Patrodus (ib. 24. 14 folL). We hear of 
no wounds during the former process, and 
we are expressly told that they are averted 
during the latter by Aphrodite (ib. 23. 
187) and Apollo. On the other hand we 
do hear of wounds inflicted by the Greeks 
on the body before it is tied to the chariot 
(ib. 22. 371 : comp. ib. 24. 420, ^Aicca . . . 
"Offo' iHnrn* ifokUs yhp in^ air^ x^^^^^ 
t\affvaM\ tbough these are said to have 
been dosed by divine agency (1. c). Yirg., 
tieating the subject in a different way 
from HouL, has availed himself of his pre- 
decessor where he could : ' ciroum muroe 
patrios ' here is irom 11. 22. 403, r^€ 8i 
Zctf HvfftitpUa-tri AcMccr iuudaaaaBai ^ iv 
varplii 70%, while ' plurima ' is from ib. 
24. 420 just quoted. Wounds inflicted in 
battle are not to be thoughtof (Symmons 
e. g. translatee **And red the wounds his 
patriot bosom bore "), as in Hom. Hector 
receives scarcely any. 

279.] * Ultro,* V. 145, note. * Oompel- 
lare ultro* 4. 304., 6. 499. *Plens ipse' 
go together. * I wept like him.* W. Kib- 
beck oomp. Ov. 1 Ex Pont. 4. 53, " Et 
narrare meos flenti flens ipse labores." 

280.] [* Et promere,' i. e., ' ecpromere,' 
the M8S. of Nonius, p. 350.— H. N.] 

281.] Imitated again trom Ennius 
(Alex. fr. 8), **0 lux Troiae, germane 
Hector I quid te ita contuo laoerato oor- 
pore miser, aut qui te sic tractavere nobis 
respectantibus?" which U apparently a 

speech of Paris at the actual sight of 
Hector^s body. Virg. makes Aeneas forget 
not only the circumstanoes, but the fact 
of Hector's death. * Lux : ' the Homerio 
(pdos^ safety. Heyne. [The Pseudo- 
Acron. and Gomm. Cru^. on Horace 4 Od. 
5. 5 quote ** spes o sanctissima Teucrum." 
— H. N.] 

283.] [*Exspectate' Med. and Gud.— 
H. N.] * Expectate,' the vocative by at- 
traction for the nom. So ** indute," 12. 
947; ywov iroAw/iii^crTop ll<pairrop *lovSf 
Aesoh. Supp. 535. * Ut ' goes with 
' aspicimus (comp. 8. 154), not with 
'defessi,' the addition of whicli, how- 
ever, together with the other interven- 
ing words, explains it to mean * ut 
libenter,' as 8. 154. *0 the eyes with 
which after long months of death among 
your people, months of manifold sufler- 
ing.' [It is used similarly, but to ex- 
press a diflerent emotion, by Sallusfc 
Hist. 1. 48. 15 **Ut te neque homi- 
num neque deorum pudet quos per 
fldem aut periurio violasti."— H. N.] 
Virg. probably had Hom. in his mind, 
II. 7. 4, &s 8i 6c<J$ yavriiaiy UX^ofxeyouriy 
fStoKW Oipoy, iir^y KtKdficociy ii)^4ffrps 
ikdrpcty Tl6yroy iXa^yoyrtSf KOfuirtp 8* 
6irh yv7a \i\vyreu' ^Cls fkpa r^ (Hector and 
Paris) Tp^tcaiy i€\6ofi4youri ^ayiirriy. 

284.] **Hominumque boumque la- 
bores," G. 1. 118. *Hominum labores,* 
in flghi n. 1. 162, f iiri it6\?ia fi6yv<ra, 
V. 108, iiriiy KtKdfM voAc/i^^wF. * Urbis 
labores,' v. 11. note. 

285.] *What has marred the clear 
beauty of thy face ? * So ** foeda tempes- 
tae " of the sky disflgured by storms, G. 1 . 
328, note. *Indigna; &cifc^$, IL 22. 395. 
On the other hand *foedavit' directly 
contradicts II. 24. 418, oM fuy alfrx^^i- 

286.] |^**Bene pennansit in transla- 
tione, quia supra dixerat * o lux : ' ideo 
et • serenos,* ideo et * foedavit ; ' nam 
Sallnstius de nubibus *foedavere lumen.' " 
Serv. *Vulnera'fragm. Vat.— H.N.] 



IUe nihil, nec me qnaerentem yana moratur, 

Sed graviter gemitus imo de pectore ducens, 

Heu fuge, nate dea, teque his^ ait, eripe flammis. 

Hostis habet muros ; ruit alto a culmine Troia. 290 

Sat patriae Priamoque datum : si Pergama dextra 

Defendi possent, etiam hac defensa fuissent : 

Sacra suosque tibi commendat Troia Penates : 

Hos cape fatorum comites, his moenia quaere 

Magna, pererrato statues quae denique ponto. 295 

Sic ait, et manibus vittas Yestamque potentem 

287.] «Moratur/ ae in 5. 400. *Ho 
does not regard my vain inquiries.' 

290.] *Murofl' emphatic. *The ram- 
parts are in the enemy^s hand.' * Buit 
alto a culmine Troia : ' U. 13. 772, &\€ro 
iraffa Kar* &Kfnis "lAios cuirf (v^, which how- 
ever is no reason for reading * alta ' from 
Dorville'8 conj., found also in M8. Coll. 
Jes., with Wakef., Forb., Ladewig, and 
now "Wagn., as *alto* conveys the same 
notion, while Kar* &Kfnis could scarcely 
have had an epithet. See v. 603. 

291.] *8at datum,' 9. 135. "Satie- 
dare" is a legal phrase for giving 
security for payment (Cic. 2. Verr. 1. 
f6., 2. 24). Here it etands for the 
payment itself, more oommonly ex- 
pressed ** satiBfacere.** *The claims of 
your oountry and your king are dia- 
charged:' **Nil debes patriae Priamo- 
que.'^ *Dextra,' by strength of hand: 
'*audendum dextra " 9. 320, like 
•* manu " v. 645. * If strength of hand 
could save Troy now, mine too would 
have saved it in my day.' Serv. men- 
tions another interpretation of * etiam,' 
**ut sit adhuCj ut *etiam currus, etiam 
arma tenentem' (6. 485; comp. 7. 778)." 
This is very plausible, though perhaps 
we should rather have expected "de- 
fenderentur." Serv.'s own judgment is 
** sed melius est etiam ^oe, ut et parti- 
ceps gloriae sit Aeneas et Hector arro- 
gantiam vitei" 

292.] Nagelsbach (ap. Forb.) seems 
right in removing the period afker 
* fuissent,' the general sense being * You 
have no duties to the oity ; that no fight- 
ing can or could save; but the care of 
the Penates devolves on you ; take them.' 

293.] What the Penates were was an 
imsolved problem among the anoients 
themselves : nor is it it easy to say what 
Virg. supposed them to be. He classes 
them here and 9. 258 foU. with Yesta 

(oomp. 5. 744), and elsewhere (3. 12., 8 
679) with the ** hiagni Di ; " but it is not 
olear in either case whether the associa- 
tion implies distinction or identification. 
All that can be said is that they were 
supposed to be in a peouliar sense the 
national gods of Troy (oomp. 5. 63, 
where Acestes has other Penates of his 
own), and that, as their name imports, 
they were oonnected with the home and 
the hearth. Their images were easily 
carried, as appears from v. 717 below. 
Cn the whole subject see Dict. B. s. 
V., Heyne'8 Exoursus on this Book, and 
Lersch § 57. 13. 

294.] * Fatorum oomites,' to share your 
destiny. *His,* for these ; 3. 159, **Tu 
moenia magnis Magna para," and note. 
Serv. makes the reference (though he 
seems not to have understocjd that 
*quaere' is s^monymous with **para"), 
and Ti. Donatus says ** * magna ; ' quia 
magni sunt Dii." *Magna' then must 
be taken with *quaere,' which happens 
to be the punctuation of Med., not with 
* quae statues.' 

295.] * Quae statues,' a distinct propo- 
sition containing a propheoy, * a mighty 
city, whioh thou shalt build at last, after 
having wandered the whole sea over.' 
There is nothing weak in this explana- 
tion and punctuation, as Wagn. suppoees, 
for the whole Aeneid tums on the found- 
ing of a city by Aeneas, and this is the 
flrst prediction of it. 

296.] *Vittas Vestamque;* equivalent 
to ** Vestam vittatam " (note on v. 168). 
Vesta is mentioned along with the Pe- 
nates again 5. 744., 9. 258. The Penates 
had already been put into his hands, w. 
293, 294, * hos cape.' It is evident that 
Virg. means to represent the apparition 
of Hector as actually bringing out the 
gods, not merely as appearing to do so. 
It is therefore neither a vision nor a 



Aetemumque adjtis effert penetralibns ignem. 

Diverso interea miscentur moenia Inctu, 
Et magis atque magis^ quamquam secreta parentis 
Anchisae domus arboribusque obtecta recessit^ 
Clarescunt sonitus^ armorumque ingruit horror. 
Excutior somno^ et summi fastigia tecti 
Ascensu supero, atque arrectis auribus adsto : 
In segetem yeluti cum flamma fnrentibus austris 
Incidity aut rapidus montano flumine torrens 
Stemit agros, sternit sata laeta boumque labores, 
Fraecipitisque trahit silvas, stupet inscius alto 
Accipiens sonitum saxi de vertice petstor. 
Tum vero manifesta fides^ Danaumque patescunt 



dream Btrictly speaking, tbough in par- 
tioalars it maj be oompared with both. 
See note on 1. 355. 

298-317.] 'My first impnlfie is to 
make for the citadel.' 

298.] " Ei mihi 1 quid tanto turbantur 
moenia luctu ? " 12. 620. * Luctus ' Beeme 
peculiarly used of the agony during 
a battle, vv. 26, 369, Sall. Jug. 97. 
" luotu atque caede omnia complentur," 
as well as of the grief afterwarda for the 
lost, 11. 350, but the distinction is not 
always eaey to draw. * Divereo,' as the 
disaster spread through the town. 

299.] *Secreta' and «obtecta' both go 
with * recesait/ as predicates. In Hom., 
as Mr. Gladstone remarks (Studies, vol. 
iii. p. 120), Anchises is an independent 
prinoe of Dardania, not a reddent in 

301.] ' Armorum horror,' the alarm of 
battle: 12. 405, "Baevus oampis magis 
et magis horror Grebresoit, propiusque 
malimi est." 

302.] «Exoutior,' middle. «Fastlgia 
teoti ' is rightly explained by Henry as 
^ teotum fastigatum," a sloping or ridged 
roof, oomparing Livy*8 desoription of the 
"testudo," 44. 9, "soutis super oapita 
densatis, stantibus primis, secundis sub- 
missioribus, tertiis magis et quartis, pos- 
tremis etiam genu nixis, fastigatum, 
siout tecta aedifioiorum sunt, t^tudi- 
nem fadebant.'* 

303.] * Asoensu supero : ' equivalent to 
" ascendo," as •' partu oreare *' to parere,** 
&o.; see on v. 226. *Supero* is used 
alone in this sense, 6. 676. * Adsto : * see 
on 1. 152. [• Asto' Pal. and fragm. Vat. 

304.] The oomparison is between 
Aeneas listening to the sound of battle 
from the roof of his house, and a shep- 
herd hearing the roaring of a oonflagra- 
tion or a torrent from the top of a orag, so 
that it seems best to make * stupet * the 
apodosis to *veluti oum,' though in II. 
4. 455, whioh suggested the simile of 
the torrent, the shepherd is introduced 
merely as an accessory to the pioture. 
Gomp. 1. 148, note. Of course, however, 
the protasis of the simile is so worded as 
to give some notion of the whole soene as 
it lay before Aeneas. For *furentibus' 
we might have expected " ferentibus," as 
in G. 2. 311, butthe MSS. haveno varia- 
tion. 'Incidit flamma,' perhaps of a 
casual spark, like ^^exoidit ignis" G. 
2. 303. 

305.) * Montano flumine ' is apparently 
to be taken with * torrens,* not with * ster- 
nit.* The details of the simile seem to 
be taken from H. 11. 492 foll., and per- 
haps Luor. 1. 281 foU. 

306.] * Stemit— stemit,' note on E. 4. 
6. [* Bovum * fragm. Vat.— H. N.] 

307.] *■ Stupet insoius * ooours again 7. 
381., 10. 249 : not knowing what to mako 
of it. [Quint. 8. 6. 10 quotes the passage 
with"sedet.'*— H.N.] 

309.] *Manifesta fiaes' is usedby Livy 
6. 13 for a palpable demonstration. Forc 
oompares the Aristotelian use of irf<rTis', 
which Cic. Top. 12 renders *fides.* 
[** Manifesta veritas patuit.** Ti. Dona- 
tus. — H. N.] The thing demonstrated 
is the trath of the vision and its reve- 
lations. It matters little whether * mani- 
festa* be taken as a predicate, or * fides* 
constmcted with *pate8cunt.* 



Insidiae. lam Deiphobi dedit ampla ruinam 8io 

Yolcano superante domuSy iam proximus ardet 
Ucalegon ; Sigea igni freta lata relucent. 
Exoritar clamorque viram dangorqne tubamm. 
Arma amens capio ; nec sat rationis in armis ; 
Sed glomerare manum bello et concurrere in arcem 815 
Cum sociis ardent aninii ; furor iraque mentem 
Fraecipitant, pulchrumque mori succurrit in armis. 

Ecce autem telis Panthus elapsus Achiyom^ 
Panthus Othryades, arcis Phoebique sacerdos, 
Sacra manu victosque deos parvumque nepotem 820 

Ipse trahit, cursuque amens ad limina tendit. 

810.]*Ampla' oonnected with <dedit' 
88 a predicate. ' Dedit ruinam,* Lucr. 2. 
1145. That the honse of DeiphobuB was 
one of the flrst attaoked appears firom Od. 
8. 517. See also 6. 494, note. 

811.] There is the same donbt bere as 
in 1. 537 about the meaning of *8ii- 
perante.' ^OTertopping' would perhaps 
give the more poetical and picturesque 
Ben8e, but * overpowering ' would be 
Bupported bv "expugnata" in the pas- 
Bage referred to above from Luor. (comp. 
alBo ♦* evicta traxit ruinam," vv. 680, 631, 
below), and by ** igniB — victor — ^regnat," 
G. 2. 807. 

312.] * Ucalegon : ' one of the anoient 
counBeliors who sat with Priam on the 
wall, n. 8. 148. The man is put for his 
house, as ApoUo for his temple, 3. 275. 
**Iam frivola tranBfert Ucalegon" Juv. 
8. 288, alluding to this passage. 8o **ad 
nos " for ** ad nostram domum." * Lata ' 
has the force of ** late." Forb. comp. 12. 
785, ** ter caelo clarus ab alto Intonuit." 

813.] Comp. 1. 87. *Tubarum:' the 
meution of trumpets is said by Heyne to 
be an anachronism ; Hom. speakB of their 
use, and that during a siege, U. 18. 219, 
only however in a simile. 8erv. speaks 
of overthrowing cities to the sound of a 
trumpet as an ancient custom, and in- 
stances the taking of Alba by Tullus 

814.] * In armis,' sc. ** capiendis." Ae- 
neas was rushing into battle without a 
sufflciently distinct notion what object to 
aim at. ** Non te rationis egentem Ler- 
naeuB turba capitum circui^fitetit anguis," 

815.] Tbis and the two foUowing linea 
explain Aeneas' feelings in arming him- 
8elf,~anxiety to effeot a junction with 

his friends and oooupy a position, rage 
and desperation, and the hope of a 
glorious death. * Glomerare manum,' to 
gather a troop, oocurs 9. 792. *BeUo' 
apparently the dative, ** ad beUum," as 
in G. 2. 279, 447, &o. The citadel as a 
rallying-point in his first thought: see 
on V. 822. 

817.] [* Praecipitat ' Pal. and originally 
Gud. — H. N.] ** Suocurrit, pulchnim eese 
mori in armis." 

818—369.] * I am met by Panthus, the 
priest of Apollo, ooming ftom the citadel, 
and he tells me all is lost A few friends 
join me, and we resolve to sell our livcs 
as dearly as we can.' 

818.] *Pantheus' and 'Otriades' are 
read in some MSS. ; but UdirBoos or IlaV- 
6ovs and *O0pvdin5 are the Greek forms. 
Panthus appears II. 8. 145 with Priam 
on the walt : he is mentioned alao as the 
father of PolydamaB and Euphorbus, the 
former of whom is saved from Meges by 
Apollo, IL 15. 521. PElabsus' PaL— 

319.] * Arois Phoebique : * of ApoUo in 
the citadel, where there seems tb have 
been cells or chapels for several of the 
gods, like those of Jupiter, Juno, and 
Minerva in the Gapitol at Rome, to which 
Serv. refers. So 7. 419, ** lunonis tem- 
plique sacerdos." 

320.] *Sacra deosque;' apparently a 
hendiadys, as in v. 293. * Victos,' 1. 68, 
*«viot08que Penatis." [Comp. 12. 286 
** pulsatos referens infecto foedere divos." 
— H. N.] 

132.] The words * ipse manu,' which are 
frequently found together in Virg. (G. 3. 
395., 4. 329 &c.), seem always intended 
to oall attention to the agent, sometimes 
with direot reference to others, eome- 



Quo res smnma loco, Panthu ? quam prendimus arcem ? 
Yix ea fatus eram, gemitu cum talia reddit : 
Yenit summa dies et ineluctabile tempus 
Dardaniae. Fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium et ingens 825 

Gloria Teucrorum ; ferus omnia luppiter Argos 
Transtulit : incensa Danai dominantur in urbe. 
Arduus armatos mediis in moenibus adstans 

times merely as oommg forward pro- 
minently, e. g. where the act Ib one re- 
qniring exertion. ' Limina : ' the door of 
Aeneas, who is jost ruBhmg ont when he 
is met by Panthns on the tnreshold, and 
BaUies forth aocordingly, y. 836, after 
their oonyersation. * Litora,' the old 
reading in the time of Pierios, supported 
also by Bormann, is perhaps found only 
in one M8., the first I^Bunburg. Bery. and 
Ti. DonatuB haye • limina.' * Gursu tendit,* 
equiyalent to ** currit : " see on yy. 226, 
303. " L^tur et * cursum ' " Sery., and 
80 one MS. Panthus evidently flies to 
Aeneas as the brayest suryiying warrior iu 
Troy, suppoBing too that he may not be 
aware of the oapture of the oity. 

322.] ["Ees summa, rea publica." 
Sery. This Ib in fact the ancient use of 
the phrase : Plaut Merc. 986 quoted by 
Henry, ** ubi lociBt res Bumma " ? Ennius 
A 102 *' astu . . . Bunmiam seryare deoet 
rem:" 411 " noenum sperando cupide rem 
prodere summam." Attius Atreus (y. 206 
bibbeck) " quod re in summa summum 
esse arbitror Periolum . . . Contaminari 
stirpem." Aeneadae 14 ** quibus rem 
Bummam et patriam nostram quondam 
adauctayit pater.'' It is simpler to ex- 
plain the words thus than to take them 
in the sense oommon in Livy (e. g. 23. 49) 
*the point on which aU depends.' So 
in A^. 11. 802 ** summa de re " would 
in Cioeronian proee bayebeen *' dere pub- 
Uoa." And here the prose expression 
would haye been ♦* quo loco est res pub- 
lioa,** as Horaoe says 1 Epist. 12. 25, 
*' quo sit Bomana looo res," and Yirg. 
A9. 723, **quo sit fortuna loco." Ti. 
Donatus, with less probability, explains 
the words as = **rerum summa," the 
oriais of fortune. — BL N.] **Arx" is 
Qsed in its proper sense, a citadel, or 
point of defence, though * quam ' seems 
to show that the word is not meant to 
be restricted to the citadel kot* ^(ox^v, 
Pergamus, as Wagn.'8 interpretation of 
* quam * for ** quomodo ** would not yield 
an appropriate sense. Aeneas sees Pan- 

thns hurrying away from theoitadel with 
his gods and his grand6on,and sonaturally 
asks, * What oitadel are we occupying ? * or 
* haye we oooupied ? ' suspecting already 
thatPergamusisnolongertenable. Henry 
well remarks that Panthus answers in 
effeot, * We have no oitadel any where to 
defend,' and that Aeneas, hearing this, 
rushes out with no deflnite obieot in the 
direction of the shouting. * Prendimus,' 

824.] *Ineluctabile,' 8. 834. 

325.] * Dardaniae : ' the datiye, as 1. 22. 
*Fuimus:' **sed Fortuna fuit," 7. 413, 
**altaqueTroia fuit," Prop. 2. 8. 10. So 
the oommon use of * yixi,' e. g. Prop. 5. 11. 
59. Mr. Keightley bas communioated to 
me an attestation of the Bomau oharacter 
of the phrase irom Appian Syr. 37, 
^u in\6 T€ (T^lfft (the Bomans) rh ^iros 
i¥ Tois \6yois' 'Hk fiatriXfhs 'Avrioxot 6 
/jL^yas. * Ilium et ingens gloria,' 6. 64. 

326.] *Omnia Argos transtulit' is 
oommonly understood as if the metaphor 
were from removing the seat of govem- 
ment from one place to another. 8o 
Heyne, ** Argiyis victoriam et rerum Bum- 
mam permisit." It appears however to 
refer to the story which seems to have 
formed the subject of the Koayri^poi of 
Sophocles (Scbol. on Aesch. Theb. 310), 
that the gods departed in a body from 
Troy on the night of its oapture, bearing 
their images with them, at whioh Virg. 
himself glances in v. 351. *Jupiter has 
gone over to the Argives and carried 
everytbing with him.' So Maorob. Sat. 
3. 9. Viewed in this light, *omina,' 
which is found in one MS. (the codex 
Bigotianus, of the twelfth oentury), be- 
oomes extremely probable, as the words 
have already been oonfounded twice in 
this book, w. 178. 182. The departure 
of the gods and the buming of the oity 
foUow in preoisely the same oonnexion 
w. 351 foll. 

327.] I. q. ** incenderunt Danai urbem 
et dominantur in ea." 

328.] * Adfitans,' standing ereot G. 3. 



Fandit ecas, yictorqae Sinon incendia miscet 

Insultans. Portis alii bipatentibus adsunt, 880 

Milia quot magnis omqaam yenere Mycenis ; 

Obsedere alii telis angasta yiarum 

Oppositi ; stat ferri acies macrone corusco 

Stricta, parata neci ; yix primi proelia temptant 

Portaram yigiles, et caeco Marte resistunt. 835 

Talibas Otbryadae dictis et numine diyom 

In flammas et in arma feror, quo tristis Erinys, 

Quo fremitus yocat et sublatus ad aethera clamor. 

Addunt se socios Eipeus et maximus armis 

545. * Mediis in moenibuB : ' in the heart 
of the oity, as the horse had been lodged 
in the citadeL 

829.] p Equus ' Med. and Gud.— H. N.] 
* Inoendia miscet,' iike ** diBpersa inmitiit 
incendia," 10. 406. 

3d0n There seemB no oocasion to assert 
with Wagn. that * alii— alii ' are not used 
in their ordinary sense. * Some are crowd- 
ing into the gates, others are guarding 
the ways.' The expression in the next 
verse is not much more hyperbolioal if 
used of a part than if extended to the 
whole. Tbe great mass was thronging 
the gateway, and Panthus desoribes them 
with the natural exaggeration of terror. 
[* Bipatentibus ' is taken by Ti. Donatus 
to mean open at both sides of the city. 
"Ostendit unam portam quae ingre- 
dientibus atque regredientibus muris 
inoolumibus praeparata (erat). Alteram 
dicit quae diruta murorum parte fuerat 
patefacta, ut equi moles immensa poBset 
indnci." 8o Serv., ** * bipatentibuB^ quia 
geminae Bunt portae." This iB in accord- 
anoe with analogy, for in 10. 3 (note) 
** tectis bipatentibus " means hallB open 
at both endB. Oonington however took 
the words as referring to folding doors. — 

331.] *Nunquam' is the reading of 
Bome inferior MSS. The line then would 
convey not a hyperbole, but a Buspicion 
of treachery. 

332.1 *AnguBta viarum:' 1. 422 note. 

333.] * OppositiB * Med., Qud. originally, 
and many others(Pal. iB illegibie aud 
Bom. deficient): but 'oppositi' seemB 
Blightly preferable, as the former would 
introduoe a Bort of tautology with what 
followB, as Wagner remarks, and the 
variation is accounted for by the flrst 
letter of the next word. For * ferri 
acies' some MS8. examined by Pierlus 

read ^'pemicieB,' an expreBBion not 
at all in Yirg.^B manner, and refuted 
by *neci,' which would then be tauto- 
logioal. Virg. may have thought of 
Soph. Aj. 815, 6 fA^y <r<pay€hs %<rTriKt¥ f 
rofid^aros y4voir* &k, though * stat ' of 
course refers to the Bword finnly grasped 
in the hand, bo as to present the poiut to 
the enemy. 

334.] * Primi,' at the entranoe, Wagn., 
who oomp. V. 613., 1. 541. 

335.] There is no difficulty about * oaeco 
Marte,' which might be said of a night 
encounter, though it happened to be 

336.] It would Beem from Buch p«LB- 
Bages as v. 195., 3. 172, that *numine 
divom ' is meant to be connected with, not 
distinct from, * talibuB dictiB,' Pauthus' 
words declaring the will of Heaven, so 
that we may Buppose Aeneas to mean 
that having heard from Panthus that the 
gods had declared against Troy, aud that 
all hope of rallying his oountrymen was 
over, he rushed desperately forth. This 
would acoord with the view taken in v. 
322. ** Dictis ac numine Phoebi " occurs 
9. 661, where ** Phoebi " seems to belong 
to both. * Talibus dictis,' a sort of cir- 
oumstantial abl., as in 7. 249, though it 
may be instrumental. [* Divum ' Meid. — 

337.] *Erinys:' the 8ingle*n'i8 the 
orthography of the best M88. here and 
elBewhere, though Med. here has another 
* n * added afterwards, and, like Pal., has 
the two last vowels interohanged ; it is 
also Bupported by the best editions of 
Greek authors. The referenoe here is 
not to the Fury within, as Heyne thinks, 
but to the Fury without, as Wund. ex- 
plaiuB it, the demon of battle. 8o ** ci- 
vilis Erinys " Lucan. 4. 187. 

339.] * MaximuB annis ' is the reading 



Epytus, oblati per lonamy Hypanisque DTmasque^ 840 

Et lateri adglomerant nostro, iayenisqae Coroebus^ 

Mygdonides. Illis ad Troiam forte diebos 

Veneraty insano Gassandrae incensus amore^ 

Et gener auxilium Priamo Fhrygibusque ferebat, 

Infelix, qui non sponsae praecepta furentis 846 


of some inferior MSS.» mtroduoed, as 
Hejne obeervee, from ▼. 435 (where tbe 
mention of age ia appropriate) by those 
who snppoeed Epytus to be the same aa 
IphitQS. Weidner oomp. "nec beUo nudor 
etarmis" 1.545. 

840.] 'Bpytns' CAepytna' Med.) is 
fonnd in the best M8S., and is supported 
by *^ Epytides ** 5. 547, where see note. 
Others have * Iphitns ' or • Iphytus,' who 
iB mentioned y. 435 in oonnexion with 
the rest of those who are named here ; bo 
that there is some reason for identifying 
the two. On the other hand, in v. 435 
Iphitus ifl named along with Pelias, who 
does not appear here. In both places 
the namee have been indefinitely cor- 
rupted in the inferior MSS. Heyne first 
BUggeeted the remoyal of the semioolon 
after * Epy tus,' so as to refer * oblati per 
lunam ' to all alike. See y . 262. These 
names are nnknown exoept in the seauel. 

341.] It iB best to supply *8e' from 
«addunt* to < adglomerant.' See 1. 440 
note. Coroebus, eon of Mygdon (D. 3. 
184X king of Phrygia, and Anaximene, 
is a poet-Homerio personage. Tbe legend 
seemB to haye agreed about his history, 
but not about his deatb, which was 
generally ascribed to NeoptolemuB, by 
Leechee to Diomed, and by Virg., or 
the authority whom he followed (y. 425), 
to PeneleuB. He ie mentioned by Euri- 
pidee (?), Rhes. 539. Euphorion repre- 
sented him as a fool, probably to giye 
indiyiduality to the character, as later 
writere peryertedthe Homerio conoeptions 
of Menelans, Ulyssee, &c. ; and this yiew 
became traditioiml, Zenobius making him 
a sort of gigantio idiot who would stand 
oonnting the wayes of the sea, Aristides 
(Platon. 2)oontra8ting himand Palamedes 
as the two extremes, and Aelian (Yar. 
Hist 18. 15) enumerating him among 
extraordinary fools. Cerda, who has ool- 
lected these authorities, also mentions a 
proyerb, ^Xi0m4t«poj Kopolfiov. In Virg.'s 
oonoeption there is merely impetuosity 
and light-heartedness. The story of his 
loye for Gassandra [may have oome 

£rom Leeohes : see Pansanias 10. 27. 1. 

342.] 'The MSS. of Maorob. Sat. 5. 5 
and some inferior MSS. of Vir^. insert 

* qni ' after * illis,' and this was Uie read- 
ing before Heins.; bnt the omission of 
the relatiye is distinotly reoognized by 
Sery., and suits the less strict style of 
poetioal narratiye. One MS., the Parrha- 
sian, substitntes 'qui' for 'ad,' which 
would be plausible if better supported, as 
the oormption oould be aocounted for on 
critioal grounds : bnt the MS. itself has 
been muoh interpolated, and the yariety 
need only proye that tbe oopyists were 
anxious to introduce the relatiye some- 
where : thus in the Balliol MS. it is intro- 
duced after * Troiam ' in spite of the metre. 
Oomp. 1. 12, 530, tbough here the sentence 
is not strictly speaking parenthetical, as 
it interrupts the narrative, but uot the 
oonstruction. The late arrival of Ooroebus 
is borrowed from Hom. 1. o., ts ^a vlov 
iroK^fioio /Atrh k\4os cIAi^Xo^ci. ['At ' 
Pakfor*ad.'— H.N.] 

343.] * Insano,' because it hurried him 
to his ruin. The word is a geneial epi- 
thet of love, as in E. 10. 44, but its 
applicability is of oourse fixed by the 
particular case, so that Forb. is wron^ in 
explaining it simply as 'exoessiye' or 

* overpowering.' 

344.] *Gener' is to be taken with 

* auxilium ferebat,' ' he brought a son-in- 
law's succour ; ' an expression like that 
with whioh Aristotle (Rhet. 3) illustrates 
the differenoe between a metaphqr and a 
simile, \4a)y i»6pova€. See on E. 8. 1, 18. 
'Phrygibns' is not easily reooncilable 
with Ooroebus' own Phrygian parentage 
mentioned on y. 341, so that we must 
suppose Virg. to have oommitted an over- 
sight. OthryoneuB offers to take Oassan- 
dra without a dowry, and promises to 
expel the Greeks from Troy. 

346.] <Audierat'8omeMSS.,including 
two of Bibbeck^s cursiyes. *Audierit' 
Med., restored by Heins. The subjuno- 
tive is obviously preferable, and the tense 
too appears more suitable, as the sense is 



Quos ubi confertos audere in proelia vidi, 

Inoipio supor his : luyenes, fortissima frustra 

Pectora, si vobb audentem extrema cupido 

Certa sequi, quae sit rebus fortuna yidetis : 850 

Excessere omnes, adytis arisque relictis, 

Diy quibus imperium hoc steterat ; succurritis urbi 

Incensae ; moriamur, et in media arma ruamus. 

jjna salus yictis, nullam sperare salutem. 

Sic animis iuyenum furor additus. Inde, lupi ceu 855 

Raptores atra in nebula, quos inproba yentris 

not tbat he had not heard, bnt that he 
did not heed. ' O wretoh, not to listen 

347.] Gronov. on Sen. Herc F. 779, 
Bunn., and Hand (Tureell. 3. 268), oon- 
jectnre •ardere,' wbich is Bnpported by 
** ardere in arma '* 12. 71, ** ardere in bel- 
lum " Manil. 4. 220, at the same time that 
it miKht easily be confounded with * au- 
dere' by the oopyists, as has been the oase 
in 11. 895. But Ladewig well comp. Stat. 
Theb. 1. 439, **neque enim meus audeat 
istas Civis in ufique manuB," Grat. Cyn. 
498, ** non omne meas genuB audet in ar- 
tis ; " from whioh it appears that the 
meaning of * audere in' is to haye oourage 
sufflcien t fbr. • Audere ' is used absolutely 
9. 320., 12. 169. • Confertoe : ' formed into 
a band, as Aeneas wished **glomerEkre 
manum bello," v. 315. Some MS8. have 

* oonsertoe,' which is the oorrected reading 
of Canon. 

348.] 'Snper his' oould hardly have 
the aense of **poet haec," as Heyne thinks, 
but would ratber mean ** de falB ; " nor is 
Weicherf 8 explanation more likely, that 

* hifl ' stands for ** ad hos," like Homer*8 
TouTi 8* ijpx* A^opftJco', as * quoe * precedea 
80 immeoiately. It remains then with 
Serv. to understand * hiB ' as ** his dictiB," 
taking *Buper ' advcrbially, ** quia iam au- 
debantjunde pauUo post, *furor addituB."* 
*FortiB8ima pectora' like **forti88ima 
corda"5. 729. 

349.] * Audendi' isa readine mentioned 
by Serv., perhape adopted by Ti. Donatus, 
and found in Med. and a few other MSS., 
but no constmction would be poesible with 
it, tbough Ladewig attempts to give * se- 
qui' an imperative sense : see on 8. 405. 

350.] •Sequi* may go either with 

* certa ' or with • cupido,* aB in v. 10. 
The words from • quae sit ' to 'incensae,' 
V. 853, were taken by Heyne as paren- 
thetical, but Wagn. rlghtly objects to this 
as too complicated. A Bucoession of short 

Bontenoes, without oonneoting particles, 
iB precisely what we shonld expect in an 
addresB like this. 

851.] See note on v. 326, and oomp. 
Aeach. Theb. 310, Bur. Tro. 25. The 
ouBtom of •• evooatio," which arose from 
this belief, eeemB tohave beenpeculiar to 
the BomauB. ••Excedere" or ••oedere*' 
ifl UBod elBewhere in Bpeaking of the 
eubject, e. g. Hor. 2 Od. 1. 26. Tao. H. 5. 
13, ••Apertae repente delubri foroB, et 
audita maior humana vox, Excedere 
deoB : Bimul ingeuB motus excedentium," 
the ij,trafiaiyvfi€¥ imevdtp of the eiege of 
JeniBalem. [• DiBceBBore ' ie read in the 
line ae quotea by Augustine De Civ. Dei 
3. 15.— H. N.] 

352.] V. 163 above, note. 

353.J • IncenBae ' is the emphatic word, 
as in V. 327, ^orfifftrt <f>\eyofUt^ r^ w6\tt. 

• The city you succour is a blazing ruin.* 

• MoriMnur et ruamuB ' iB not exactl^ a 
oase of Strrepop irpSTtpop. The first thing 
which AeneaB had to do was to persuade 
hiB comrades to die ; the next to tell them 
how to do it. •• In arma feror," v. 337. 

854.] Wagn. well comp. Justin 20. 3, 
•• LocrenBeB paucitatem Buam ciroumBpio- 
ientoB omiBsa Bpe viotoriae in deetinatam 
mortem conspirant; tantUBque ardor ex 
desperatione Bing^los cepit ut victorcB Be 

Sutarent si non inulti morerentur. Sed 
um mori honeste quaemnt feliciter 
vicemnt, nec alia causa victoriae fnit 
quam quod deBperaverunt." 

355.] There are eeveral comparisonB of 
men to wolvee in Hom., in two of which 
(D. 11. 72., 16. 156J) the words Kincot its 
occur at the end of a line ; bnt the cir- 
cumBtanceB of the simile are rather from 
the oompariBon of UlyBses and Diomed 
to lions sallying out itit y^iera ti4\aivav 
*A/i <l>6yoy, tiv y^Kvas, 9td r' Hyrta koH 
fi4\ay cJfM (IL 10. 297). 

356.] With • raptoree ' comp. G. 1. 180, 
•• Praeuarique lupoa iusBit," with •atra 



Exegit caeeos rabies, catulique relicti 
FaucibtLS expectant siccis, per tela, per hostis 
YadimtLS haud dubiam in mortem, mediaeque tenemus 
Urbis iter ; nox atra cava circumvolat umbra. 860 

Quis cladem illius noctis, quis fonera fando 
Explicet, aut possit lacrimis aequare labores ? 
Urbs antiqua ruit, multos dominata per annos ; 
Plurima p^rque vias stemuntur inertia passim 
Corpora perque domos et religiosa deorum 865 

Limina. Nec soli poenas dant sanguine Teucri ; 
Quondam etiam victis redit in praecordia virtus 
Yictoresque cadunt Danai. Crudelis ubique 

in nebnla ' 9. 61 (of a wolf), *' nocte super 
media," and with * inproba ventris rabies ' 
ib. 62, 63, "inprobus ira . . . coUecta 
ffttigat edendi £x longo rabieB,*' Homer^B 
mptar4v€rai 94 t« yatrr^ip (11. 16. 163X 
Aeschylus' KoiXoydffropts X<^oi. (Theb. 
1035), and Bhakflpeare^s * beUy-pinched 
wolf.' * Inproba,* note on v. 80 above, 
G. 1. 119. Comp. Od. 17. 478. ['Im- 
proba'Med.— H. N.] 

857.^ * Exegit caecos : ' hae driven them 
out bhndly to prowl. 

358.] *" Siccae sanguine fauces," 9. 62. 
So ShelleVs Hellaa (of an ea^le) : " And 
her brood expect the clangmg Of her 
wings through the wild air, Sick with 
femme." [* Exspectant ' Med— H. N.] 

359.] They apparently make for the 
arx as the Bcat of danger: oomp. v 

360.] *Cavaumbra:' "quatenus ipei 
ea circumdantur," Heyne. See 1. 616. 
[" Bonum epitheton ; naturale enim eat ut 
obeourum sit omne concavum." Serv. — 
H. N.] There does not eeem any real 
inconsistency between tbis line and w. 
255, 340, 88 we are not meant to think of 
a moonlight as diBtinguished from a 
moonless nigbt, but of night as distin- 
guished from day. See further on v. 
369. [Henry would imderstand 'nox' 
of deatli, which \b hardlv probable where 
there is no epithet, and nothing in the 
context to indicate clearly that this is 
the raeaning. — H. N.] 

361.] **Fandoenumerare"4. 383. The 
line is apparently imitated from Od. 8. 
113 (of the sufferings of the Qreeks at 
Troy) ris k9v iKuva UA.vra yt fAvQ^iratro 
KoraOrnr&y i»9p^<o¥. 

362.] *Aequare,* to keep pace with, 
*lacrimis' being the abl., as in 3. 671., 6. 

263. This seems better than to make 

* lacrimis * dat., as in 4. 89 &c., and regard 
the words as a poetioal variety for ** laori- 
mas aequare laboribus," with Serv. 

363.] See on v. 557. 

364.] *Inertia,' i. q. **inbellia," the 
bodies of the weak and helpless, 4. 158^ 
9. 150. r**Which had offered no re- 
sistance, died inertly." Henry. — H. N.] 

* Passim ' has here its etymological sense 
of * dispersedly.' Hand, TurselL 4. 405 

365.] *BeligiosuB' is a common epithec 
of holy places : see Foro. [Serv. would 
write * relligiosa.' — H. N.] 

367.] * Quondam ' in its strict sense, at 
a certain time, or 8ometimes,as in 7. 378. 
Comp. the use of *sometime' for *for- 
meriy." So **olim" is *at that time,' 
which may refer either to the past, as we 
say *once on a tirae,' or to the future, 
like our *one day.' The thonght, 9s 
Heyne remarks, is from II. 14. 480 foU., 
where the Trojan Acamas says to the 
Greeks, ofi ^v ototciv y^ itSpos t' Hfftrat 

Koi 6t(ifS *HHIP, &Wd IFOf^ 58€ IfOTOKTaK- 

^<r0« Ka\ Hfxfits. Comp. also H. 17. 363 
jcai AayaSctr o^' ot yitp infaifjMri yt iaAt 

368.] *Crudelis' answers to &fi6sj and 
its contrary is expressed by **miti8." 
Here acoordingly it may be rendered 
'ruthless' or ^relentless agony' (see on 
V. 298). Weidner cites Sall. Cat 51 
(Cffi8ar'B speech), where an enumeration 
of the horrors of a sack ooncludes with 
the words ** postremo armis, cadaveribus, 
oruore atque luctu omnia oompleri." The 
predicate appears to be * ubique,' whirh 
is acoordingly repeated with * pavor,' and, 
in the form of *plurima,' with *mortiB 



Luctns, ubique pavor, et plurima mortis imago. 

Primus se, Danaum magna oomitante caterTa, 870 

Androgeos offert nobis, socia agmina credens 
Inscius, atque ultro verbis compellat amicis : 
Festinate, yiri. Nam quae tam sera moratur 
Segnities ? alif rapiimt incensa.feruntque 
Pergama ; yos celsis nimc primum a navibus itis. 875 
Dixity et extemplOy neque enim responsa dabantur 

869.] 'Imago/ simply * the Bight,' as in 
6. 405 : 80 that it is not quite ttie same as 
Shaksp. Maobeth, 1. 3, ''Nothing afraid 
of what thyself didst make, IStrange 
images of death," wliich Henry oomp. 
[* Plurima,' present everywhere, bauntiDg 
DB on aU Bides. **Aut definitio timoris 
est, aut varietaa mortis ostenditur." 
Serv.— -H. N.] Bome MSS. have * noctis,' 
which may lend a slight support to an 
ingenious Buggestion of Peerlkamp*B that 
* nox * V. 360 may be an error for * mors,' 
on a oomparison of Hor. 2 S. 1. 58, " raors 
atris circum volat aliB. " [For the lengthen- 
ing of the final syllable of * pavor * see Ex- 
curBus at the end of the third vol. — ^H. N.] 

370 — 401.] * A meeting with a party of 
Greeks, who mistake ub for their own 
countrymen, and fall a prey to us in con- 
Bequence, revives our hopes. We assume 
their armour, and in this disguiBe make 
much havoc among the enemy.' 

370.] It would seem from v. 385 that 
*primu8' is meant to be taken more or 
lesB Btrictly, the encounter with Andro- 
geoB having been the firBt of any impor- 
tance engaged in by Aeneas and his 
friendfl. We must suppose then that 
Aeneas is speaking Bpecifically here, 
having spoken generally v. 867. A 
former pointing, now supported by Henry, 
was * Primus se Danaum,' whioh is sup- 
ported by the fact that in other pasBages 
of the kind where * caterva ' is constructed 
with a gen., the gen. comes after * magna ' 
(comp. 1. 497., 11. 478): but 'primus' 
with the gen. elsewhere in Yirg. appears 
to mean *• first in rank.' 

371.] 'AndrogeuB' was restored by 
Heins. &om Med.; Pal., Qud. originally, 
&c^ however give 'Androgeos,' which 
has also the authority of Serv. The 
difflculty is that the same speUing is not 

Sreserved throughout, as almost aU the 
ISS. read •Androgei' v. 392, and 
Oharisius (1. 15, p. 92 Keil) agrees with 
them, though in 6. 20 he deolares that 
Virg. wrote *Androgeo,' which eeema 

now to be found only in some cnrsive 
MSS. In V. 425 the great majority and 
CharisiuB have" Penelei,** not ** Peneleo." 
In 5. 265 Med. has **Demoleus;" Bom. 
and Pal. "DemoleoB," whioh is recog- 
nized by Quintilian 8. 4. 24. The M8S. 
are constantly varying in the spelling 
of proper names, and it does not seem 
probable that Virg. would designedly 
nave altemated between two fonuB of the 
same word within a few lines of each 
other, nor yet that a bon& fide tradition 
of his variety of praotice in this respeot 
can have come down to the grammarians. 
Beason would seem in favour of ' Andro- 
geos,* *Androgeo,' as the Greok form 
would be *Avipoy4a)S or *Ay^p^aios, like 
Mtyi\4c0s or M€Vf\aosj and the RomanB 
do not tum » into * u,' while if they had 
preferred the latter form they would have 
had to lengthen the penultimate by 
adopting the diphthong. If * Androgeus * is 
to be defended, we must suppose that Virg. 
wishing to avoid the Greek form, espe- 
oially in an oblique case, chose to Lati- 
nize an imaglnary third form, *Ay^p6yto5. 
Meanwhile it seems safest to decide for 
*Androgeos' here on the analogy of 

* Demoleos,' which will also avoid the ne- 
cessity of supposing a lengthening of the 
short vowel in caesura, and in vv. 392, 
425 to foUow the great multitude of 
M8S. ** Socium agmen " v. 613 below. 

373.] *Nam,' as in G. 4. 445, note. 

* Quae tam sera,' G. 2. 315, though here 
' sera ' seems to form part of the predicate 
with * moratur.' 

374.] * Rapiunt feruntque : ' Aytiy koI 
^fytiy. Livy 49. 49, ** oum ferret passim 
cunota atque ageret." 

375.] It seema better to read this line 
without the interrogation, added by 
Heyne and late editors. *Others are 
plundering Troy, which is on fire every 
where ; and here are you, only just now 
on your way from the ships.' 

376.] The words apparently mean the 
answer retumed was not suoh as to assure 



Fida satisy sensit medios delapsus in hostis. 
Obstipuit, retroque pedem cum voce repressit. 
Inprovisum aspris yeluti qui sentibus anguem 
Pressit humi nitens, trepidusque repente refugit 
Attollentem iras et caerula coUa tumentem ; 
Haut secus Androgeos yisu tremefactus abibat. 
Inruimus, densis et circumfundimur armis, 
Ignarosque loci passim et formidine captos 
Stemimus. Adspirat primo fortuna labori. 
Atque hic successu exsultans animisque Coroebus, 
O socii, qua prima, inquit, fortuna salutis 
Monstrat iter, quaque ostendit se dextra, sequamur : 
Mutemus clipeos, Danaumque insignia nobis 



Um. Serv. may be right in referring it 
lo the watohword,or again we might sup- 
pose from y. 423 that there was a ditference 
m dialect. In any case the tense of 
*dabantar' is to be observed; no satis- 
iMstory answer was being given, euoh as 
Aiidrogeoa expected to receive at once. 

377.] * Sensit delapsuB ' is a familiar 
Qrecism, probably to be explained not by 
attraotion, but by the help of the fuUer 
«xpression, '* delapsue sensit se delapsum 
mne" though in sense of course the parti* 
«iple stands instend of the object of the 
▼erb. The prinoiple is the f>ame as that 
of prolepsis, and is exemplitied also in 
•uch expressions as ** ostendit se dextra," 
V. 388. Or we may say that the partioiple 
qualifies the Terb, **he perceived as a 
man perceives who has fallen," &o. In 
•ome cases the difference between the 
nom. and the aoo. with 'esse' scarcely 
affects the sense at all, e. g. '* gaudent 
prfusi sanguine fratrum," G. 2. 510, where 
the uso of the nom. appears quite natural, 
and the objeot of the verb is suppliod 
without any difficulty. The use of the 
nom. with *• esse," as in Hor. 3. Od. 27. 
73, ** Uxor invicti lovis esse nescis,** is 
not to be confonnded with it, as there 
an attraction does take place, or rather 
perhaps a confusion between the two 
modes of expression. It is right also to 
remember that **Bentio" is sometimes 
nsed absolntely (see on 7. 434), which 
may have been an additional reason for 
Yirg. to employ the expression here. 
[*Delabeu8'Pal.— H. N.] 

378.] * Pedem oum voce repressit,' like 
** palmas oum vooe tetendit," v. 688, &o., 
is a piece of rather artificial quaintness, 
resembling Horace'B **finiB chartaeque 


viaeqne," 1 8. 6. 104. *Betro repressit,' 
as in G. 1. 200, ** retro referri." 

379.] Imitated from II. 3. 33. * Aspris : ' 
the syncopated form has been supposed 
to exist in Ennius, Hedyphagetica 2, 
** Mures sunt Aeni, aspra ostrea plurima 
Abydi ; " but the MSS. of Apuleins, who 
preserves the fragment, have **aspera," 
and the metre makes the ohange very 
uncertaiu. Vahlen corrects ** spissa." 

380.] *Niten8,' advancing with effort, 
because of the briars. *Kefugit* may 
either be aoristic or the perf. of instan- 
taneous aotion (v. 12). 

381.] G. 3. 421. 

382.] It is indifferentwhether*vi8a'be 
oonnected with * tremefactiis ' or no. Gomp. 
V. 2 1 2. * Abibat,' was beginning to retreat. 

383.] * Ciroumfundimur * middle, like 
** induitur," v. 393 ; ** conduntur," v. 401. 
Gud. originally and Pal. have ** circum- 
fndimus," others ** circumfundimus." 
Corap. 3. 635. 

384.] * Passim stemimus,' v. 864. 

385.] *Adspirat labori,' as in 9. 525. 
The whole possage may remind us of 
Aesch. Pers. 97, <pt\6pp<iuf yh.p traiyovtra 
rh wp&TOP irapdytt Bporhv tlf kpK^ffrara. 

386.] * Snccessu exsultans' was restored 
by Heins., apparently from all the best 
MS8., for * exsultans suocessu.' Wund. 
referred * exsultans animis * to Coroebus' 
ioy in the prowess of his companions ; 
but Wagn. rightly questions the Latinity 
of this. 

387.][*Qnae prima' Med.— H. N.] 
*Prima' seems to be explained by 
** primo labori," v. 385, though it might 
refer to *monstrat iter.' 

888.] Comp. 1. 314., 12. 625. 

889. J * Insiguia ' is a oommon word for 




Aptemus. Dolns an virtuSy quis in hoste reqnirat ? 890 
Arma dabimt ipsi. Sic £Bitti8, deinde comantem 
Androgei galeam clipeique insigne decorum 
Induitur, laterique Argivum accommodat ensem. 
Hoc Eipheus, hoc ipse Dymas omnisque iuventus 
Laeta facit ; spoliis se quisque recentibus armat. 895 
Yadimus inmizti Danais haud numine nostro, 
Multaque per caecam congressi proelia noctem 
Conserimus, multos Danaum demittimus Orca 
Diffugiunt alii ad nayis, et litora cursu 
Fida petunt : pars ingentem formidine turpi 400 

Scandunt rursus ecum et nota conduntur in alvo. 

the conspiotiousacoontremeDts of asoldier, 
snch as shields and hehnets. Oomp. Tao. 
H. 1. 88, ** rapta statim arma, sine more 
et ordine militiae, nt praetoriannB aut 
legionarius insignibussuiB distingueretur : 
miscentur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque.'' 

390.] *Who, having to deal with an 
enemy, would draw diBtinctions between 
stratagem and hard fighting?' *In hoste,' 
V. 641. * Requirit,* i. q. " rogat," as in v. 
506 below. The sentiment may be taken, 
as Cerda thinks, fiom Pind. Isthm. 4, xp^ 
8^ irai' ^pSovr' iifiavp&trai rhp 4x^9^*^' 

391.1 *They shall themselyes supply 
us with the arms we are to use against 
them,' • ipsi * referring to the enemy gen- 
erally, as Henry takes it. Serv. wishes 
to put a question after *arma,' a very un- 
seasonable attempt at rhetorical interro- 
gation. * Deinde ' after a ptirticiple, like 
" tum,*' 6. 382. CJomp. 5. 14, note. 

392.] See above on v. 371. The * in- 
Bigne ' is the shield itself, as in v. 389. 

394.] No reason can be assigned for 
distinguishing Dvmas from the rest; so 
that * ipse * must be understood as equiva- 
lent to ' etiam,' with which it is not un- 
frequently joined. In this sense it would 
naturally be used with the last-mentioned 
person, the distinction being simply that 
ne has not been namedbefore, 'Dymas as 
weU as others.* Serv. says many punc- 
tuated after * ipse,* referringjt to Aeneas 
himself. [* Bipeus ' Pal.— H. N.] 

395.] • Becentibus : * fresh gained, the 
feeling being not unlike that expressed 
in "primo laiwri," v. 385. 

396.] Med. has • immixtis.' • Haud nu- 
mine nostro' is commonly explained, 
• with no god to aid us,' or • with the gods 
against us.' The context however seems 
deoidedly to recommend a different sense, 
as tbe narrative down tov.401 is evidently 

meant to desoribe the apparent success of 
the stratagem, and any words suggesting 
the real ttuth would not only interfere 
with the feeling of triumph, but spoil the 
effect of the next paragraph, which is 
ushered in by a sudden change of tone, 
** Ueu, nihil invitis fas quemquam fidere 
divis 1 " The words must then refer to tbe 
Trojans as marching under a protection 
not their own, whether we suppose with 
Serv. that the Grecian arms actually 
carried with them the favour of the Gre- 
cian deities, or understand Virg. simply 
to expresB in theological language the 
advantage derived from tbe disguise, as 
Aeneas in v. 735 ascribes to some deity 
the confusion of mind which led him to 
lose GreuBa. In prose we might have had 
" favente Fortuna haud nostra." Comp. 
V. 387, where Ooroebus suggestB that they 
should treat the opportunity as an inter- 
position of fortune in their favour. 
[Henry explains the words "not according 
to our own will and pleasure,but according 
to the will and pleasure of the Danai ; " but 
he does not succeed in shewing that • nu- 
men' is usedof fnanin this sense. — H.N.] 

397.] * Per caecam noctem.* See on v. 

398.] Most of the M8S., including 
Med., have • dimittimuB,' a common error. 
See G. 2. 8, 354. 

399.] ♦Cursu petunt,' v. 321. 

400.] * Fida,' Decause their fleet was 
there. [For * formidine turpi ' Serv. 
quotesa parallel Arom Sallust (Hist. 1. 28 
Dietsch) : "Carbo turpi formidine Italiam 
atque exercitum deseruit." — H. N.] 

401.] •* Nec equi caeoa oondemur m 
alvo," 9. 152. See on w. 19, 20. The 
argument there drawn from this place 
rests on the assumption that the oowajdice 
desoribed here is not likely to have beexx 



Hen nihil inTitis fas quemqnam fidere diyis ! 
Ecce trahebatnr passis Priameia yirgo 
Grinibus a templo Gassandra adytisqne Mineryae, 
Ad caelum tendens ardentia lumina frustra, 
Lumina» nam teneras arcebant yincula pabnaa 


flhown by any of the leaders of the Greeks : 
Virg. however may have ohosen to dis- 
parage them here as he has doue 6. 489 
folL [«Bquum'Med.— H. N.] 

402—437.] * Fortune tums against ub. 
We are mistaken by the Trojane, disco- 
vered by the Greeks, and slaughtered by 
both. I make for tbe palace.' 

402.] *Invitis divia/ the dat., not the 
abl. The sense is not * men can have no 
coufidence when the gods are averse,* but 

* a man may not safely trust the gods 

Xinst their will,' may not rely on Fortune 
^ she has really declared against him. 

* Invitis ' seems to express that the gods 
are not willing to be trusted, as if by 
taking advantage of a tum of fortune and 
improving it by a stratagem Aeneas and 
his companions were exhibiting a trust in 
Heaven which they are not entitled to 
feel. This agrees with *haud numine 
nostro,* as explained above, and gives a 
foroe to the whole oontext which it would 
not otherwise possess« the fate of the dis- 
guisedTrojansbeingtreated asavisitation 
from the gods for presuming on their aid, 
or attempting to gain it when it was not 
to be given. If 8erv.*s explanation of v. 
396 oould be substantiated, the meaning 
would be more definite ; but the passage 
does not require such a hypothesis. We 
should bear in mind the prominence given 
throughout this book to the agency of the 
gods ; the Trojans are blinded by the gods 
so as to take in the horse : Aeneas rushes 
out in desperation on hearingthat the gods 
have declared against Troy, v. 336 ; his 
very words to his oompanions, w. 350 foU., 
oontrast ominously with those of Goroebus, 
V. 387, the one bidding them aooept the 
doom of the vanquished, **Una salus 
viotis nuUam sperare salutem,*' the other 
urging them to avaU themselves of tiie 
first omen of safety and convert it into a 
certointy. They are punished; and 
Aeneas,after witnessing the £Eite of Priam, 
is caused by Yenus to see the gods visibly 
arrayed against his country. With the 
language of this Une oomp. 5. 800, ** Fas 
omne est, Cytherea, meis te fidere regnis," 
which might perhaps be quoted to show 
that ' Dihil * here agrees with * fas * like 

" nihU opus." 

403.] The CycUc poets, as appears firom 
the argument of the *l\lou ir4pffi^ of Aro* 
tinus, preserved by Produs, desoribed 
Cassandra as dragged firom the teiiiple of 
PaUas by Ajax, the son of Oileus, who 
dragged away also the statue of the god- 
dess to whioh she was oUng^ii^ ; for this 
the Greeks would have stoned him had 
not he himself taken sanotuary, and his 
trial before the kings for the crime was 
the subject of paintings in the Poecile at 
Athens and at Delphi. The story is also 
referred to by Eur. Tro. 69 foll., where it 
is said that the Greeks took no notice of 
the crime. His death on the voyage 
home was represented as Pallas' revenge 
for the sacrilege, as mentioned on 1. 39. 
The iKtn)9ii6s^ or dragging away of pri- 
soners into captivity, is mentioned by 
Hom. (S. 6. 465, &c.) The suppliant 
Danaides in Aesohylus (Supp. 428 foll., 
909) are in danger of being dragged by 
the liair from the statues to which they 
are clinging ; and so Eur. Iph. A. 1366, 
Tro. 881, &o. 

404.] * Templo,* the temple of Minerva 
in the citadel ; Aeneas and his oomradi-s 
had made their way to the heart of the 
city, V. 359. Heyne. 

405.] •Tenden8,'as Wagn. well remarka, 
is used by anticipation with reference to 
'|>alma8.' Virg. however may have 
thought of *tendere ooulos,* to direct the 
eye in observing an object (5. 508), as he 
thought of * tendere vocem,* to strain or 
exert the voice, when he wiote " tendo ad 
caelum oum voce manus,** 8. 176, &c. 

406.] [** ' Arcebant,' oontinebant vel 
prohibebant.** Serv. The former may be 
right, as Paul. p. 15 (Miiller) says *• aroere 
est oontinere: and Serv. on A. I. 31 
**significat autem (jaroei) et contineL 
Ennius: *qui fulmine claro Omnia per 
sonitus arcet,* id est oontinet.** Placidus 
p. 11 (Deuerling) ^^arcendy tenent, oustod- 
mnt.**--H. N.] With the structure of 
this and the foregoing verse comp. OatuII. 
64. 260, ** Pars obscara cavis oelebiabant 
orgia cistis, Orgia, quae frustra cupiunt 
audixe profani.** With the sentiment 
Henry oomp. Eur. Andr. 573. 



Non tulit hanc speciem furiata mente Coroebus, 
Et sese medium iniecit peritnrus in agmen. 
Consequimur cuncti et densis incurrimus armis. • 
Hic primum ex alto delubri culmine telis 
Nostrorum obruimur, oriturque miserrima caedes 
Armorum facie et Graiarum errore iubarum. 
Tum Danai gemitu atque ereptae virginis ira 
Undique collecti inyadunt, acerrimus Aiax, 
Et gemini Atridae, Dolopumque exercitus omnis ; 
Adversi rupto ceu quondajn turbine venti 
Confligunt» Zepbynisque Notusque et laetus Eois 
Eurus equis ; stridunt silvae, saevitque tridenti 
Spumeus atque imo Nereus ciet aequora fundo. 



407.] * Speciem/ the sight, as in Oic. 
Ph. 11. 3, quoted by Serv., «Ponite ita- 
que ante oculos, P. 0., miBeram quidem 
illam etflebilem speciem^sed ad incitandos 
noetros animos necessariam." 8o ** im- 
ago " above, v. 369, note. * Furiata : ' the 
verb occurs Hor. 1 Od. 25. 14. 

408.] [Oonington took *periturug* as 
standing for *deriturum,' comparing 
" obvia "1.314. But 8erv. may be right 
when he says **melior sensus est si ad 
dimicantis referatur afTectum, sicut de 
Tarchonte, de quo dixit (11. 741) *et 
medioB fertur moriturus in hostes/ oum 
vicerit." — H. N.l *Perituru8* was re- 
storod by Heins. from tho best MSS. in 
place of * moriturus,' which is found in 
two of Ribbeck'8 cursiveB. 

409.] * Densis armis,' abl., as in v. 383 
above,*cloeing our ranks,' so that * densis' 
virtually = **den8atis." * Incurrimus ar- 
mis,' like **inruimus ferro,*' 8. 222. 

410.] *Hicprimum,* 1.450,451. *Thi8 
was the beginning of our reverses.' * Pri- 
mum ' answers to ** tum,** v. 413, and to 
•*etiam,"v. 420. 

411.] *Oriturque miserrima caedes' 
ooours again 11. 885. ' Miserrima,' * moet 
piteous,' here, beoause men are slain by 
their friends in ignorance ; there, because 
their f^iends are oompelled in self-defenoe 
to abandon them to their fate. 

412.] * Pacie— errore,' Madvig, § 255. 
* Error iubarum,' arising from the crests. 
♦Facie' and *errore' are not strictly 
parallel; in proee *errore' would prob- 
ably have been oonneoted with both 
substantives, ** errore e £aoie armorum 
et Grais iubis orto." 

413.] *Gemitu,' with a groan of indig- 
nation. ** Dentibos infrendens gemitu," 

3. 664. * Ereptae virginis ira,' like ** ira 
provinciae ereptae," Livy 37. 51. Forb. 
Weidner oomp. 7. 15, ** gemitus ira^ue 

414.] * Undique ' with « ooUecti,' not, as 
Heyne, with * invadunt.* ** Undique col- 
lecti coeunt," 7. 582. *They ralfy from 
all sides and fall on us.' * Ool iecti ' alone, 
*formed into a mass,' would not imply 
that the attaok was made ftrom all quar- 
ters at once. *Acerrimu8,' with ali the 
fury of revenge for the loes of his prize. 

415.] tifffrol *Arp9i6ai, *Dolopum,' v. 
7 above. 

416.] *Adver8i,' preiioate. * Rupto 
turbino/like"vocemrumpere," v. 129,note. 
The resemblance between this simile and 
II. 9. 4 foll, noticed by Heyne, is very 
faint. For the physical fact see on 1. 85. 

417.] *Laetu8 equis,' Iwinoxdpnris, of 
which it may be a translation. Tbe at- 
tributing of horses to the winds, like the 
converse belief thatcertainhorses were the 
ofTspring of the winds (G. 3. 275, noteX 
is sufficiently common. Whether Virg. 
conceived of the winds as drlving or 
as riding horses is not clear; the former 
would l^ the more Homeric conception, 
but the latter is supported by Hor. 4 Od. 

4. 44, ** Eurus per Sioulas equitavit un- 
das " (Z€<t>ipov tn^ifreunos, Eur. Phoen. 
219X and a fragment quoted by Orelli, on 
Hor. L c, **Eure, beato lumine volitans, 
Qui per caelum candidus equitas." The 
plural • equis ' proves nothing, as Virg. 
evidently intends * laetus equis ' to be a 
perpetual epithet 

418.] *8aevitque tridenti:' comp. 
** saevumque tridentem," 1. 142. 

419.] *Spumeu8' is separated from 
*Nereu8' for the sake of poetioal variety, 



lUi etiam^ si quoB obscura noote per umbram 420 

Fudimus insidiis totaque agitavimus urbe, 

Apparent ; primi clipeos mentitaque tela 

Adgnoscunty atque ora sono discordia signant. 

Ilicet obruimur numero ; primusque Coroebus 

Penelei deztra diyae armipotentis ad aram 425 

80 that it adheres as a predicate to * eae- 
▼it,' thoagh in point of sense it might 
eqnally go with ^ciet.' For a Bimilar 

g>Bition of the epithet oomp. (with 
enry) 11. 626, and 7. 464, "furit in- 
toB aquai Fumidas atque alte spumiB 
ezuberat amniB.*' 

420.] ' Obscura nocte,' note on v. 360. 
The night seemB to be mentioned here 
both as favouring the Btratagem, and as 
rendering the rout more complete. 

421.] * InsidiiB,' not to be taken strictly, 
by ambuBh, but by the Btratagem de- 
Bcribed ▼. 387 folL *Totaque agitavi- 
muB urbe,' y. 899. 

422.] * Primi,' Beeminglv implying that 
AjaK and the Greeks with him hwi not 
detected the fraad, their one feelingbeing 
revenge for the reBOue of CaBsandra. Bil^ 
beck, following an indication in Pal., 
where there is a gap after the first three 
letters of •primi,* reads *Priami,' Bup- 
posing the Bense to be that the Greeks 
disoover that the arms of AeneaB and hia 
friendfl are really not Greek, but Trojan. 
But the TrmanB are not commonly 
Bpoken of aa Priam's men ; and it is a 
oonBiderable step even from this to speak 
of the asBumed arms as Priam^s arms. 
* Mentita,' to be underBtood in its usual 
Bense with Serv. * our lying, counterfeit- 
ing weapons,' not with Heyne and others 
as if it were passive. The weapons were 
actually Greek, and so were not oounter- 
feited, out oounterfeiting. 

423.] *8ignant'="pro signo habent," 
as Jahn explains it, a person who is 
oonoemed with a thing when done being 
■aid poetically to do it, as in £. 9. 20, and 
elBewhere. |/'*Signant' designant aut 
per vocem, aut per symbolum quo ute- 
bator exercitus.** Serv. — H. N.J * Sono 
diBCordia,' to be taken cloaely with * sig- 
nant,' the discordance being tbe *signum.' 
Wund. remarks that Hom. aesumes that 
the GreekB and Trojans spoke the same 
langoage, but Yirg., following the later 
Greek poets, makes them diner. ^orb. 
sayB that the difference must be under- 
stood to be oonfined to dialect, as they 

are always represented in the Aeneid as 
intelligible to each other. The proba- 
bility seems to be that Yirg. foUowed 
Hom. witliout thought, or trom the ne- 
ceBsity of the case, in other pasBages, 
and that he is here inconsiBtent with 
himself. In Aesch. Choeph. 563, Orestes 
says that Pylades and he will speak in 
a peculiar dialect; when however they 
appear again they talk Attic like the 
rest, the poet not scrupling to be inoon- 
sistent wbere consistency would have 
produced awkwardness. 

424.] *Ilicet' (**ire Hcet") is properly 
a verbal clause, constracted with a dative 
in Plaut. Capt. 3. 1. 9, ** Ilicet parasiticae 
arti maxumam in malam crucem," but 
more generally used parenthetically, as in 
Ter. Eun. 2. 3. 56, ** ilicet, desine, iaro 
oonclamatum est," whence it comes to be 
a mere adverb, as here. Serv. says it was 
the word of the crier in dismissing the 
court, and so Donat. on Ter. Phorm. 1. 
4. 31 ; but Martius Salutaris, quoted by 
ChariBiuB, p. 202 (Keil), calls it ** inter- 
ieotio graviter ingemiscentis," as if it 
were = **hem." It has also been oon- 
founded with ** illico," as by Serv. on 11. 
468. Ti. Donat. says on the present pas- 
sage, ** ubicumque ponitur Uieet^ extrema 
omniaoccidere vel ocoidisse significatur," 
which is so far true that in the comio 
writers it appears generally to have the 
force of ** aotum est." * Numero,' as we 
should say, by numbers, as in E. 7. 52, 
** aut numerum lupus." 

425.] Heyne thinks this oannot be the 
Homeric Peneleus, leader of the Boe- 
otians (H. 2. 494., 14. 490, &c.), as 
Pausanias (9. 5) says that he had been 
killed by Eurypylus, son of Telephus ; 
but Yirg. may very well have followed a 
different story about Peneleus, as we 
know him to have done about the 
death of Coroebus (note on v. 841). 
On *Penelei' or *Peneleo,' see v. 
371. note. * Armipotentis ; ' ** Armipotens 
praeses belli, Tritonia virgo," 11. 483. 
[Attins 127 Bibbeck, **Minervae armi- 
potenti."— H. N.] 



Procmnbit ; cadit et Bipheas^ iostissimas anus 
Qui fuit in Teucris et servantissimas aequi ; 
Dis aliter yisum ; pereunt Hypanisque Dymasque 
Confixi a sociis ; nec te tua plurima, Panthu, 
Labentem pietas nec Apollinis infula texit 
Iliaci cineres et fiUtmma extrema meorum, 
Testor, in occasu yestro nec tela nec uUas 
Yitayisse yices Danaum^ et, si fata fuissent. 


426.] * UnnB ' strengthens * instissiniDe/ 
♦ the one jnsteBt,* or * the very justest,* as 
if be bad said ** iastissimus omnium Teu- 
crorum." 8o Plaut. Asin. 3. 1. 18,** Quid 
ais tu, quam ego unam vidi mulierem 
audaoissumam ? " Gomp. 7. 536, and also 
1. 16., 6. 704., 12. 143. 

428.] * Visum,' of the decrees of the 
gods, 3. 2. The meanin^ of course is 
uot the gods did not think him ju8t,but 
that they did not deal with him as they 
might haye been expected to deal with a 
just man. The expression is one of piety, 
as we might say * Heaven^s ways are not 
as ours ' not unmixed with reproaob, the 
latter feeling appearing more strongly in 
the parallel passage in Od. 1. 234, vw 
If kr4fms ifi6\opro 0to\ icaici firirt^wnrtSy 
whioh will illustrate the peculiar use of 
ttWos trtpos in the sense of evil or in- 
auspiciouB. 6en. £p. 98 recommends 
his friend on the occasion of any loss, to 
say oonstantly without complaining, ** Dis 
aliter visum est," or rather, as a nobler 
and wiser ejaculation, ** Di melius." 

480.] Imitated from T\, 1. 28, /i^ vl 
rot ob xP^^hV ff^^h^poy Koi ffrifxtui d^oTOf 
wbich sbows the unsafeness of Gossrau^s 
inference from * infula,' that Panthus was 
slain by a wound in the head. 

431 .] *Flamma extrema meorum* is 
paraUel to * Iliaci cineres,' as the flames 
of Troy were the faneral flamee of 
Aeneas* countrymen and friends. Comp. 
CatuU. 68. 90, ** Troia virum et virtutum 
omnium acerba cinis." He not only ad- 
dresses the ashes of Troy and of the Tro- 
ians about his own conduct towards them, 
but calls them solemnly to witness, the 
common method of attestatiou being by 
the ashes of parents or relatives, as in 
Prop. 3. 11. (2. 20). 15 foll., ** Ossa tibi 
iuro per matris et ossa parentis ; Si fallor, 
cinis heu sit mihi uterque gravis," and in 
other passages coHected by Cerda. 

432.] *Ooca8U,' 1. 238. The subject 
of * vitavisse ' is left to be supplied nom 
c the context, as in 4. 493, &c. 

433.] It is not altogether eaey to flx 
the sense of 'vioes.' That Serv. is right 
generally in explaining it of battle is 
olear, so that Forb. hf^ good reason to 
compare ** belli vices " in Btat. Theb. 10. 
754, and elsewhere. * Vioes * however in 
thiti oonnexion may refer either to the 
casualties of war (that which happens 
to each in tumX o' *<> «^ctual enoounters 
between two persons, the *give and 
take' of oombat. The former is evidently 
the prominent notion in Sil. 8. 13, 
Claudian 6 Cons. Honor. 282, where 
fortune is spoken of in the oontext; 
the latter is perhaps what is intended 
in Btat. 1, c, ,where the words are 
**non quisquam obsistere contra, Non 
belli temptare vices." On the whole, 
I can scarcely doubt that Thiel is right 
in distiog^uishing * vices ' from * tela,' as 
hand-to-hand encounters, ** oomminus,*' 
cx^^My fiom missiles; comp. below, 
V. 726, where the expression is very 
paraUel, **qu6m dudum non uUa in- 
lecta movebant Tela neque adverso 
glomerati ex agmine Grai," and above 
V. 358, **per tela, per hostis." *Neo 
tela, nec ullas vices*^ will then=**nulla 
tela, nnUas vices." In any case the ex- 
pression * vioes Danaum ' is perhaps a 
little harsh ; but there can be no doubt 
that the punctuation is right, as against 
an attempt, mentioned by Heyne, and 
revived by Peerlkamp, Ladewig, Haupt, 
and Bibbeck, to connect * Danaum ' with 

* manu,' which they join with * ut cade- 
rem.' Scaliger seems to have had some 
notion of the true reference of * vices,* 
his words being *• vice$ volnera significat 
et caedes, ut quomadmodum vel percus- 
serat v6l interfecerat idem pateretur ; ubi 
igitur ab Argivis tantundem fiebat operis 
ad pugnandum, eo Aeneas sese induebat." 

* Tela * apparently goes with * Danaum,* 
as weU as * vices.' ** 8i fata fuissent," v. 
54. jpne M8. gives *dedis8ent,' one or 
two others * tulissent/ which Bunu. 
groundlessly prefers. 



TJt caderem, memisse maniL DiTellimur inde^ 

Iphitus et Pelias mecum, quorum Iphitus aeyo 435 

lam grayior, Pelias et yolnere tardus Ulixi, 

Protinus ad sedes Priami clamore yocati. 

Hic yero ingentem pugnam, ceu cetera nusquam 

Bella forent, nulli tota morerentur in urbe^ 

Sic Martem indomitum, Danaosque ad tecta ruentis 440 

Cemimus obsessumque acta testudine limen. 

434.] Whether •nt eaderem' depends 
on * si fata fuissent,' or on * meniisse/ Is 
baid to Bay, as either oonBtmotion wonld 
be admissible in itself, and either woold 
suit the passage. * MeruisBe manu ' is 
aptly explained by Serv., **id est fortiter 
dimicasse; hi enim merentur oocidi.*' 
Gossrau comp. "mereri volnera," Tac. 
Oerm. 14« and a aimilar passage in Yal. 
F. 1. 196, " scio me cunctis e gentibua 
unum Inlicitas temptare vices hiemem- 
que mereri." * Manu * = " pug^ando," 
as in G. 3. 32, and eLsewhere. * Inde,' 
probabl y of time, though it might denote 
place, "we are foroed away from the 
scene of action." The subject of * diyel- 
limur' is doubtleBS "ego, Iphitus, et 
Pelias," or as it is lees regularly expreraed, 
" Iphitus et Pelias mecum." 

435.] Iphitus and Pelias are unknown 
to Hom., and do not appear elsewhere in 
Virg., unless *Iphitus' is rightly read in 
T. 340, note. Here, as there, the name is 
yariously spelt, though the form ^ Epytus ' 
does not seem to ocour. Virg. would. 
naturally ooin such names as he required 
to make his epic narrative circumstantial. 
The age of one of Aeneas* comrades, and 
the disabled state of the other, sbow how 
desperate the fortunes of Troy had be- 
oome, and so contrast with the descrip- 
tion yy. 339 foll. *Aevo gravior,' like 
** annis gravis," 2. 246. 

436.] ♦ Volnere Ulixi,* a wound received 
from XJIysses, as Gell. 9. 12 observes. 8o 
'•volnere meo" 11. 792, ** venantum" 12. 
5, ** noetro" ib. 61. [' Vulnere ' Med.— 

437.] * Vocati ' is not a flnite verb, but 
a participle, agreeing with the subject of 
* diveUimur.' The battle-cry at Priam*s 
palaoe was what foroed Aeneas and his 
oomrades away from the scene where the 
oibers met their death. 

438—452.] * At the palace the struggle 
was most deadly, the Greeks attompting 
to Bcale the waUs, the Trojans to prevent 
them by thiowing down fragmeuts of 

masonry, as weU as by defending the 
entrances. The new emergency brod in 
me new reaolve.' 

438.] * Ingentem pus^nam ' with * oemi- 
mus.' Aeneas says the struggle was so 
extensive and deadly, that vou would 
think there were none left to fight in the 
rest of Troy, none to be kilied. This 
accounts for * cetera,' — * all the other oon- 
flicts that were going on in the town,' 

* aU the rest of the war then waging.' 
Virg. has evidently imitated Od. 8. 519, 
where in the minstrers song about the 
capture of Troy it is said that the fieroest 
struggle went on at tbe house of Dei- 
phobus K€7$i 8^ cdy^aTOP ir</A€/ioy ^dro 
roKfA-fiffavra. Burm. oomp. Btat Theb. 8. 
122, **ceu nuUa prius Itunenta neo atri 
Manaesent imbres, sio ore miserrimus 
uno Exoritur fragor," which shows that 

* sic,' y. 440, is meant to answer to * ceu' 
bere. Virg. in^aot writes loosely, at 
flrst apparently intending to confine the 
eomparison indicated by *oeu' to *in- 

fentem pugnam,' and then going on to 
raw it out in the linee that foUow as if 

* ingentem pugnam ' had not preceded. 

441.] Wund. remarks that two struggles 
were going on between the assaUants and 
defenders, one about scaling the walls of 
the palace, the other about foroing an 
entranoe through the doors (vy. 449, 450). 
The progress of the one is described vv. 
452—468, that of the other yy. 469 foll. 
The * testudo' here intended is probably 
not the machine so oaUed, but the avv- 
aawtcfiSs, Quinct. Smymaeus, following, 
it is supposed, the early Cyclio writere, 
represents the Greeks as attaoking Troy 
in this manner, in a passage, part of which 
may be worth quoting (11. 358 foll.): 

Kal rSr* ip* Ofxi^* *09wrria ^^powa ic^t- 
MOI tur^pts 

Ktiyov r«;(iH^crr< p6^ wot\ ft&Xop "hpi^s 

kmtiZas ivr^woMrot $d\0¥ 8' i^^tftOt 

O^VTCf ^ iiX\^\if<rt' fihi V $iway ^fioirw 



Haerent parietibus scalae, postisque sub ipsos 
Nituntur gradibus, dipeosque ad tela sinistris 
Protecti obiciunt, prensant fastigia dextris. 
Dardanidae contra turris ac tecta domorum 
Culmina convellunt ; his se, quando ultima cemimt, 
Extrema iam in morte parant defendere telis ; 
Auratasque trabes, veterum decora alta parentum, 
Devolvunt ; cJii strictis mucronibus imas 


wvKp6iff h oih* h»4fMw h4px*rai typhw 

piwii kwtip^eiii, olh^ iic Atbs turwtros 


rouu *Kpy%lmv vtwvKOfffA^peu iifi^l /3oc(ais 

KapT^cuno ^dXayyts* (^x**^ ^ ^^ Bufihp 

«Is li' hpnpifuwai' Ka0^§p$t Si Tp^ioi vUs 

fidxXop x<P/^^<>'^<' 'r^ ^ ^' crvptKris 
awo ittrfitis 

yaSoM iwl rpa^to^p iKvXlp^tro. 
Gomp. also Yirg. s own description 9. 505 
foU., which in Bome respectsis fullerthan 
tbe present, and Livy 84, 39, cited by 
Weidner. * Acta testudine ' i» repeated 
9. 505. " Agere," like "duoere," is used 
of drawing a line, as in O. 3. 87, A. 10. 
514 oomp. i\a6y€ip in iKa6pup riixos)\ 
and thifi seems to be the notion here, the 
formation of a colnmn of shields, which 
is driyen np to the wall. 

442.] * Haerent,* in proBe **admotae 
Bunt," Heyne. Soaling ladders are part 
ofthe Boman (as of the later Greek) 
apparatns for an asBault, whioh Virg. has 
transferred to enic times. ^PoBtisque 
8ub ipsoB,' the ladders are planted at the 
Tery postB of the doors, * ipsos* perhaps 
pointmg to the daring whioh approaches 
where the defenoe woold natmrally be 

443.1 'Gradibns' of the ladders, not, 
as Gerda thought, and Henry now tbiuks, 
of the doors. * Olipeos— obioiunt ' de- 
Bcribes the 'testudo.' For *ad tela' 
Med., Gud., and others give * ao tela,' a 
reading mentioned by Serv., but rightly 
rejected by him, and evidently due to * ao 
tecta' V. 445. A different error, *ad 
tecta,' has orept into some copies. 

444.] Wund. remarks that * protecti ' is 
added ex abnndanti, as participles are 
sometimes added by the Greek poetB, 
e. g. Soph. Ant 23. Whether * fastigia ' 
means the aotual roof, or is nsed looiely 
for the projecting battlements, is not 

easy to say, and perhaps does not mnoh 

445.] Serv. mentions a reading *tota 
domorum,' which is found also in some 
M8S. *Tecta culmina' may serye to 
illuBtrate the use of * tectum ^ as a sub- 
stantive. Some have suggested *cul- 
mine ' for * culmina/ so as to leave * tecta 
domoram ' by itaelf, as in 8. 98., 12. 132 
(8eeonG.4. 159). 

446.] • His telis,' with these lavelinB, 
with these as javelins. ♦ Quando,^ * siiice,' 
as in 1. 261, &c. * Ultiraa' as in such 
phrases as *♦ ultima pati," ** experiri," so 
that it is virtuallyequivalent to *extrema 
iam in morte.' 

448.J The commentators remark on the 
pathetic situation, the Trojans being 
forced to destroy their moat preoiouB 
things in self-defence. Cerda quotes on 
the preceding line a passage from Quint 
Declam. 368: ••Ipsorum sepulchrorum 
ruina, si poBsem, hostem repellerem : 
tecta in subeuntiB, et sacra, qutn etiam 
templorum fastigia, desperantium tela 
Bunt : certum eat omnia lioere pro patria," 
apparently an allusion to Virg., and on 
the present line one from Tac H. 8. 71, 
♦♦ Ambustasque Capitolii forea penetraa- 
sent, ni Sabinus revulsas undique statuas, 
deoora maiorum, in ipso aditu vioe muri 
obiecisset." * Decora alta' as in 1. 429. 
Here * alta ' is omitted or erased in two 
or three MSS., while others, includine 
fragm. Vat., have a variouB reading * illa/ 
which is the text of Pal., and adopted by 
Bibbeck. It has very oonsiderable pro- 
bability, aB *alta* may very well have 
arisen f rom a recollection of the passage 
in A. 1. (see on 1. 668., 4. 564., 6. 808, 
where as here Med. supports the reading 
which is apparently due to recollection) : 
but the words of Stat Theb. 5. 424, cited 
by Forb., **Magnorum decora alta pa- 
trum," look as if he had read * alta : ' and 
80 it is quoted by Priscian, p. 772 P. 

449.] Heyne remarks that the de- 
feuders of the doors Bwm to have stood 



Obsedere fores ; has senrant agmine denso. 450 

Instanrati animi, regis succurrere tectis, 
Auxilioque levare viros, vimque addere victis. 
Limen erat caecaeqne fores et pervius usus 
Tectorum inter se Priami, postesque relicti 
A tergo, infelix qua se, dum regna manebant, 455 

Saepius Andromache ferre incomitata solebat 
Ad soceros, et avo puernm Astyanacta trahebat. 
Evado ad summi fastigia culminis, unde 
Tela manu miseri iactabant inrita Teucri. 

within, oomp. y. 485. ' Imas,' opposed to 
wbat was going on upon tlie roof. 

451.] Aeneas* firat tbought bad been 
to make for tbe citadel (v. 315) ; be bad 
afterwarda beeome more desperate (vy. 
336 foll.); now be seems to retum to the 
hope of making a regular defenoe. * Sac- 
currere ' = ** ad saocurrendum." See on 
G. 1. 213. 

452.] * Auxilio levare ' 4. 538. * Vim ' 
seems to keep its ordinary sense of ' vio- 
lence,' *power of offenoe,' bo that tbe 
expression is not qoite = ** vires addere." 
Dryden bas imitated it bappily iii bis 
modemization of Ghauoer^B Knigbt*8 Tale, 
*'And force is added to the fainting 

453—468.] *I resolve to join tbe de- 
fenders on tne roof, wbicb I accomplisb 
by meauB of a eecret door. We hurl 
down a turret on tlie enemy; but tbe 
aBsault ifl not abated.' 

453.] [** Haec desoriptio ofitendit duas 
domoB fui8Be ooniunctaB, unam in qua 
PriamuB, alteram vero in qua Hector oom- 
manebat; ut transiretur ex una ad 
alteram, forcB dabant occasionem, quae 
ob banc cauBam fuerant factae, ut essent 
notae oommanentibus, extraneis vero in- 
oognitae." Ti. DonatuB.— H. N.] 

454.] 'Tectorum inter se' seems to 
mean merely that by entering this door 
you migbt paBs from palace to palace, as 
you might by entering tbe front door, 
only from a difierent direction. [♦* * Pob- 
tesque relicti ' aut relictum spatium cum 
domus aedificaretur, ubi oetium fieret, 
aut relicti ab bostibuB, id est, quoB boBtoB 
non obsederant," Serv. Ti DonatuB ex- 
plains it ae = ** deserti," quoting G. 4. 
127 *' cui paucarelicti lugera ruris erant." 
** Huno locum," lie says, *' cum pronunti- 
amuB, sio debemus ordinare, ut a tergo 
Bint limen et posteB, non relicti a tergo." 
Henry now explains tbe wbole passage 
exactly as DonatoB does. **The strao- 

ture," he Bays, ** is * a tergo erat limen 
caecaeque foree, et pervius usus . . . 
postesque relicti' . . . *po8tes relioti,' 
an abandoned door." This is simple, 
and in all probability rigbt. Gonington 
following Heyne took ^postes relicti a 
tergo ' together as = ** postica." — H. N.] 

455.] *Infelix' is perbaps better re- 
ferred to Andromacbe'8 widowbood than 
understood of ber wretchednesa now, 
when Troy is in tbe hands of tbe Greeks. 
*Dum regna manebant' v. 22. [Serv. 
mentioDs a variant '*cum" for *dum,' 
but rightly objects that the indioative 
would be ungrammatical. — H. N.] 

456.] * Incomitata,' and * traliebat ' are 
noted by Wund. as contrary to tbe repre- 
sentation of Homer, who deseribes Andro- 
macbe not as carrying Astyanax berself, 
but as attended by her nurse. Virg. of 
course may be wrong ; but he evidently 
means tbe privacy of tbe postern to ac- 
count for Andromache'8 being able to 
visit tbe king and queen without pomp 
or attendance of any sort. *Saepiu8 
BolebafE. 1.21. 

457.] *8oceroB' Priam and Hecuba, 
both of whom are included under the 
masculine denomination, as ' patres ' v. 
579 stands for *parente8.' *Socru8' 
BeemB originally to have been masculine 
as weU as feminine : see Forcell. * Tra- 
hebat,' as in v. 321, as tbe child would 
not be able to keep pace witb ber. Ab 
Gossrau remarks, tbe oontrast of tbe 
former security of Andromaobe and her 
child with the agony of tbe preeent 
'fltruggle is pathetic. 

458.] *Evado' of mounting a height, 
4. 685: Bee Forcell. Henry rightly ob- 
Berves, tbat it means Btrictly to pass 
through tbe intermcdiate spaoe and come 
out on the other side. Aeneas means 
that he entcrs the palace through this 
postem, and BCiiles the roof. 

459.] 'lactabant inrita,' **spargebant 



Turrim in praecipiti stantem summisque sub astra 460 
Eductam tectis^ uude omnis Troia videri 
Et Danaum solitae naves et Achaica castray 
Adgressi ferro circum, qua summa labantis 
luncturas tabulata dabant, conyellimus altis 
Sedibus, impulimusque ; ea lapsa repente ruinam 465 
Cum sonitu trahit et Danaum super agmina late 

qnasi dU profatura,*' Serv. The meaDing 
may be Dot merely tbat tbeir darts were 
unavailing, but that they felt them to be 
BO,aDd accordiDglylauDohed them weakly ; 
but tbis would perbapa be a refinement. 

460.] In H. 21. 526 foU. Priam mounts 
a tower, and sees the bavoc made by 
Achilles.' Seneca (Troad. 1072 foU.) 
oombines Virg. and Hom., Bpeaking of 
a tower where Priam was wont to stand 
and marshal the battle. *Turrim' is the 
reading of most MSS., supported, so Gell. 
13. 19 tells us, by Valerius Probus. 
Charisius however (p. 25 P) quotes the 
line with *tarrem,' as an instance of 
Yirg.^s usage [and so apparently ,^fragm. 
Vat. — H.N.] * In praecipiti stare ' is a 
phrase found in Jnv. 1. 147. Here it 
might mean * so high as almost to topple 
ovor,* which is the ordinary interpreta- 
tion ; but as this would create a tautology 
with what follows, Gossrau and Henry 
seem right in supposing it to signify that 
the tower stood not in the middle of the 
palace, but at the extreme edge of one^ 
^«M. of its sides, so that it would faU not 
on but over the roof, as is the oase v. 465. 
**Summis tectis," not the roof of the 
palace, but the roof of the tower, * teotis ' 
being a model ablative, like **aroem 
attollere tectis " 3. 134 note. 

462.] For *Achaia* I have restored 
* Achaica,* which is the reading of Med. 
and PaL, while fragm., Vat. has * Aohaia.' 
The Kaxiyjparov of which the oommenta- 
tors complain (after Serv: on v. 27) can 
hardly have been felt by Virg., or he 
would not have written * Dorica castra ' 
in the passage just referred to ; while the 
form * Achaica * is supported by 5. 623, 
where there is scaroely any difference of 

463.] * Adgressi ferro ' appears to mean 
that they employed iron implements of 
one kind or anotber as levers. 

464.] * Tabulata' isdoubtless the floor- 
ing of the * turris,' as in 12. 672, " flam- 
mis inter tabulata volutus Ad oaelum 
undabat vertex turrimque tenebat." 
Gaesar B. G. 6. 29 speaka of ^Hurris 

tabulatorum quattuor," of four stories. 
[***Summa' extrema," Serv., who also 
ofiers another explanation, that * summa 
tabulata! means the highest story. 
**Hano turrim," ^ys Ti. Donatus, 
**petimu8 ferro, et abscissis iunotaris 
omnibuB quae magnitudinem tantae alti- 
tudiois retinebant . . . impuUmus." 
Adopting the first explanation offered 
by Serv., we may suppose tbe meaniDg 
to be * we attaoked the tower where the 
ends of the fiooriug (projected and) made 
the structure weaker,' * dabant,' as Serv. 
suggests, being ** faciebant." The points 
where the flooring projected would be 
naturaUy chosen for the insertion of 
crowbars and the like. * luncturae ' are 
the joinings of the blooks of wood and 
the flooring, standing for the struoture 
itself, as the joinings would naturaUy 
offer points of attack. Oonington took 
* summa ' to mean ** above or on the roof 
of the palace." Henry now supposes 
the *tabalata' to be the fiat or terrace 
formiDg the roof of the palace : ** being 
on tbe top of the palaoe they are caUed 
*summa.'^' The whole he paraphrases 
•* where the turret was oonnected with, 
and easily separable from, the terraoe on 
the top of the palace." Tlns explanation 
of * iuuoturae ' ooincides with ttiat of Ti. 
DoDatus.— H. N.] *Altis' is generally 
taken *high;' but it may equally well 
mean * deep,' the tower being overthrown 
from the bottom. * Sedibus ' then will 
be the foundation. 

465.] The ohange of tense in * impuU- 
mus ' of course shows the rapidity of the 
aotion. With this use of *impeUere' 
Wund. comp. 4. 22, ** animumque laban- 
tem ImpuUt," Forb. Lucan 6. 35, ** Ex- 
straitur quod non aries impellere saevus, 
Quod non uUa queat violenti machina 
belli." * Buinam trahit ' v. 631 and else- 
where. So perhaps '*ducet ruinam" 
Hor. 2 Od. 17. 9, ** trahere " and **ducere" 
giving tbe notion of height, as elsewhere 
of length. The early oommentators 
remark on the aoceleration of the move- 
meut of the vene. 



Incidit. Ast alii subeunt, nec saxa, nec uUum 
Telorum interea cessat genus. 

Vestibulum ante ipsum primoque in limine Pyrrhus 
Exsultat, telis et luce coruscus aena ; 470 

Qualis ubi in lucem coluber mala gramina pastus, 
Frigida sub terra tumidum quem bruma tegebat, 
Nunc, positis novus exuviis nitidusque iuventa. 

467.] ' And the shower of missiles from 
besiegers and besieged is as heavy as eyer.' 

469—485.] *PyrrhuB stands at the 
gate, like a snake that has renewed its 
yonth, surrounded by his comrades. He 
makes a breaoh in the door, and the 
interior of the palace is disctosed.' 

469.] [The * yestibulum ' wae properly 
a coyered space, sometinies of consider- 
able size, projecting in front of the 
" ianiia," and was used by persons wait- 
ing for admittance into the house. It 
was as a rule attaohed only to temples, 
tombs, and large houses, hence in the 
time of GelliuB (see Noctes Atticae 16. 
5) the meaning of the word was imper- 
feotly understood. The derivation seems 
to be fiom * ve ' and * stabiilum,' a place 
for standing outside. Gomp. "pro-sti- 
bolum." tiee Marquardt, Alterthimer, 
vol. 7. p. 221 foll. who derives the. word, 
in some way which requires fartber ex- 
planation, Irom iardyai, ^Limine* may 
be the threshold of tbe * vestibulum,' un- 
less Virg. is speaking vaguely. — ^H. N.] 
"Vestibulum ante ipsum primisque in 
faucibusOrci"6. 273. 

470.] Heyneremovedthecomma which 
used to be placed after * telis.' * Telis et 
luce aena' isevidently a hendiadys. * Luce 
aena ' is from II. 13. 340, oirffi x'^'^''^* 

* Exsnltat ' may eitber indicate motion of 
the body, or that Pyrrhus, as we should 
say, is in his glory, or both. Gellius (2. 
3) says he once saw a most ancient copy 
of the second book, supposed to have 
been Yirg.^s own, in which the spelling 

* aena ' was corrected into * ahena.' 

471.] The followiuK simile is modelled, 
in parts almost verbaliy, on one in II. 22. 
93 folL, where Hector is compared to a 
deadly serpent stirring itself up for battle. 
The point however is not the same: 
Hector is waiting for an attack, while 
Pyrrhus is himseu the assailant, and the 
bodily motion of the serpent, which in 
the Homerio image merely implies readi- 
ness for confliot, is combined by Yirg. 
with its having renewed its youth, so as to 
make it a fit symbol of the * new warrior ' 

(tf€oitr6K€fios), who, as Henry remarks, 
appears on the soene at the end of the 
siege and fleshes his maiden sword during 
the last days of Troy. Henry refers to 
a similar comparison in Sil. 12. 6 foll. of 
Hannibal breaking his winter quarters to 
a serpent emerging from its winter sleep. 
'In lucem' bas rather perplexed the 
commentators, some of whom wish to 
alter it, while others, rightly oonstruot- 
ing it with * oonvolvit,' complain pf the 
awkwardness of the separation 6f the 
words and of the tautology with *ad 
solem.' Virg. bowever is fond of throw- 
in^ in a word at the beginningof a simile 
to indicate as it were tbe main point and 
apply generally to what foUows (oomp. 
1. 148 " Ac veluti magno in populo,'* 6. 
707 "Ao velut in pratls," 12. 908 "Ao 
velut in somnis "), and we may say here 
that * in lucem * does the duty of a verb, 
which is consequently not needed till v. 
474. On the alleged tautology Forb. 
well remarkl^ that * in lucem ' includes 
the light as opposed to underground dark- 
ness as weU as the aotual sunshine. 
*Mala gpramuia pastus' is Homer*s /3c- 
fipofKibs Kcuch ^dpfiouecu *Mala' as in 
" malus anguis" G. 3. 425. Henry quotes 
Pliny 8. 139 to show that the ancients 
thought the serpent was poisonless during 
'the winter (contrast however Seneca, 
Epist. 42), and acquired its venom from 
the food it ate on reviving in spring. 
Statius. Theb. 4. 95 (also quoted by 
Henry), seems to speak as if tnere were 
something peculiarly deadly in its first 

472.1 * Tumidus ' is not uncommonly 
applied to serpents (Forb. refers to Ov. 
M. 1. 460., 10. 313), but it seems soarcely 
to agree with the state of torpor here 
mentioned, so that if we do not suppose 
Virg. to have written loosely, we must 
assume either that he wisbes us to think 
of tbe natural violence of the serpent as 
soarcely subdued by its winter seolusion, 
or that, unlike Pliny, he holds that tho 
poison is brewing during the winter. 

473-475.] Comp. G. 3. 437 foU. (notes) 




Lubrica convolvit sublato pectore terga 

Arduus ad solem, et linguis micat ore trisulcis. 475 

Una ingens Periphas et equorum agitator Achillis, 

Armiger Automedon, una omnis Scyria pubes 

Succedunt tecto, et flammas ad culmina iactant. 

Ipse inter primos correpta dura bipenni 

Limina perrumpit, postisque a cardine yellit 480 

Aeratos ; iamque excisa trabe firma caTayit 

Robora, et ingentem lato dedit ore fenestram. 

Apparet domus intus, et atria longa patescunt ; 

wbere part of this passage is anticipated. 

* Arduus ad solem ' = ** erectui ad eolein." 
[• Convolvens * Verona fragm. — H. N.] 

476.] Periphas is a Greek warrior, tbe 
bravest of the Aetolians, in Hom. (II. 5. 
842), wbere bowever he is killed by Ares. 
He iB called ir€\<&ptos, wbicb answers to 

* ingens ' bere. Automedon is mentioned 
repeatedly in the Iliad as AcbiUes' cha- 
rioteer. *£quonim agitator,* /mriiAdTijj. 

* Agitator ' alone is a common word for 
a oharioteer: see ForceU. •Achillis,' 
note on G. 3. 91. 

477.] 8erv. thinks that Antomedon 
bad changed bis function, and become 
Pyrrbus' armour-bearer ; but he may have 
been botb: see on 6. 485. Elsewbere 
(9. 648., 11. 32) the armour-bearer of 
one generation becomes tbe oompanion, 
** comes," of another. * Scyria : * Pvrrbus 
had come from Scyros, the kingdom of 
his matemal grandfatber Lycomedes. 

478.] ***8uccedunt tecto:' h. e. «foreB 
adoriuntur'" Heyne. It would seem 
rather as if *tecto' were to be taken 
Btrictly of the roof, Pyrrbua' comrades 
attempting to scale the walls while 
Pyrrbus himself is making an impression 
on tbe door. In other passages, sucb as 
1. 627, *8uccedere tecto' or *tecti8' is 
U8ed of entering the houee. [*At' Pal. 
for*ad.'— H. N.] 

479.] *Ip8e* of Pyrrhus as distin- 
guished from his comrades. *Limina' 
are tbe doors, as * dura ' sbows. Pyrrbus 
is battering and bewing the doors witb 
his axe, bursting them througb and 
making them sturt from tbeir binges, tiU 
at last be cuts out a plank or panel. The 
presents, *perrumpit* and *vellit,' de- 
ecribing tbe general effect of the blows, 
a process still going on, contrast with 
*cavavit' and 'dedit,' whicb express a 
single completed act. Tbis seems a 
truer view of tbe passage tban to say 

witb Henry that tbe suooessfnl forcing 
of the door is first mentioned all at once, 
and then its various stages (vv. 480, 481, 
491 — 493) and its oonsequenoes (w. 483 
— 490) enumerated more at leisure. We 
must remember tbat Aeneas describes 
what be saw, and that Pyrrbus would 
appear to him from the first to be break- 
ing the door through, even before any 
actual impression bad been made. 

481.] ***Aeratos'— *robora.' Observe 
tbe effect of tbese 'v^ords, plaoed eacb in 
the empbatic position at tbe oommenoe- 
ment of tbe verse, and separated from 
the sequel by a pause. * Vellit aeratos,' 
tears them down althougb plated with 
bronze: *cavavit robora,' soooped out 
an opening in tbe door although made 
of the hardest wood." Henry. The 

* postes,' as he observes, are bere the door 
itself, though he oan soarcely be right in 
supposing that to be the natural and 
ordiuary meaning of the word : see Dict. 
A. *Cardo.' 

482.] *Fene8tra* of any window-like 
opening, as * os ' is usedof any mouth-like 
opening. Juvenal says **moIle8 in aure 
feneetrae " (1. 104) of boles for earrings. 
*Dedit fenestram' iike **dedit ruinam" 
V. 310. 

483.] Througb tbe aperture tbus made 
tbey see into the ** atrium," the arrange- 
mentof aRoman bousebeingstill foUowed. 
Henry however seems to aim at too much 
exactness when he attempts to distinguish 
the scene in tbe *domu8 intus* or *atrium' 
from the scene in the * domus interior ' or 

* cavaedium,' as even if the * atrium ' and 

* cavaedium ' are to be considered as dif- 
ferent (on whicb see Dict. A. * lanua '), 
tbe word *penetralia' seems to refer to 
the innermost cbambers, and tbe lan- 
guage seems to sbow tbat the distinction 
intended is ratber between two aspects of 
tbe sametbing; the bouse within regarded 



Apparent Priami et yeterum penetralia regum, 
Armatosque yident stantis in limine primo. 485 

At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu 
Misoetur, penitusque cayae plangoribus aedes 
Femineis ululant ; ferit aurea sidera clamor. 
Tum pavidae tectis matres ingentibus errant, 
Amplexaeque tenent postis atque oscula figunt. 490 

Instat yi patria Pyrrhus ; nec claustra, neque ipsi 
Custodes sufferre yalent ; labat ariete crebro 
lanua, et emoti procumbunt cardine postes. 
Fit yia yi ; rumpunt aditus, primosque trucidant 


as a Toyal priyaoy unyeiled^ and the honse 
within reg^ed with reference to the 
terror of its inmates. 

484.] *Penetralia' seemsnsed vaguely, 
not with the same definite referenoe as 
fi^xos, though in general the words oorre- 
sponds weU enough. 'Vetemm regum' 
of oourse adds to the pathos. The au8;u8t 
privacy wliich had heen preserved inviolate 
for generations is broken aU at once. 

485.] The 'armati' are those already 
mentioned vv. 449, 450. These defenders 
of the door would naturally be tbe first 
objects seen, but not tlie first thought of. 

486—505.] 'Tiien followed a Bcene of 
wailing and confuHion. It was soon over : 
the door finaUy gives way ; the Greeks 
rush in like a torrent; I saw their 
ohiefs triumphant, and mine murdered, 
and tbe whole splendid palaoe destroyed.' 
[Henry, with much poetical feeling, would 
connect this passage closely with the 
preceding lines, making it a seoond part 
of the same picture. — ^H. N.] 

486.] '^Do Albano excidio translatus 
est hio locus *' (Serv.), i. e., as it is sup- 
posed, fiom the description of the sack of 
Alba in Ennius' Annals. Livy*8 account 
(1. 29) has Bomething that may remind us 
of Yirg., but not more than might he ez- 
pected in any similar narrative. *At 
domus interior,' 1. 637, where, as here, the 
•• atrium " or ** cavaedium " is intended. 

487.] *Cavae* is doubtless used.with 
referenoe to sound Toomp. v. 53), as Forb. 
remarks ; but this does not exolude a re- 
ference to the *^ cavaedium." 

488.] * Ululant ' is transferred from the 
women to tbe waUs which echo their 
Bhrieks, as Lucr. 1. 256 talks of the woods 
as singing with birds. ***Aurea sidera' 
multi ad laqueariareferunt,^uodstultum 
ett*' Serv. ItmuBtbeadmitledperhaps 

that the epithet (whioh recurs 11. 
oomes in poorly here. 

490.] The kisses are fareweU kisses, 
ILke Dido's to th6 nuptial couch, 4. 659. 
Serv. comp. ApoU. R. 4. 26 (of Medea*s 
departure), Kuaaf 8' iStfrt k4xos tcod SikKI- 
6as itfiiporfpcoBt Srad/io^s, «rai rolx»y ^va- 
^d-aro. Virg. probably thought of Lucr. 
4. 1 178, ** postisque superbos Unguit ama- 
racino et furibus miser oscula figit." 

491.] Heyne oomp. Quinct. Smym. 13. 
219, irarphs M KaratifA^yos &XK^»'(alB0 of 
Pyrrlius). Forb. cites a characteristio 
pasbage from Sen. Tro. 259, **Aetati8 
alios fervor hio primae rapit, Pyrrhum 

492.] The * custodes ' are the * armati * 
just mentioned. The object of * suiferre * 
appears to be *vim.' It is queBtioned 
whether * ariete ' means a battering ram 
proper, or merely the battering of Pyrrhus' 
axe. The former seems more natural, and 
theanaehronism is quite in Virg/B manner. 
*Crebro,* as Forb. remarks, implies not 
that tbere were more than one * aries,' but 
that its strokee were many. 

493.] Non. p. 202 quotes this line to 
show that *cardo* is masc., so that he 
muBt have read * emoto : ' [his manusoripts 
however give * emoti/ — H. N.] 

494.] The repetition of sound in *via 
vi ' adds energy to the line. Such jingles 
are common in early Roman poetry, both 
tragio and comic, being apparently re- 
garded iu the oase of the former as pieces 
of artistic symmetry, in the oase of the 
latter as jokes. The present passage 
seems to be imitated by Livy 4. 38 (comp. 
bjr Taubm.), **quacunque incedunt vi 
viam faciunt." * Kumpunt aditus : ' a 
Bufficiently common use of '* mmpere," the 
accusative expressing not what is burst, 
but what is produoed by bursting— having 



Inmissi Danai, et late loca milite complent. 495 

Non sic, aggeribus mptis cum spumeus amnis 
Exiit oppositasque eyicit gurgite moles, 
Fertur in arva furens cumulo, camposque per omnis 
Cum stabulis armenta trahit. Yidi ipse furentem 
Caede Neoptolemum geminosque in limine Atridas ; 500 
Vidi Hecubam centumque nurus, Priamumque per aras 
Sanguine foedantem, quo» ipse sacraverat, ignis. 
Quinquaginta illi thalami, spes tanta nepotum, 

in Bhort a kind of oognate foroe. So 
** rumpere vooem,** " questufl," &o. 

495.1 *Milite complent,* v. 20. 

496.1 Another simUe from a torrent, 
vhioh however is oompared to the rush of 
men, not, as in w. 305 foll., to the spread 
of a blaze. Gomp. the description Lucr. 

1. 281 foll., which Virg. seems to have had 
in his mind. 'Non sio' indicates that 
the iUustration is an inadequate one. 
Comp 5. 144 foU. G. 4. 81. 

497.] •Exiit,*G. 1. 116. Forthe quan- 
tity of the final vowel see Exoursus on G. 

2. 81 (2nd and subsequent edns.). * Op- 
positas evicit moles * seems to be a r^ti- 
tion of * aggeribus ruptis exiit.' 

498.] *Fertur' and *trahit' are the 
principal verbs. * Cumulo,' 1. 105. * Oam- 
po8— trahit,' G. 1.482. 

499.] *Vidi ipse:' the foUowing pas- 
sage, to the end of the paragraph, is 
evidently modelled on a oelebrated frag- 
ment of Ennins (Andr. fr. 9), which has 
already been partially imitated v. 241 : 

** O pater 1 O patria 1 O Priami domus I 
• •••••• 

Vidi ego te, adstante ope barbarioa, 
Toctis caelatis, lacuatis, 
Auro, ebore instructum regifioe. 
Haec omnia vidi inflammari, 
Priamo vi vitam evitari, 
lovis aram sanguine turpari.'' 

Wagn. questions whether Virg. ought to 
have represented Aeneas as an eye-witness 
of all this. The words are doubtless more 
natural in the moiith of one who, like, 
Andromache, could only look on without 
any power of resisting ; but Aeneas has 
told us that he bore his part in aU the 
struggles during the last act of the tragedy 
(w. 6, 431 foll.), and so he may fairly 
speak of what he wasoompelled to witness 
in spite of himself, as in fact he has al- 
ready done v. 5. For * furentem * one copy 
has * frementem,* which Heyne prefers, on 
aooount of * furens ' so dosely preoeding ; 

but *furentem' is the better word here, 
and if the repetition is not iutentionsd, as 
Jahn thinks, at any rate it may be excujsed 
in a passage where the feeling is so highly 
wrought, as showing a *breve neglect.' 

500.] * In llmine * goes with * Neoptole- 
mum,' as wel) as with * Atridas,' but *fur 
rentem caede ' had perhaps better be oon- 
fined to the former, just as * foedantem,' 
V. 502, is not to be extended to * Hecubam 
oentumque nurus.' 

501.] *Centumque nurus' perpiexes 
Serv., who proposos five solutions — ^that a 
definite nnmber is used hyperbolically 
for an indeflnite— that Priam's flfty sonsf 
being barbarians, would have more than 
one wife each—that *nurus' merely 
means women — that it means brides, tho 
daughter-in-law of some one, but not 
necessarily of Heouba — and that *cen- 
tum ' is to be taken with ' aras,' though 
he admits that a single person could 
hardly be slain over a hundred altars. 
Later commentators have seen that the 
number one hundred is made np by add- 
ing Priam'8 flfty daughters to his flfty 
daughters-in-law. * Per aras,' * among 
the altars,' referring probably to the man- 
ner in whioh he was put to death, beiog 
dragged to the altar,*as it were &om altar 
to altar, v. 550. 

502.] *Foedantem' is the *turpari' of 
Ennius. [" * Foedantem * cruentantem. 
Sallustius in I. (Historiarum) * oum arae 
et alia dis sacrata supplicum sanguine 
foedarentur.'" Serv.— H. N.] 

503.] This does not quite agree with 
Hom., who (II. 6. 243 foll.) speaks of flfty 
chambers for the sons, twelve for the 
daughters and their husbands. • *Spe8 
tanta nepotum ' is said with reference to 
Priam and Hecuba, on the dashing of 
whose hopes the poet now wishes us to 
dweU. Pal. and Gud. originally have 
* spes ampla,' which Ladewigand Ribbeok 
adopt; but the word scarcely seems so 
good. Virg. doubtless thought of H. 22. 



Barbarico postes auro spoliisque superbi, 

Procubuere ; tenent Danai, qua deficit ignis. 605 

Forsitan et, Priami fnerint quae fata, requiras. 
Urbis uti captae casum convolsaque yidit 
Limina tectorum et medium in penetralibus hostem^ 
Arma diu senior desueta trementibus aevo 
Gircumdat nequiquam umeris, et inutile ferrum 510 

Cingitur, ac densos fertur morijiurus in hostis. 
Aedibus in mediis nudoque sub aetheris axe 
Ingens ara fuit iuxtaque yeterrima laurus^ 
Incumbens arae atque umbra complexa Penatis. 
Hic Hecuba et natae nequiquam altaria circum, 515 

63, where Priam looks forward to seeing 
Baxd/Aovs KtpatCofiiifous at the taking of 
the city. 

504. J * Postes ' ifl put in a Tagne apposi- 
tion to * thalami/ the part to the whole, 
as in V. 348, E. 2. 3, note. *Procubnere' 
properly applies only to ' poetes.' * Bar- 
oarioo auro' is Phr^gian gold, Aeneas 
forgetting himself, hke Andromache in 
Ennius 1. c, and speaking as the later 
Greek poets had taught the Romans to 
do, as Horace (1 Ep. 2. 7) talks of " Grae- 
cia Barbariae lento collisa duello." Pe- 
erlkamp'8 notion, which Forb. adopts, 
that Virg. means the gold which the 
Trojans had taken from other Asiatics, is 
less likely, though *auro spoliisque' 
might very weU be a hendiadys. For 
the fastening of spoils or door-posts 
or doors comp. 3. 287., 7. 183 : for spoils 
in prirate houses, 5. 393. Weidner cites 
Li?y 38. 43, " spolia eius urbis ante cur- 
rum latums et fixnrus in postibus snis." 

505.] * Tenent ' seems to refer to * tha- 
lamos. **Inmerant Danai, et tectum 
omne tenebant," v. 757. 

506—525.] * Priam, seeing all waa loet, 
was arming in feeble desperation, when 
Hecuba, who with her daughters had 
taken refuge at tbe family altar, drew 
him to her, and made him rest there.' 

506.] Yirg. was thinking of his own 
line, "Forsitan et scrobibns quae sint 
fasn^a, quaeras," G. 2. 288. <*Priami 
fatoram " v. 554. 

507.] ' Casum ' may mean * faU ' (comp. 
1. 623), though ^captae' here makes a 
difTerenoe, expressing as it may that in 
which the calamity consisted. *Ubi,' 
tlje reading before Heins., seems to be 
fouDd only in inferior MSS. * Gonvolsa 
limina : ' the breaking open of the palace 
doors and of the royal chambers would 

naturaUy seem to the old king the last 
outrage. Oomp. II. 22. 63, referred to on 
v. 503. [* Oonvulsa' Pal. Gud.— H. N.] 

508.] For ^medium in 'some MSS. (in- 
cluding Pal. and Gud., both originally) 
give 'mediisin' or*medii8,'a8inv.665.ju8t 
as inl.3488omeg^ve ^medios' for ^medius.' 
The variety is as old as Serv., wlio points 
out that 'mediis in' would be unmetriciil. 

510.] ^Arma ciroumdat umeris,' like 
'' droumdat loricam umeris," 12. 88. It 
is probably the *^ lorica " that is meant 
here, as Forb. remarks. 

511.] " * Fertur,' neque tamen iam in- 
mit. Est utdicunt de conatu," Gossreu. 
The enemy has broken into the palace, 
and Priam is advancing against them, 
when Hecuba draws him back. 

512.] The altar intended is that of 
Ms "EpKtios (see on v. 550), at whioh 
Priam apparently makee libations, H. 24. 
306, aris fUtr^ tpK^X. Virg. however, 
foUowing as usual the details of a Roman 
house, removes the altar to tbe interior 
of the building, under the " implnvium." 
Gomp. the scene E. 8. 64 foU. *8ub 
aetheris axe,' 8. 28. 

513.] A bay-tree gprows Bimilarlv in the 
middle of Latinus' palaoe, 7. 59. Priam'8 
bay seems to have been a favourite object 
in exaggerating legends, which repre- 
sented it as having a stem of gold, and 
bloflsoms, branches, and leaves partly of 
gold, partly of silver (Taubm.). Lersch 
(Antiqq. Verg. p. 159) cites a story from 
Suet. Aug. 92 to the effect that Augnstus 
had a palm which grew before his house 
transplanted '*in oompluvium deoram 

514.1 [* Conplexa' Pal.— H. N.l 

515.] 'Nequiquam,' because the altar 
did not really protect them against the 
conquerors' violenoe. 



Praecipites atra ceu tempestate columbae, 
Condensae et diyom amplexae simulacra sedebant. 
Ipsom autem snmptis Priamum iuvenalibus armis 
Ut vidit, Quae mens tam dira, miserrime coniunx, 
Impulit his cingi telis ? aut quo ruis ? inquit 590 

Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis 
Tempus eget ; non, si ipse meus nuno adforet Hector. 
Huc tandem concede ; haec ara tuebitur omnis, 
Aut moriere simul. Sic ore effata recepit 
Ad sese et sacra longaevum in sede locayit. 525 

Ecce autem elapsus Pyrrhi de caede Polites, 

516.] 80 the DanaideB in Aesoh. Supp. 
223 are bidden iwkyKy V iff/ihs &s vcAct^ 
^my^lCfoBtf KipKmw rmp Sfunrr^ptty 4^fi<f, a 
passage of which Yirg. may pnssibly have 
thought, though he has slightly VHried 
the image. [Comp. also Euripides Hero. 
Fur. 97 eUXoj 84 /B»/aov, Hpyis &?, ^fwnjf* Jhro. 
— H. N.] * Praecipites,' driven headlong 
firom the sky. 

517.] * CondenBus ' is a Lncretian word. 
It occurs again 8. 497. For * sedebant ' 
others give *■ tenebant,' which is the first 
reading of Med. ; but tliis would produce 
an awKward construction ^ith *altaria 
circum . . . condensae,' iiot to mention 
tiie tautology with ' amplexae.' [* Divum' 
Med.— H. N.] 

518.] «Ipsum:' that Priam himself 
shonld have put on armour wonld make 
Heouba feel keenly the miserable reversal 
of aU former relations which tbe suck 
of a city prodnces. For * iuvenalibus,' 
which is apparently read by all Ribbeck^s 
MSS., the i^ading before Heins. was * iu- 
venilibus,' which seems the oommoner 
word, tiiough the MSS. appear to vary in 
other passages of other authors, no less 
than in this. In the three other passages 
where the word occurs in Virg. (5. 475., 
8. 16a, 12. 221), it is supported by Med., 
and in one of them, the first, it now 
appears to be in Ribbeck*8 MSS., and is 
aoknowledged by Charisius. 

519.] * Mens dira ' is used like ** mens 
mala," of any monstrous or perverse 
thought or resolution, * dira ' having the 
force which it has in " dira cupido " G. 1. 
87, &0. Serv. has a curious note, ^* * dira : ' 
modo proprio : dira enim est deorum ira : 
ergo quae mens dira, id est, infusa ex 
deorum ira." [ThiB etymology was sup- 
ported by Verrius Flaccus; see Paulus 
p. 69 (MUUer).— H. N.] 

521.] This line is commonly taken 

'the time requireB far other defenders 
than you,' a sense in which it has beoome 
a stock quotation. Henry however ia 
clearly right in suppoeing the meaning 
to be ' we have not now to look to arms, 
but to altars and prayers,' as the words 
which follow, ^non, si ipee meus nuno 
adforet Hector' (with which oomp. vv. 
291, 292, aboveX are sufficient to show. 
With this interpretation he well oomp. 
Aesoh. Supp. 188 : 

&fji,€uf6y iffri manhs o0ycic*, i K6pai, 
Tdyotf TpoffiCuv r&vV h,ywlotv 6e«V 
Kpfiffffw 9I w6ffyov fit»fi6s, &ppiiKr<ty 

and Shakspeare, Ooriolanus, 1.2: 

" For the dearth, 
The gods, not the patricians make it ; and 
Your knees to them, not arms, must help." 

For * defensoribus,' applied to an in- 
animate object, he cites Gaes. B. G. 4. 
17, Claud. Ruf.l. 79. 

522.] ** Egeret " must be supplied from 
* eget ' for * adforet.' Those woo support 
the ordinary interpretation of the pre- 
ceding line suppose an ellipse of " posset 
defendere," with Serv. 

523.] * Tandem : ' if you have taken the 
false step of arming yourself, be per- 
Buaded at last, while there is yet time. 

525.] [*Longaevom' Pal.— H. N.] 

526—558.] «Polites, one of Priam*8 
sons, enters, pursued by Pyrrhus, aiid 
falls dead at his father*s feet. The old 
man, maddened, upbraids the slayer of 
his son, and feebly hurls a spear at him. 
Pyrrhus retorts, seizee him by the hair, 
and stabs him before the altar. The 
headless trunk lies on the shore.' 

526.] Polites is mentioned several times 
in Hom. aa one of Priam's aons, being 



Unus natorum Priami, per tela, per hostis 

Porticibus longis fugit, et vacua atria lustrat 

Saucius : illum ardens infesto volnere Pyrrhus 

Insequitur, iam iamque manu tenet et premit hasta : 530 

Ut tandem ante oculos evasit et ora parentum, 

Concidit, ao multo vitam cum sanguine fudit. 

Hic Priamus, quamquam in media iam morte tenetur, 

Non tamen abstinuit, nec voci iraeque pepercit : 

At tibi pro scelere, exclamat, pro talibus ausis, 535 

Di, si qua est caelo pietas, quae talia curet, 

Persolvant grates dignas et praemia reddant 

Debita, qui nati coram me cernere letum 

Fecisti et patrios foedasti funere vultus. 

At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles 

celebrated II. 2. 791 for his swiftness of 
foot. Diotys 2. 43 speaks of him as slain 
in battle during the siege ; Q. Smymaeus 
13. 214 agreeg with Virg. We shall find 
a Bon of Politee introduced A. 5. 564. 
'Elapsus Pyrrhi de caede:' he had 
esoaped being killed on the spot, though 
he carried with him a mortal wound. 
^Pyrrhi oaede,' like "volnere Ulixi," v. 

527.] *Per tela, per hostis' v. 358. 
Wagn. rightly connects theee worda with 
* elapsns/ not with what fuUows. 

528.] Polites runs through different 
parts of the house, now wiiiding through 
the cloisters, now traversing the * atrium,* 
round which the cloisters ran : comp. 12. 
474 folL *Vacua' seeros intended to 
indicate spaoe rather than solitude, as, 
though tbe Trojans had probably fled, 
the Greeks from v. 495 &c. appear to 
have been there. ' Lustrare ' of travers- 
ing, E. 10. 55. 

529.] 'Infesto volnere/ with a blow 
aimed at him. Pyrrhus is always mean- 
ing to strike, but never has the oppor- 
tunitv. PVulnere* Med. and Gud. — 
H. N.i 

530.] ''lam iamque tenet, «imilisque 
tenenti Increpuit malis " 12. 754. * Pre- 
mit' i» rightly taken by Henry in its 
ordinary sense, " is close upon him with 
the spear," so that * volnere insequitur * 
iB parallel to ^premit hasta.' He also 
remarks that * iam iamque ' has nothing 
to do with ^premit,' but is oonfined to 
• tenet.' 
531.] ' Evasit * v. 458 note. 
533.J 'Though death was all about 



534.] * Voci iraeque 'pepercit : ' see on 
G. 2. 339. 

535.] *At' is the regular partiole in 
impreoaiions, ejaculations, &c. ** At vobis 
male sit," Catull. 3. 13. 

536.] **Si quisest qui curetdeus" Cio. 
Att. 4. 10. * Pietas,' commonly used in 
the dutiful feeling of men to the gods or 
others who have a claim on them, is here 
and 5. 688 used of the reciprocal feeline 
of the gods to men. So 4. 382, ** si quid 
pia numina possunt.** 

537.] 'Grates' and ^praemia' are of 
course ironical. 

538.] "*Facio' with an aocusative 
with the infinitive in the signification 
* to cause' is poetical." Madv. § 372. 6, 
obs. 5, quoting this passage. Forb. how- 
evor cites from Varro B. B. 3. 5, *'de- 
siderium macrescere facit volucres ; " and 
Taubm. from Cic. Lucull. 22, ** Erant qui 
illum gloriae causa facerent sperare." 
[This is the MS. reading, but no modem 
editor accepts it. — H. N.] 

539.] For «fecisti' and 'foedasti' we 
should probably have had subiunctives 
in prose. * Foedasti funere vultus ' has 
nothing to do. with sprinkling blood, but 
simply denotes the oontamination which 
a father must necessarily receive from 
the very sight of his Bon's corpse. [j** * Fu- 
nere* cadavere; . . . *funus' enim est 
iam ardens cadaver." Serv. — H. N.] 

540.] The legitimacy of Neoptolemus 
seems never to have been questioned in 
any way, so that Priam means no more 
than that his nature belies his lineage, 
as Dido 4. 365 (oomp. by Serv.) says, 
**Neo tibi diva parens, generis neo 
Dftrdanus auctor." So Pyrrhus under- 



Talis in hoste fait Priamo ; sed iura fidemque 
Supplicis erubait, oorpusque exsangue sepulchro 
Beddidit Hectoreum, meque in mea regna remisit. 
Sic fatus senior, telumque inbelle sine ictu 
Goniecit, rauco quod protinus aere repulsum 545 

Et summo dipei nequiquam umbone pependit. 
Cui Pyrrhus : Beferes ergo haeo et nuntius ibis 
Pelidae genitori ; illi mea tristia facta 
Degeneremque Neoptolemimi narrare memento. 
Nunc morere. Hoc dicens altaria ad ipsa trementem 560 
Traxit et in multo lapsantem sanguine nati, 
Inplicuitque comam laeya^ dextraque coruscum 

stands H, <*degenerem Keoptolemam " 

541.] <In hoste: ' flee note on E. 8. 83, 
Madv. § 230, obs. 1. Ovid talks of 
*♦ lenii in hoste " (5 Trist. 2. 36), ** 8ae?u8 
in hoste" (1 Amor. 7. 34X Propertius of 
"aequus in hoBte" (4. 19. 28). * Fidem 
supplicis ' seems to include the oonfidenoe 
repoaed bv a suppliaat and the retom 
\rhich it olaims. 

542.] * Erubuit/j/5€iTo, fltrxvytro, 

543.] * Oorpus Heotoreum ' like 'Errrf- 
pcM x«^P Bur. (?), Rhes. 762. So Hom.'8 
filri 'UpaKXritiri. The addition of a second 
epithet to a substantive is not oommon in 
Virg., exoept where the two are co-ordi- 
nate, like **horrendum, iuforme:" [or 
where, as here, one of them can be 
represented by a gen., * Hectoreum ' 
bein^ eqnivalent to ** Hectoris." — H, N.] 
'Reddidit' combines the notions of 
giving baok to the father (11. 103), 
and giving the body to the grave that 
claimed it (oomp. 6. 152). *In mea 
regna,' to Troy, as if the territory which 
the Greeks occupied were no longer 
Priam'8 own. [Henry however thinks 
that *in mea regna' is used in the sec- 
ondary sense of the expression, as in E. 1. 
67, G. 3. 476.--H. N.] * Remisit : ' AohUles 
did not aotually convey Priam back, but 
allowed him to depart in safety. 

544.] • Sine ictu * with * coniecii : * threw 
it so as not to wonnd. Ti. Donatus re- 
nuu^s on the situation, ** eooe desiderium 
manifestum mortis, quod post oontume- 
liam etiam armiB iuvenem senex pro- 

545.] *Ranoo/ the ordinary adjnnct 
foomp. ^'rauootque repulsus Umbonum" 
Claud. Bell. Gild. 438), expresses in this 
caae rather the weakness than the strength 

of the stroke, as if Virg. had said, *^ made 
the shield ring, but was unable to pene- 
trate." Henry. ^Repulsum:' for the 
nse of participles for nnite verbs even in 
relative sentenoes Wagn. oomp. 3. 673, 
G. 1. 234, though with Heyne ne woald 
prefer *e summo' in the next line, the 
reading of one MS. 

546. J [For *et' Ribbeck oonjectures *eo* 
(= " ex^').— H. N.] *Nequiauam,' be- 
cause it did not pierce the orass, but 
only the leather which covered the shield. 

547.] 'Referes' and 'ibis' seem to 
have a half-imperative sense. There is a 
similar sarcasm 9. 742 (quoted by Oerda), 
** Hic etiam inventum Friamo uarrabis 
Aohillem." For * ergo ' with fut. in this 
sense Weidner oomp. Plaut. Mil. 477, 
*' ergo, si sapis, Mussitabis : plus oportet 
scire servom quam loquL" 

548.VIlli:^seeonG. 1. 54. 

549.] *Degenerem Neoptolemum nar- 
rare ' like ** reducee socios nuntio " 1. 390, 
oomp. by Gosarau. * Memento ' of oourse 
points the sarcasm. 

550.] ' Nunc morere * 9. 743. For * hoo ' 
inferior MSS. give * haec.' * Altaria ad 
ipsa : ' the oommon story made the death 
of Priam take place at the altar of Zeus 
"EpKtiosy in hisown palace. 8o Eur. Tro. 
481 folL, Hec 23. Lesohes represented 
him as torn irom the altar and slain at 
the palaoe door (a story from whioh Virg. 
may have borrowed the fact of his being 
seized by the hair : see above on v. 403) : 
others, alluded to by Serv., said that he 
was dragged to the tomb of Achilles and 
kUled there. Dictys 5. 12 makes him 
slaia at the altar, which he olings to with 
both hands. 

651.] [* Labsantem ' Pal.— H. N.] 

552.] [Pul. reads 'ooma laevam,' and so 



Extnlit ac lateri capulo tenns abdidit ensem. 
Haec finis Priami fatoram ; faic exitus illum 
Sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa videntem 565 
Pergama, tot quondam populis terrisque superbum 
Begnatorem Asiae. lacet ingens litore truncus, 
^Yolsumque umeris caput, et sine nomine corpus. 
At me tum primum saevus circumstetit faorror. 
Obstipui ; subiit cari genitoris imago, 660 

Bibbeok.— H. N.] Henry'8 remark that 
'ooruaoom' belongs to 'extulit' alone, 
not to *abdidiy seems true; but Buoh 
diiorimination is apt to run into mere 
refinement, as we might say 'abdidit 
coruBOum,' meaning tbat it flashed till 
the yery moment when it was aotuedly 
plunged into the body. * Extulit ' appar- 
ently includes both unBheathing and 
brandiBhing in the air. 

554.] * Hio finis ' U found in two or 
three MSS. : but * haec * is supported by 
GeU. 13. 21, where Probus is quoted, as 
weU as by the great majority of copies. 
* The fates of Priam/ nptafiucai r^ai^ are 
mentioned by Aristoi Kth. N. 1, as if the 
expresBion was proverbial. Gomp. also 
the weU-known " Fortunam Priami can- 
tubo et nobUe bellum." Priam's fortune 
is dwelt on in Homer, by himself H. 24. 
255 foll., 498 foa, by AchiUes ib. 543 foU., 
a passage which contrasts his prosperity 
and his adversity much as Virg. does 
hcre. This disproves Peerlkamp*8 point- 
ing which oonnects ' fatorum * with what 
foUows. " Priami fata " oocurs in a mc«e 
restricted sense v. 506 above. 

555J 'Sorte tulit,» lAax^. *Tulit* of 
fate B. 5. 34. * Videntem : ' the pres. 
part. has a ioroe, as the destruction was 
stiU going on before Priam^s eyes at the 
time of his death. The language is from 
n. 22. 61, odf<rp iv iifiya\4p<f>ei<ru Kaxh ir6\\' 
4iFii6rra icr.X. f Prolabsa ' PaL— H. N.] 

556.] The choioe lies between making 
'populis' dat with ^regnatorem/ L q. 
** qui reenator fuerat populis " (oomp. 1. 
654, and see Madv. § 241, obs. 4X oon- 
necting it with the same word as abl., i. q. 
** qui regnaverat populis," and oonstruot- 
ing it as abl. with *superbum/ which 
▼iew, originally proposed by Wakef., is 
aooepted by the later editors. There is 
some harshneBs in all three : but perhaps 
the last iB best. 

557.1 Here, as elsewhere (3. 1., 11. 
268), tne extent of Priam^s dominion is 
exaggerated. €ic Div. 1. 40 howeyer 
calls him **iex Asiae." *Iaoet:' the 

body was exposed nnburied, and so Aeneas 
speaks of it as if it were still lyine there 
(comp. 6. 149 note). * Litore : " from 
Serv.'s note here and on v. 506 it appears 
tbat acoording to one version of the story 
followed by Pacuvius in an unnamed 
tragedy, Priam was captured by Pyrrhus 
in his palaoe, but slain at the tomb of 
Aohillee, haviog been dragged to the 
Sigean promontory, and that bis head 
was carried about on a pole by Pyrrhua. 
Serv. remarks that Virg. alludes to 
(" praelibat **) this version, while really 
adopting a diflferent one. Aelius and 
TL Donatus wisheil to give ** litus ** tbe 
special sense of a place before the 
aitar, vainly attempting to support his 
notion by supposed etymologies from 
** lito " or ** lituus." * Ingens * agrees with 
Hom.'8 epithet nplatJLos fi4yas II. 24. 477. 

558.] The partsof the decapitated body 
are put in apposition, the severed head 
and the body, headless, and therefore 
nameless and unrecognized. It may be 
doubted however wbether the head is 
aotually lying on the shore, or whether 
the words mean no more than *ayol80 
umeris capite.' Some have imagined 
that in writing these lines Virg. may 
have beenthinkingof the fateof Pompey. 

559 — 566.] * Horror seized me to eee the 
old king so foullv murdered. I thought 
of my £Either, of my wife and son. I 
looked round to see if any one would 
rally about me, but all were dead or fled.* 

559.] * Tum primum.' Hts feeling be« 
fore had been oourage, more or less despe- 
rate, but he had never been cowed 
and horror-stricken. * Gircnmstetit * may 
have been suggested by any such expres- 
sions as r^y 8' ^X^' i^c^^Ai} ^jc^Aa^* 
fi4\aipa, H. 18. 22. 

560.] * Subiit ' is used with or withoui 
**animum" (**animo"), **mentem" &o. 
Ck)mp. •* suocurrit " v. 817, and the paral- 
lel use of ti<r4px*ff9ai and similar words 
iu Gre^ of things oocurring to the mind. 
Aeneas thinks of his fatber, when he sees 
Priam murdered, as Priam H. 24. 486 



Ut regem aequaeyam crudeli volnere vidi 
Yitam exhalantem ; subiit deserta Creusa, 
Et direpta domus, et parvi casus luK. 
Respicio, et, quae sit me circum copia, lustro. 
Deseruere omnes defessi, et corpora saltu 565 

Ad terram misere aut ignibus aegra dedere. 

[lamque adeo super unus eram, cum limina Yestae 

bidfl AohiUes see in hlm the image of 
Peleufl, tiixIkov £<nrcp iyc^v, 6\o^ ^irl 
yffoaos oh9f. 

561.] P Aequaevom* Pal.— H. NJ 

562.] Greiisa, the daughter of Priam 
and wife of Aeneas, is mentioned here 
for the first time. 

563.] The destrnction of his house roee 
before his mind, not as a fact, like the 
desolation of Creusa, but as a probability. 
*^ ' Casus luli,' quid lulo accidere poesit." 

564.] *Copia* in the singular for a 
number of men is found 11. 834, and is 
not unfrequent in prose authors: eee 
Forcell. The common reading before 
Heins. was 'oircum me.' **^iebant 
oorpora saltu " Lucr. 5. 1318. 

566.] * Ignibus aegra dedere : ' thev had 
dropped in mere weariness intothe names 
from the palaoe roof, where they were 
standing with Aeneas. 

567—588.] *At that moment I apied 
Helen lurking in the temple of Vestn. I 
was doubting whether to kill her — it 
seemed monstrous that she should enjoy 
a safe and triumphant retum, after afl 
the misery she had brought on us and 
ours.' [Like the four lines prefixod to 
the Aeneid, and those in the third and 
sixth book quoted p. Ixviii, tbis passage 
is said by oervius to have been written 
by Virgil, but omitted by Tuoca and 
Varius. The extemal evidence against 
it is as strong as it can be. The MSS. 
which oontain it are very few, and 
apparently none of them of great import- 
ance. Not a line of it is quoted by a 
single grammarian. The ancient oom- 
mentators (Servius and Ti. Donatus) 
paes it over in their notes, and pro- 
oeed as if V. 589 directly oontinued v. 
566. To this we may add that Servins' 
story looks very suspicious. It is hardly 
oonceivable that Yarius and Plotius 
Tuooa, both intimate friends of Virgil 
and men of the highest position in litera- 
ture, shonld have been guilty of such a 
Vandalism as to remove twenty lines of 

Virgil fix)m the text of the Aeneid. Yet 
it is not nnlikely that Virgil intended to 
insert a passage containing some refe- 
rence to Helen and left some indication 
of his intention in his mannsoript. If 
80, nothing is more likely than that an 
interpolator should attempt to fill the 
gap, just as we know from Suetonins 
(Vita Verg. 41) that attempts were made 
to complete the unfinished hemistiohes in 
Aeneia. Conington however thought 
that the verses might be genuine. 
** When," he says, *• we oome to intemal 
considerations, the oase is altered. The 
lines, though possibly^ disfigured by a 
few harshnesses, are vigorons aud elabo- 
rate, and in general worthy of Virg. 
They are perhaps not required by the 
context, as v. 601 might oe explained 
without them, and the appearance of 
Venus oould be acoounted for by sup- 
poeing with Ti. Donatus that Aeneas was 
jneditating suioide; but the context is 
improved by their presenoe, and v. 589, 
as Wagn. has pointed out. coheres rather 
awkwardly with v. 566. The aesthetioal 
or ethical objection that has been taken 
to them, as if Virg. would not have made 
his hero think of killing a woman in a 
temple, seems to belong to a later age 
(see on v. 583), nor need the discrepancy 
between the present account of Helen 
and what we read 6. 510 foll. abont her 
introducing the Greeks to the chamber of 
Deiphobus disturb ns much, at the same 
time that one or both reasons may have 
led to their exclusion on oritical gronnds, 
whether by Tnoca and Varius. or by 
some less authorized regulator of Virg.*s 
text." I have therefore foUowed Con- 
ington in printing the lines in braokets, 
though to my mind the exteraal evidence 
against them is deoisive. They are, 
it should be added« thonght genuine 
by Ribbeck, Forbiger, Kvicala, Henry, 
Schaper, and PapiUon. — H. N.] 

5U7.] *Iamque adeo' is Virgilian, 5. 
268, 864., 8. 585., 11. 487, *adeo' streng- 
thening *iam' (see note on E. 4. 11). 



Servantem et tacitam secreta in sede latentem 
Tyndarida aspicio : dant clara incendia lucem 
Erranti passimque oculps per cuncta ferenti. 
IUa sibi infestos eversa ob Pergama Teucros 
Et poenas Danaum et deserti coniugis iras 
Praemetuens, Troiae et patriae communis Erinys, 
Abdiderat sese atque aris invisa sedebat. 
Exarsere ignes animo ; subit ira cadentem 
Ulcisci patriam et sceleratas sumere poenas. 
Scilicet haec Spartam incolumis patriasque Mycenas 
Aspiciet ? partoque ibit regina triumpho, 
Coniugiumque, domumque, patres, natosque videbit, 



* Snper* separated from 'eram/ as in E. 
6. 6. The same tmesifi occurs e?en in 
prose, "vix decnmae super portiones 
erant" Tac. H. 1. 20. comp. by Wund. 
The temple of Yesta, like that of Pallas, 
appears to have been in the ** arx." 

568.] • Servantem* G. 4. 459. 

569.] ' Dant' &c shows how it was that 
Aene€M disoovered her. 

570.] • Erranti : ' Heyne supposes that 
Aeneas has let himseif down to the ground 
and is rang^ng over the palace ; but it may 
be questioned whether he really de^cends 
till y. 632. To suppose that his desoent 
is presumed in a oontext like this is to 
put a weapon into the hands of the 
oppugners of the genuineness of the 

463.] Heins. from a few MSS. restored 
' praemetuens/ which seems a better word 
than * permetuens/ the reading before his 
time ; but it is hard to judge of extemal 
authority where so many MSS. fail us« 
Accepting * praemetuens/ we shall do 
right to unaerstand it with Henry of 
fear anticipating the consequences, like 
** praemetuens dolum" Phaedrus 1. 16. 
4. [Lucr. 3. 1018 "at mens sibi conscia 
factis Praemetuens adhibet stimulos." — 
H. N.] Helen is called wfjup^icKavTos 
*Epiv6s Aesch. Ag. 749. 

574.] ' Invi^ ' seems better taken with 
Wagn. and Henry as * hated ' (comp. v. 
601) than with Heyne and others as ^un- 
seen.' It however qualifies *8edebat:' 

* sat orouchin^, like a hated thing,' * sat 
in hateful solitude.' 

575.] * Ulcisci . . sumere ' may be taken 
in apposition with * ira,' or they may be 
resolved into ^ ulcisoendi . . sumendi : " 
see on O. 1. 213. Aeneas' resoTution to 
kill Helen seems to be copied, as Em- 
menessius and Heyne remark, from a 

similar resolution of Pylades and Orestes 
Eur. Or. 1131 foU. 

576.] * Sceleratas sumere poenas * is a 
variety, perhaps a harsh one, for * sceleris 
poenas sumere ' or ' poenas ex scelerata 
sumere.' [Henry takes * sceleratas ' 
as = " accursed, wicked, shocking, damn- 
able," epithets whieh he oontends are 
applicable to " every extreme and capital 
punishment."— H. N.] 

577.] Here as in 1. 650Helen is spoken 
of in connexion with Mycenae, with which 
she had really nothing to do, according to 
Yirg.'s usual habit of specifying where he 
merely means to generalize. ' Mycenae ' 
with him is the poetical way of saying 
Greece, as ** acernis " v. 112 is llhe poetical 
way of saying * made of wood.* At the 
same time in the case of Helen there is 
doubtless a confusion between the royal 
cities of the two Atridae, Sparta and My- 
oenae being used convertibly. * Patrias,' 
because Tyndareus was ori^nally king of 
Sparta, though he afterwards resigned 
his throne to Menelaus. 

578.] *Itegina,' as a queen, not like 
our Trojan ladies, as a captive. * Parto 
triumpho : ' " parere " is frequently used 
with such expressions as , *' honorem," 
"laudem," "decus," "victoriam:" see 

579.] This line has been condemned 
by those who, like Wagn., defend the 
rest of the passage ; but there is no fresh 
extemal evidenoe against it, and tbe 
intemal grounds for separating it from 
its fellows do not appear oonolusive. 
* Goniugium * for " ooniugem " is in Virg.'8 
manner, and occurs again 11. 270 (comp. 
" remig^nm," 3. 471) : it is not said that 
shewill see Menelaus for the first time 
on her retura, but merely that she will 
return and be re-united to her family. 



Iliadum turba et Phrygiis comitata ministris ? 580 

Occiderit ferro Priamus ? Troia arserit igni ? 
Bardanium totiens sudarit sanguine litus ? 
Non ita. Namque etsi nullum memorabile nomen 
Feminea in poena est nec habet yictoria laudem, 
Exstinxisse nefas tamen et sumpsisse merentis 585 

hnsbaiid, children, and parents : * patres ' 
may very weU stand for " parentoa,'* like 
" soceroB," v. 457, for father and motber- 
in-law, and is in faot so nsed in some 
inscriptions referred to by ForceU., if not 
iu Ov. M. 4. 61: Tyndareua and Leda 
are represented by Eur. Or. 473 as alive 
even after tbe death of Clytaemnestra, 
thongh Hom. Od. 11. 298 introducee Leda 
in the sbades : and the pictnre of Helen 
attended by a retinue of Trojan dames 
may refer at least as well to her daily 
life, which is the more Homeric concep- 
tion, BB to her procession in triumpn, 
which would be a Roman imnge. * Natos :' 
Hom. Od. 4. 12 foU., speaks of Hermione 
as Helen'8 only child ; but other autho- 
rities (Hesiod, cited by the Schol. on 
Soph. El. 582) speak of a son, Nico- 

580.] * Phrygiis ministria ' refers donbt- 
less to male attendants, like the ^pv^ in- 
troduced Eur. Or. 1369 foll. 

581.] The 80-calIed post futures * occi- 
derit,' *ar8erit,' •sudarit,* are moant to 
indicate those circumstancee in the past 
which make it monstrous tbat the event 
spoken of as future, *aspiciet,' *ibit,' 
*videbit,' ehould ever be realizcd. The 
sense is * shall she retum, noto thai Priam 
has been murdered, Troy bumed, Dar- 
dania bathed in blood?' So in 4. 590, 
weU oomp. by Wund. **Pro luppiter! 
ibit lUe, ait, et nostris inluserit advena 
regnis?" is a vivid poetical equivalent for 
** ibit advena qui nostris inlusit regnis ?" 

582.1 * Sanguine sudare ' is from Enn. 
Hect. Lustr. fr. 11 (Vahlen), '* terra sudat 
sanguine." Luor. 5. 1129 has **sanguine 
sudent," of aspirants to power. Thus 

* undarit,' the conjecture of Heins., would 
be no improvement. * Totiens ' refers to 
the whole course of the war. *P^e V alfiari 
yata is a feature of an ordinary battle in 

583.] * Non ita ' seems to answer to our 

* not 80,' rather than to the Greek od 
8^0, * no truly,' with which it is generally 
compared. (Sicero more than once has 
** non est ita " (Pro Flacc. 22, Off. 1. 44). 
Henry remarks on the similarity of the 

sentiment which follows with that ex- 
pressed by Arruns 11. 790 foll. 

** Non exuvias pulsaeve tropaeum 
Yirginis, aut spolia ulla peto: mihi 

cetera laudem 
Facta ferent : haeo dira meo dum vol- 

nere pestis 
Pulsa (^dat, patrias remeabo inglorins 


observing at the same time that what in 
Aeneas, the hero, is a mere passing im- 
pulse, is deliberately resolved on by 
Arrans, the ooward. Anruns' cowardioe 
however is shown not by his wishing to 
kill Camilla, but by his not daring to con- 
front her, his disclaimer of a desire for 
spoils meaning that his object is not to 
oonquer her, but simply to take her life ; 
and the feelingof Aeneasanswersexactly 
to that of Pylades, Eur. Or. 1131 foll., 
who argues that it would be dishonour- 
able to put a virtuous woman to death, 
but a worthy deed to execute vengeance 
on Helen. Both expression and thought 
are parallel to 4. 94, **magnum et mc- 
morabile nomen, Una dolo divnm si 
femina victa duorum est." 

584.] *Feminea poena' for *feminae 
poena ' belongs to a class of expressions 
which are more common perhaps in Greek 
poetry than in I^atin, more coromon in the 
case of proper names (comp. above v. 543, 
**corpu8 Hectoreum") than in that of 
ordinary nouns. Oomp. however 11. 68, 
** virgineo pollioe." 

585.] * Exstinxisee laudabor,' like ** po- 
suisse iiguras Laudatur," Persius 1. 86. 
The more ordinary constraotion would be 
*laudabor quod exstinxi,' or i qui exstinxe- 
rim.' Virg. has anotber variety 10. 449, 
** spoliis ego iam niptis laudabor opimis." 

* Nefaa,' contemptuously of a person, as 
we might say, * for having put out of the 
way 80 much crime.' So ** scelus " is 
frequently used in the oomio writers. 

* Mexentis ' is probably the aoc. pl., agree- 
ing with 'poenas,' not, as Heyne and 
othen have thought,the genitive sing^lar, 
a construction which, tbough not prima 
facie opposed to the genius of the lan* 



Laudabor poenas, animumque explesse iuvabit 
* Ultricis famam, et cineres satiasse meorum. 
Talia iactabam^ et furiata mente ferebar,] 
Cum mihi se, non ante oculis tam clara, yidendam 
Obtulit et pura per noctem in luce refulsit 
Alma parens, confessa deam, qualisque yideri 
Gaelicolis et quanta solet, dextraque prehensum 


gnage, woiild require to be BQpported by 
examples. 'Merentis poenas' will tben 
be like " sceleratas poenaB," v. 576, note. 
The repetition of a narsh or nnusnal ex- 
pressiou within a few lines may be used 
as an argument against the whole pas- 
sage ; but similar instances might, I fancy, 
be aooumulated, where it seems as if a 
novelty in language had exercised for the 
moment a fascination on the writer, com- 
pelliiig him to recur to it immediately 
after having used it flrst. The mere 
repetition of ' poena,' ' poenas,' may be 
paralleled more ea^ily ; comp. " pulsae," 
" pulsa," in the passage from A. 11, cited 
on V. 583. 

586.] [^ Ultricis famam ' is the reading 
of aU the best MSS. of Servius, the old 
reading *flammae' being a late correc- 
tion. The passage is evidently corrupt. 
It is very doubtful whether 'explere 
animum nammae' would be Latin, no 
instance being quoted of ' explere * with 
the gen. Schaper, seeing this difficulty, 
would join * animvs ' with ' ultricis 
flaramae ' ; the desire for vengeance. But 
this again can hardly be called Latin. 
In my edition of Servius* memoir (Ancient 
Lives of Vergil, p. 24), I have conjectured 
that ' ultriois ' may perhaps be a corrup- 
tion of ** altricis,** and that a line has 
dropped out between vv. 586 and 587. 
The sense of 587 would tben be * To have 
satisfled the glory of my oountry and the 
ashes of my loved ones.' "Altrix" is 
fairly common in poetry as an epithet of 
** patria." Conington, reading * flammae,' 
was sensible of **the not very happy 
transition Iw which the poet passed from 
the flame oi vengeance to the ashesof his 
kinsfolk, as both requiring to be satis- 
fied."— H. N.] The thought of posthu- 
mous vengeance delighting the dead is 
oommon enough ; oomp. 4. 387., 12. 948. 
With * cineres meorum ' oomp. ** flammae 
extrema meorum," v. 431. 

588.] * Talia iactabam,' 1. 102. * Fu- 
riata mente,* v. 407. 

589 — 623.] 'That moment my mother 
appeared, oalmed my rage, bade me look 

for my father, wife, and son, showed me 
that the o?erthrow of Troy was the work 
not ot man but of Heaven, and revealed 
to me the bodilv presence of Neptune, 
Juno, Pallas, and Jnpiter himself, help- 
ing in the work of destruction.' 

589.] For * cum ' several inferior MSS. 
give * tum,* which would be neaterif the 
preceding passage were regarded as an 
interpolation. * Non ante oculis tam 
clara : ' Aeneas had never before seen her 
80 bright, 80 completely in her true god- 
dess fcrm. We need not ask on what 
former occasion she is likely to have 
appeared to him. *Videndam' = ** obtu- 
lit ut viderem,** as **discere laudanda 
magistro," Pers. 3. 46, = ** discere ut 
laudaret magister:** see Madv. § 422. 
Yenus appears to check Aeneas from 
killing Helen, as Pallas, H. 1. 193 foU., to 
check Achilles from killing Agamemnon. 

590.] * Pura in luce : * [** in nimbo, qui 
oum numinibus semper est.** Serv. — 
H. N.] *Per noctem,' it is needless to 
say, is not inconsistent with v. 569, as the 
blaze would still leave darkness enough 
to render Venua* appearance oonspicuous. 
*Reful8it,* 1. 402. ['Optulit' Gud.— H. N.j 

591.] The expression *oonf6ssa deam* 
(i. q. ** confessa se deam esse ") is ap- 
parently Virg.'8 own ; Ovid however 
imitates it M. 3. 2., 11. 264., 12. 601, 
Hence * confessed ' for * revealed,' or 
*manifested,' occurs frequently in English 
poetry of the school of Dryden and Pope. 
* Qaalis et quanta ' seems to be a transla- 
tion of suoh expressions as Za-a-of Kijtf oT6s 
T«, II. 24. 630. It is applied to the 
gods by Ov. M. 3. 284, TibuIL 8. 6. 23, 
quoted by Forb. In this oase * quantus * 
hcks a speoial force, as the stature of the 
gods was greater thau that of men. * Que ' 
couples tbe olauae to which it belongs 
with * confessa deam .' * Videri caeUoolifl : ' 
see on E. 4. 16. 

592.] Venus seizes the hand with which 
Aeneas was laying hold of his sword. 
The circumstance may also have some 
significance as denoting the fulness of 
the revelation, imlike that in 1. 408, where 



Continnit, roseoque haec insnper addidit ore : 

Nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras ? 

Quid furis ? aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit ? 595 

Non prius aspicies, ubi fessum aetate parentem 

Liqueris Anchisen ? superet coniunxne Creusa, 

Ascaniusque puer ? quos omnis undique Graiae 

Circumerrant acies, et, ni mea cura resistat, 

lam flammae tulerint inimicus et hauserit ensis. 600 

Non tibi Tyndaridis facies inyisa Lacaenae 

Aeneas complaiDs *' cnr dextrae imigere 
dextram Non datur." Evcry one will re- 
member Hom/e fy r ipoL oi ^v x<*P^- [* ^&^- 
tram'Med.— H.N.] 

593.] * Roseo ore,* from her tosj lips. 
" Bot>-ea cervice *' of Venua 1. 402. * In- 
Buper addidit/ and similar expressione, 
are common in Virg. where speech foUows 
aotion of any kind. 

594.] It 18 diflScult to eee how these 
words could apply to a purpose of self- 
destruction not mentionea, but left to be 
indirectlv inferred, as we must suppose 
them to do if we regard the passage about 
Helen as interpolated. f" Hinc autem/' 
says Servius, "versus fuii^se sublatos 
Veneris verba demonstrant dicentis * Non 
tibi Tyndaridis facies invisa Lacaenae.' *' 
But see on v. 567.— H. N.l 

595.] * Quonam nostri tibi cura recessit ' 
has been variously expldined as if Aeneas 
owed to his mother to protect the family 
of which she formed a part (vv. 596 foll.), 
or as if Venus claimed an interest in 
Helen. Perhaps it is better to say that 
Aeneas by losing self-command showod 
that he bad lost confidenoe in his mother 
and sense of his relation to hcr. ' Nostri 
cura ' of course must mean * oare for me ; ' 
bnt the sense of anotber*s care for one- 
self may be said to involve care for 
another. 8o far as this clause goes, it 
may balance that just commented on, as 
it would apply exceedin^ly well to the 
Bupposed intention of suicide. With the 
expression comp. G. 4. 324. 

596.] *Prius,* before doing anything 
else, ob fpedyois hy ffKox&y, *Aspicere,' 
of paying attention to a thing, G. 4. 2. 
' Fef sum aetate * contains the samo notion 
as ** aevo gravior," v. 435. * Ubi liqueris,* 
where yon left him; the real meaning 
being, where he, whom you left at home, 
may be now. 

597.] *8uperet,' E. 9. 27. We should 
rather have expected *ne' to follow 
* superet : * but * coniunx Creusa * may be 

regarded as more emphatio than *snperet,' 
as the question of tne safety of Aeneas' 
friends has already been put in the former 
olause, and now the point is whether this 
or that person is safe. Perhaps also we 
may say that it has the force of an ad- 
ditional *que,'a8 if it had been written 
** superetne ooniunxque Greuaa Ascanius- 
que puer.** 

598.] It is not clear whether *omnis' 
or * omnes * should be read ; in other words, 
whether * omnes ' goes with * quoe * or with 
* acies.' The laiter is supported by Med., 
the former by tlie editors generally. In 
the one case * omnes ' has to be applied to 
three people; in the other three people 
are said to be surrounded by the whole 
Grecian army, when the meaning merely 
is that enemies are swarming round them. 

599.] * Circumerrant ' denotes that tho 
enemy is constantly passing baokwards 
and forwards, and suggests that they 
may at last by mere chance light upon 
their victims. * Besistat * expresses that 
thedanger and consequently the guardian- 
shipare notover. *Tulerint* and *hau- 
serit,* on the other hand, for the sake of 
liveliness, speak of the destruction as 
already a thing of the past. 

600.] *Tulerint,* nearly as in v. 555 
above. * Haurire,' of a weapon or other 
offensive agent, probably as devouring 
fiesh or drinking olood, a Luoretian ex- 
pression, repeated 10. 814, and not un- 
oommon in Ovid. Comp. also note on G. 3. 
105. The original is probably Homer's 
iik 8* tvTtpa x<*^^s i^ffirty And^ffas. (II. 
14. 517). 

601.] * Tibi ' refers to the whole sen- 
tence, as in 1. 261. *It is not, as you 
think,' or * this overthrow that you moum 
is not caused by,* &c. *Facie8 invisa,* 
the hated beauty. * Laoaenae : * Menelaus 
in Eur. Tro. 869 8ays,'Hic» 5i riiy Adxaiyayy 
o(t yhf> TiH^tos "^Oyofia hd/xapros fj «ot* ^y 
ifiii \4y»f "A^tty. The source of the sen- 
timent is O. 3. 164 foll., where Priam 



Cnlpatusve Paris, divom inclementia, divom, 

Eas evertit opes sternitque a culmine Troiam. 

Aspice — namque omnem, quae nunc obducta tuenti 

Mortalis hebetat visus tibi et umida circum 605 

Caligat, nubem eripiam ; tu ne qua parentis 

lussa time, neu praeceptis parere recusa — 

Hic, ubi disiectas moles avolsaque saxis 

Saxa vides mixtoque undantem pulvere fumum. 

says to Helen, O^ri fioi alriii iffol^ Btol vit 
/Aot cirtoi iicty, Ot fxoi i^piiri<Tay ir6\ffJLOV 
iroX^aKpvy 'Axcudr. In Q. Smyni. 13. 
412, Menelaus is going to kill Helen, 
when Agamemnon Btops him, saying, oi 
ydp roi 'E\4pyj ir^Xf i airifj, &s ffi) y* toKitas, 
'AAA& n^ptr.. Virg. does not say, as 
Mr. Gladstone (Hom. yoI. iii. pp. 523 
foIL) oharges him with saying, that 
Helen and Paris are guiltless, but that 
Aeneas ought to think not of them but 
of the gods as the real overthrowers of 
Troy. [*Lacenae' Med. Pal.— H. N.] 

602.] * Culpatus,' whom you and others 
blame. The word is used as an adjective : 
sce Forc. Aeneas had said nothing about 
Paris, so that the mention of him here 
neutralizes Ihe mention of Helen in the 
previous line as an argument for the 
genuinenees of the disputed passage. 

* Divom inclementia, divom ' is the read- 
iug of Med. and Ribbeck*8 other MSS., 
supported by Donatus on Ter. Andr. 5. 3. 
12, and others of the old grammariaus, 
and \A now generally adoptod. The old 
reading was * verum inclementia,' a much 
weaker expreesion, and apparently not 
well supported, though Heyne*s critical 
note is not explicit about the authori- 
ties for it Other oopies present other 
varieties, * sed enim inolementia/ *un- 
quam inclementia,' ^divom inclementia 
Bummis,' which may perhaps show that 
some oorruption has crept into the text. 
On intrinsic grounds nothin^ can be more 
satisfactory tban the text as it now stands. 
[*Divum'Med.— H. N.] 

603.] « Has evertit opes ' v. 4. We 
must remember that Aeneas had just wit- 
nessed the destrnction of Priam's palace. 

* A culmine/ v. 290 note. 

604.] Aeneas knew that the tutelary 
gods of Troy had left their temples (v. 
851): he now leams that there are 
heavenlypo^^s actually arrayed against 
Troy. How far the two views of the 
relations of the gods to Troy harmonize 
it would be hard to say : in Homer cer- 

tain gods are the avowed friends, oertain 
other gods the avowed enemies of Troy, 
and though the Trojans try to propitiate 
the latter (comp. the procession to the 
temple of Pallas II. 6. 269 folL), their 
hostility seems to be unabated. The 
opening of Aeneas' eyes that he may eee 
the gods is from O. 5. 127, where Pallas 
performs the same ofiBoe to Diomed, 
hx^Mv ^ a? rot &v' 6<l>0a\fi&v cXov, ^ irp\p 
diriitv, "O^p* cJ ytyv(&fficif5 iifikv Othv ^Ji 
ico) &v9pa, 

606.] * Tu ne qua — recusa * is a clause 
which has given some trouble to the com- 
mentators. Heyne thinks Virg. would 
have altered it had he lived to revise the 
poem : Wagn. vindicates it as giving the 
reason why the cloud is to be removed, 
that Aeneas, seeing the desperate state of 
Troy, may not hesitate to abandon it. 
Perhaps it would be better to say that 
Yenus fears lest Aeneas, seeing the gods 
banded against Troy, should l^come des- 
perate, or too timid to make an attempt 
to save his family, — a view which wiil 
agree with *time' here, and with the 
language of v. 620. 

608.] The pioture of Neptune over- 
throwing^the walls with his trident is 
taken from a ourious passage, U. 12. 27 
folL, speaking of the destruction of the 
unblessed rampart of the Greeks by 
Poseidon, in connexion with Apollo and 
Zeus, after the fall of Troy. There how- 
ever his functious as the earth-shaking 
god of the sea are more distinctly marked : 
the rampart had been made to protect tho 
ships as they stood drawn up on the shore, 
and the foundation is acconlingly under- 
mined by the waves, and the beaoh re- 
stored as it was before. Here there may 
be a hint of Neptune's marine agenoy on 
a maritime town, but all that is expressed 
is the leverage of the trident in overtum- 
ing the walls of the city. Gomp. also the 
descent of the gods to battle H. 20. 47 

609.] « * Pulvis ' est ex ruinis." Heyne. 



Neptunns mnros magnoque emota tridenti 610 

Fundamenta quatit totamque a sedibus urbem 

Eruit. Hic luno Scaeaa saevissima portas 

Prima tenet, sociumque furens a navibus agmen 

Ferro accincta vocal 

lam summas arces Tritonia, respice, Pallas 615 

Insedity nimbo effalgens et Gorgone saeva. 

610.] Serv. reminds us that the walls 
of Troy were originally built by Neptune 
and ApoUo, Cei^a that dtfitXiovxos was 
one of the names of Poseidon. If Virg. 
remembered the odo fact and was aware 
of the other, he might naturaUy feel that 
there was a philosophieal propriety in re- 
presenting tne same power as the maker 
and the destroyer. * Magno emota tri- 
denti ' of course belongs really to * muros * 
as well afi to * fnndamenta,' though gram- 
matically only to the latter. 

611.1 UeinB. and Heyne read • ab sedi- 
bu8 ' tTom Pal., Gud., and another MS. : 
Wagn. restores • a sedibos,' oomparing 1. 

612.] The Scaean gate looked towards 
the shore, and the battle naturally thiok- 
ened round it, as Heyne remarks in his 
note on 11. 6. 307. 

613.] * Prima * because at the entranoe 
of the city (see on v. 334), Heyne : a better 
interpretation than Henry*8, who thinks 
that Juno is meant to be the prime mover 
of the whole. * Socium agmen * are the 
Greeks, to whom Juno calls, as in II. 20. 
48 foU. Athene calls to the Greeks, Ares 
to tlie Trojans. 

614.] Stat. Theb. 5. 280, In an imita- 
tion of this passage quoted by Cerda, re- 
presents even Venus as armed : ** illa, qua 
rara silentia, porta Stat funesta Venus, 
ferroque accincta furentis Adiuvat." 
Juno's arms have been already mentioned 
1. 16. Gerda, in a note there, observes 
ftrom Festus and Plutarch that Juno was 
sometimes represented with a spear under 
thetitle of **Curitis" (**curi8." the 8a- 
bine word for spear). One inferior M8. 
fills up the hemistich with the words 
* saevasque accendit ad iras.' 

616.] Like Neptune (v. 610), Pallas 
presides over the destruction o£ that 
whioh she ordinarily (see note on E. 2. 
61) protects. In II. 5. 460 ApoUo takes 
his seat on the height of Pergamos, to 
defend it. 

616.] The *nimbu8* naturally goes 
with the *Gorgon,' as the **aegi8'' is 
reaUy the whirlwind that drives the 

storm-cloud, whence the double meaning 
of the word in Greek. Comp. 8. 353 foll., 
Sil. 12. 720 foll. So Apollo D. 15. 308 
appears tl/i^pos AfwiTw y€^\fip (Horace^s 
** nube candentis umeros amictus **), ^x« 
8* aiylia 0ovpi¥, a line which Virg. doubt- 
less meant to translate. The brightness 
of the storm-cloud, to whioh Henry ob- 
jects, may be aooounted for, if not, with 
Wagn., by the lurid glare of the oonfla- 
gration, at any rate bv the lightning 
whioh it would naturally emit — a view 
agreeing well with the historioal picture 
of a captured town quoted by Henry 
himself from Tao. A. 13. 41, **Adicitur 
miraoulum, velut numine oblatum : nam 
cuncta extra, tectis tenus, sole inlustria 
fuere: quod moenibus cingebatur, ita 
repente atra nube coopertum fulguribus- 
que discretum est, ut quasi infensantibus 
Deis exitio tradi crederetur." So Pallas, 
who carries the *• aegis " of Zeus, wields 
also Zeus* lightning, as we have seen on 
1. 42. Her descent here then will be 
parallel to Juno's 10. 634. **agen8 hiemem, 
nimbo sucoincta," thongli there we hear 
only of the darkness of the oloud, not of 
the lightning. So explained, *nimbo* 
seems to give a finer beoause a more real 
and less conventional picture than Henry 
and Ladewig*8 gubstitute • limbo * (recog- 
nized by Serv. as a various reading, and 
still found as an altemative in one MS.), 
though the robe reaobing down to the 
feet was a oharaoteristic of Pallas, and 
the border would naturally be of peculiar 
8plendour,a8 it appears frequently to have 
heen in more ordinary human ooetume. — 
* Saeva * might oonoeivably, as Serv. re- 
marks, be taken with * Pailas : ' but it is 
apparently a translation of Bovpty quoted 
above. Both Hesiod and Hom., as Henry 
observes, call the Gorgon 8cii^. [Serv. 
explains *nimbu8' as the bri^ht cloud 
Burrounding the head of a divinity, and 
appeals to pictures as evidenoe of his 
interpretation: ** Est fulgidum lumen, quo 
deorum oapita oinguntur ; sic etiam ping^ 
solet." See on v. 590. * Etfulgens/ Le. 
*eofulgen8,* Med.— H. N.] 



Ipse Pater Danais animos yiresque secundas 
Sufficit, ipse deos in Dardana suscitat arma. 
Eripe, nate, fugam, finemque inpone labori. 
Nusquam abero, et tutum patrio te limine sistam. 
Dixeraty et spissis noctis se condidit umbris. 
Apparent dinie facies inimicaque Troiae 
Numina magna deum. 

Tum yero omne mihi yisum oonsidere in ignis 
Ilium et ex imo yerti Neptunia Troia ; 
Ac yeluti summis antiquam in montibus omum 
Cum ferro accisam crebrisque bipennibus instant 
Eruere agricolae certatim ; illa usque minatur 



617.] * Ipse pater' G. 1. 121 note. *Se- 
ctradas' seems to mean * auBpicions ' or 

* victorioufl.* 

619.] *£ripe fogam' is a variety for 
"eripe te foga," with a glance, after 
Virg.^s manner, at other poesible aBpects 
of tbe word, the notion of rescning night 
fh>m thoee who wonld rob one of it (Goee- 
rau), and the use of ^'rapere fugam" 
(Ov. F. 3. 867) in the Bense of flying 
haetUy. 8ee on 1. 881, G. 2. 864. ' Labor,' 
the struggle, ae Homer^s heroes talk of 
battle as fiiyos: seen on v. 11. For 

* finem inponere ' in the Bense of putting 
an end to, which Weidner Beems to ques- 
tion, oomp. 5. 463. plmpone' Med. — 
H. N.] 

620.] *Venu8 engages to conduct him 
safely home.* 

622.]'Dirae facies' doubtlesB BUg- 
geeted the * dreadful faces ' that throng 
the gate of Milton'8 Paradise : but Virg. 
probably meant *formB.' It has been 
aBked why *inimioa' and ^magna' are 
not joined by a copula : the answer iB 
that the two epithets are not oo-ordinate, 

* inimioa Troiae' being in fact part of the 
predioate, *are Been ranged against Troy.' 
rLucr. 3. 18 " apparet divum numen." — 

623.] * Numina,' as we might Bay * the 
powera:' more emphatic here than *di,* 
as it ifl the exertion of a Buperhuuian 
power on which we are meant to dwell. 
The efTeot of the hemiBtich here is very 
grand, and it iB not easy to Bee how Virg. 
could have improved the line by com- 
pleting it. At any rate the effeotive 
brevity with whioh he dlBmiBBee in a line 
and a balf what an inferior poet would 
have taken a paragraph to expreBs iB a 
memorable teBtimony to bis judgment. 
Serv. hat a ouriouB note: **8ecundum 

matheein " (astrology), ** poet abBoeamm 
Veneris dicit apparnidse numina, cuiuB 
praesenteB radii intervenientes anaere* 
ticoB" (iuKup€ruco6s, Beemingly an astro- 
logical term) " temperant." 

624—633.] *I Baw at once that all was 
loet, and Troy nodding to ite faU like a 
tree under the woodmen'8 axea.' 

624.] * Tum vero : ' afler hie eyee have 
been opened to Bee Heavon flghting 
against Troy. •Omne' is emphatio. 

* Gonsidere in ignie ' occurB 9. 146, and 
Tac. H. 3. 33, **cum omnia aacra pro- 
fanaque in ignis considerent," perhaps 
an imitation of Virg. Troy is under- 
mined by the flame, and bo cannot Btand 
agaiuBt it, but sinks down into it The 
word is alBo applied to the coUapee or 
Bubsidence of flame iteelf. 

625.] *Neptunia:' as if god-built 
towerB might have been expected to 

626.] Hom. II. 4. 482 foH. compareB 
the death of Simoisius to the follinff of a 
poplar which the woodman outB down; 
but the circumstanceB of the felling are 
not dwelt on. Apoll. R. 4. 1182 foU. has 
a simile more like Virg.*B, oomparing the 
overthrow of Talus under Medea'8 en- 
ohantments to a tree half out down and 
left, which first moves gently to the wind 
and afterwards comes down with a crash. 
But Virg.'8 simile is sufficiently original, 
as regards both the details and the thing 
to which the tree is compared. He^me 
complains of its grammatical stractnre, 
from the omiBBion of the apodosis : but 

* ao veluti ' means not * and as,' but 

* even as ' 

627.] *Accisam:' note on G. 2. 379. 
[* Bipinnibus' Med. and Verona firagm.— 
H. N.] 

628.] *Minatur' bears iis ordinary 



Et tremefacta comam concnsso vertice nutaty 
Yolneribus donec paulatim eyicta supremum 680 

Congemuit traxitque iugis avolsa ruinam. 
Descendoy ac ducente deo flammam inter et hostis 
Expedior ; dant tela locum, flammaeque recedunt. 

Atque ubi iam patriae perventum ad limina sedis 
Antiquasque domos^ genitor, quem toliere in altos 635 
Optabam primum montis primumque petebam, 
Abnegat excisa vitam producere Troia 

sense of threateniDg to faU. Henry fan- 
cies the point of tibe oomparison is be- 
twecn a tree dangerons in its faU and 
Troy threatening injnry to its captors: 
but the only danger the tree can cause is 
by falling, and we hear nothing of injury 
when the fall actually takes place (v. 631.) 
It seems equally ueedless tosuppoBo that 
in the next line there is any allusion to a 
warrior noddinghiBpluroes threateningly. 
Aeneas has ce^ed to look upon Troy as 
having any power for offenoe or defence, 
and regards its destruction as simply a 
questiun of time. * Usque : ' it keeps 
630.] *Evicta' 4. 474, slronger than 

* victa.' [ * Vulneribus ' Verona fragm. 
and Gud. * Victa* Verona fragm.— H. N.] 

631.] ** * Congemuit : ' not merely 
groaned, but groaned loudly, as it were 
with all its force ooUected into one last 
effort: " Henry ; who seems also right in 
connecting * iugis * with * traxit ruinam,' 
and understanding ^avolsa' of tearing 
away the tree from the stump with ropes, 
like the description in Ov. M. 8. 776. 
*Traxit ruinam iugis' will then mean 
that the tree fell heavily, and lay at 
length along the mountain, not, as haa 
been suppo^, that part of the mountain 
gave way with the tree. 

632.] «Desoendo:* note on y. 570. 

* Deus' is nsed when a goddess is meant, 
perhaps on the analogy oi 6 koL ii 0€6s, 
giving a more general, and therefore in a 
case like this more impressive notion. 
** Under the guidance of Heaven." There 
is an old reading * dea,' which originaUy 
existed in Med. and the Verona palimp- 
sest, and appears in Pal. from a correc- 
tion, as well as in some inferior MSS. : 
but Macrob. Sat. 3. 8, and Serv. vindicate 
*deo.' [Ti. Donatus read *desoendo abdu- 
centedea.*— H.N.] 

633.] *£xpedior:' Emm. oomp. Hor.4 
Od. 4. 76, ** curae sagaces Expediunt per 
aouta belli." Ovid (ex Ponto 1. 1. 33), 

either mistaking Virg., or foUowing 
another legend, snpposes that Aeneas- 
was protected from tne flames afterwards 
when he was rescuing his father; but 
Virg. gives no hint of this, and Aeneas' 
own language, 6. 110, rather contradicts 

634—654.] *Arrived at home, I find 
my father will not be persoaded to fly 
with me. He tells me that flight is for 
the young ; that the fall of the city is a 
signal that he has lived long enough; 
and that we must leave him to die, as 
indeed his life has long been useless and 
unblest We, in an agony of tears, en- 
deavour to move him, but in vain.' 

684.] *Atque ubi' was restored by 
Heins. for * ast ubi,' which is the readlng 
of inferior MSS. 

635.1 *Antiquas' seems merely an epi- 
thet of affection. Ser v. says ** * antiquas : ' 
oaras : ambitiose dixit." 

636.] *Primum,' as Gk^ssrau remarks, 
receives some light from a story told by 
Serv. from Varro*s work **Eerum Hu- 
manarum," to the efiect that the Greeks 
allowed Aeneas and others to take with 
them what they valued most : that while 
others chose their treasures, he chose his 
father: that his filial piety was rewarded 
by the permission to make a seoond ohoice, 
when he selected the Penates ; and that 
after this second proof of unselfishness 
the conquerors left him free to take with 
him what he liked. This story was not 
likely to be adopted by Virg., who would 
feel that it in some sort compromised the 
prowess of his hero; but it may very 
well have influenced his language here. 

* Primum ' then will mean that Aeneas 
thought of saving his father before savinf 
any other person or thing, so that it had 
best be made to agree with *quem.' 

* Montis : ' Ida, vv. 801 foU. * Prunum- 
que petebam,* whom I first addressed, or, 
to whom I first made my way. 

637.] Guellius and Gerda are, I suspeot, 



Exiliumque pati. Vos o, quibus integer aeyi 

Sanguis, ait, solidaeque suo stant robore yires, 

Yos agitate fugam. 640 

Me si caelicolae yoluissent ducere yitam, 

Has mihi servassent sedes. Satis una superque 

Vidimus excidia et captae superavimus urbi. 

Sic, o sic positum adfati discedite corpus. 

Ipse manu mortem inveniam ; miserebitur hostis 645 

ExuTiasque petet ; facilis iactura sepulchri. 

riefat in conjeotnring ^exscissa.' **Ex- 
•cmdere urbero/' "gentem" &c. ocour 
repeatedlj in Virg., and "excidium" 
too is common ; but ** excidere " is never 
nsed by him in this senee except here 
and in 12. 762, where one M8., the Parr- 
hasian, gives " exscissnrum," unless we 
are to follow fragm. Vat. in reading " ex- 
cidisse" 5. 785. It is at least singular 
that the only two instances in wbich 
this nse of the word is snpported bj 
the weight of the MSS. should be in- 
stances of participles, where the differenoe 
amonnts to little more than a difference 
of speUing. The spelling "excidium," 
which seems to haye taken general pos- 
sesiiion of the MSS., may have arisen 
fVom a false etjmologj : see on 1. 22. 
Comp. also the fluctuations between 
" abscindo " and " abscido." [* Abnegat 
produccre' : so Plant. Cas. 3. 5. 55 "negat 
f»onere " : Ter. And. a79 "se^i si tu negaris 
ducere ": Lucilius 29. 8.S (MUlIer) " negat 
reddere" : Piso ap. Gell. 7. 9. 3 "negat 
aocipere.**— H. N.J 

638.] ['Exsilium' Verona fragm.— 
H. N.] * Integer aevi * 9. 255. So " aevi 
maturus " 5. 73. [" Tum qnom est sanguis 
inieger," Plautus Mero. 550 (Bitschl). 
~H. N.] 

639.] * Suo ' emphatic. Anchises sa js 
in faot that his verj inability to flj with- 
out aid is a reason whj he snould not fl j 
at aU. "Mole sua stat" 10. 771. There 
seems to be an imitation of U. 23. 629, 
cf0^ 6f ^jSi^tAu» fih r4 fioi ifiTthos cfi}. 

640.] * Agitate fugam * seems nearlj = 
"ftigam moliri" y; 108 above. [Serv. 
quotes a fragment of Sallust, " fugam in 
Ooeani longinqua agitavisse." — H. N.] 
Cne MS. fills up the line with the words 
' et rebus servate secundis.* 

642.] * Satis ' &o. In prose we might 
have hsA " satis superque est quod vidi- 
mus" ftc. The allusion of oourse is to 
the destruotion of Troj bj Hercules and 
in the time of Laomedon. 

643.] *8uperavimus' v. 597. "Uni," 
in tbe form of ** semel," has to be supplied 
to * captae urbi.' 

644.] This line was omitted in Med. 
doubtless bj accident, and had to be 
added in the margin. See on G. 2. 433, 

* Sic ' is probabl j to be taken with * posi- 
tum/ *just as I am:' we maj however 
comp. the emphatio * sic, sio ' with which 
Dido apparentlj stabs herself 4. 660, as 
well as " sic te ut posita crudelis abessem," 
ib. 681. Comp. also G. 4. 303, " Sic posi- 
tum in clauso linquunt," of the slain calf. 

* Positus ' of the dead, like Kti<rOai : see 
Forc. : and so * oorpus.* * Adfati * seems 
to refer to the " oonolamatio " rather than 
to the "acclamatio" (see on 1. 219); 
but it is difficult to saj. Thej are to 
treat liim as if he were alread j dead, and 
leave him. 

645.] The words Mpse manu' are so 
frequentlj connected bj Virg. in the 
sense of doing a thing with one^s own 
hand, that it seems impossible to give 
them any other sense here. * Miserebitur 
hostis ' on the other hand is more natu- 
rallj understood of death from an enemj 
than of an enemj's abstaining from mal- 
treating the d^; and the words of 
Aeneas v. 661 rather favour the same 
view. Forb. therefore seems right in 
supposing that Anchises means to foUow 
Priam's example, mingling in the battle 
and provoking his death. Comp. " mer- 
uisae manu" above v. 434. Anchises 
is infirm, but we need not suppose that 
the blast of the thunder had actuallj 
inoapacitated him from motion, as he is 
able to aooompanj Aeneas on his seven 
jears' vo jage. For * miserebitur hostis * 
Serv. aptlj oomp. 9. 495., 10. 676. 

646.1 *£xuvia8(]ue pjetet' indioates 
that the enemj might Kill him for other 
reasons than pitj. *Sepulchri est' was 
the reading before Pierins. In calling 
the loss of a tomb a light one, Anohises is 
speaking as a world-wearied old man, not 



lam pridem inyisus divis et inutilis annos 

Demoror, ex quo me divom pater atque hominum rex 

Fulminis adflavit ventis et contigit igni. 

Talia perstabat memorans, fixusque manebat. 650 

Nos contra effusi lacrimis coniunxque Creusa 

Ascaniusque omnisque domus, ne vertere secum 

Cuncta pater fatoque urguenti incumbere yellet. 

Abnegaty inceptoque et sedibus haeret in isdem. 

as one whoconscioQBlyrealized the belief 
of the hcroic time. [Henry thinks the 
words have a special reference to the 
belief that persons strnok by lightninji: 
were nnworthy of burial. Festus p. 178 
(Miiller) ** homo si fulmine oocisuB est, ei 
iusta nulla fieri oportet"— H. N.] 

647.] The etory was that Anchises waa 
Btruck (some said killed) by lightning 
for divulging his interoourse with Venua. 
See Hom. Hymn to Aphrodite, w. 287 
foll. «Inutilifl/ as AchiUes II. 18. 104 
cuUs himself in his inaction ir<&<rioy ixBos 
ipoopris, * AnuoB demoror ' seems rightly 
explained by Serv. " quasi festinantis diu 
^ivendo detineo," though there is stiU 
room for question whether the notion is 
that of deferring the day of doom or of 
acting as it were as a clog upon time by 
passing a feeble spiritless dead-alive 
existence. Comp. 8. 481 **fando sur- 
gentis demoror austros," and Horace^s 
*' Impudens Orcum moror" 3 Od. 27. 50. 

648.] ' Divom pater atque hominum 

649.] * Yentis ' seems to be an extension 
of the notion of * adflavit,' which expresses 
the effect of the '* vapor " or heat of the 
thunderbolt. 80 Lucr. 5. 567, " oalidum 
membris adflare vaporem," of fire; and 
again 6. 221 he sp^ks of things struck 
by lightning as ** gravis balantes sulpuris 
auras,*' though he imraediately afterwards 
adds *' ignis enim sunt haec, non venti 
signa neque imbris." Virg. too may have 
thought of the wiud of the thunderbolt*s 
motion: see on 1. 35. Any di&tinct 
doctrine, like that of the wuid*s being 
tbe cause of the thunder or lightning, 
on whioh Lucr. enlarges 6. 06 foll., is 
less likely to have been in his mind, 
though in A. 8. 430 he makes wind one 
of the oomponent parts of lightning, that 
which gives it speed. *(5ontigit' like 
** de caelo tactas " E. 1. 17 note. 

650.] ^Memorans' here, as in other 
passages (y. 75, 1. 327 &c.) seems to be 
fiimply = "dioenB," a use which may 

be aocounted for perhaps by Yirg.^s arti- 
ficial style, which probably led him, as 
similar causeB led our post-Bestoration 
poets, to give a oonventional and poetical 
Bense to certoin words. The Greek 
fitfiy7iff$ou is used rather loosely, though 
not with the same latitude. * Persta^t 
memorans' seems to be on the analogy 
of \iywv Stcr^Act. The more usual Latin 
construction Ib with an Jnfinitive, or with 
" in " and an ablativer * Fixus ' seems 
better taken with Ti. Donatus ''immobillB 
sententia" than with Heyne '*affixuB 
loco, non discedens domo." 

651.] ^Effusi lacrimis:' 'poured out 
in respect of tears,' as we should say * in 
tears,' like *'studio effusae matres 12. 
130, though ^studio' there may be an 
instrum. abl. ' Effusi in lacrimas ' would 
bu a more common expression. * Effusis 
larrimis ' is the reading of five inferior 
MSS., but is much less Yirgilian. Ck)mp. 
" caesariem eflusae " G. 4. 337 note. 

652.] *■ Ne vellet ' seems best taken as 
a Bort of oratioobliqua, like 1. 645 (note), 
a verb of speaking being aBsumed ^m 
the oontext. 'Yertere,' 1. 20. 

653.] < To lend his weight to the des- 
tiny tnat was bearing us down.' Forb. 
comp. Livy 3. 16, *' id prope unum maxiine 
inchnatis rebus incubuit." Serv. says, 
'* Bimile est, ut currentem incitare, praeci- 
pitantem inpellere," [and Henry, foUow- 
ing this hint, would take ' urguenti ' as 
intransitive,=hasteninff ; as in G. 3. 200, 
<*longique urguent ad litora fluctus." 
He would understand 'urguenti incum- 
bere,' then, to mean * to put pressure on 
it so as to make it go the faster,' oom- 

ring Sil. 1. 268 '* ergo instat fatis," 
241 "Fortunae Libys incumbit" — 
H. N.] 

654.1 * Inoeptoque et sedibuB haeret in 
isdem^ is one of those plays on Bimilar 
applicatioos of different words of which 
Ovid is bo fond (oomp. M. 2. 146 **oon- 
Biliis, non curribus utere nostriB"), but 
in whioh Virg. does not often indulge so 



Barsns in arma feror, mortemque miserrimtis opto^ 655 
Nam quod consilium aut quae iam fortuna dabatur ? 
Mene efferre pedem^ genitor, te posse relicto 
Sperasti, tantumque nefas patrio excidit ore ? 
Si nihii ex tanta Superis placet urbe relinqui, 
Et sedet hoc animo, peritiiraeque addere Troiae 660 

Teque tuosque iuvat, patet isti ianua leto ; 
lamque aderit multo Priami de sanguine Pyrrhus, 
Gnatum ante ora patris, patrem qui obtruncat ad aras. 

nnmistakablj as here, though on v. 878 
above we haye 8een tbat he is not whoUy 
free from them. Wnnd. oomp. Gic. in 
Cat 2. 5 '*8i et in nrbe et in eadem 
mente permaneDt," which he caUs ** eadem 
oompoeitioniB suavitas." With the posi- 
tion of the preposition Weidner comp. 5. 
512 **Illa notoB atque atra Tolans in 
nubUa fugit," 6. 416 '^lnformi limo 
glaucaqne exponit in nlva." 

655—670.] * Maddened at hia refueal, 
I resolve to plunge into the battle again. 
What else could I do ? not leave him to 
die. No; if that must be, let Pyrrbus 
come and despatch us both. And was it 
for .this that my mother brought me 
home? I will retum whence sbe touk 

656.] '^Quasi vetuerit regina audito 

* mortemque miserrimus opto,* sic respondet 
Aeneas, ^Nam quod consilinm aut quae 
iam fortuna dabatur ? ' " Serv. Aeneas is 
talking partly to himself, partly to his 
father, and his thoughtB in the next verse 
assume the form of a regular address. 

* Fortuna' nearly as in G. 8. 452. Some 
MSS. leave out * iam/ and Heins. thought 
the hiatus thus produced preferable to 
the present reading. 

657.] «Efferre p^em' like **gre8Bum 
extuleram " v. 753. [* Mene ' the uncials 
and Serv., but Ribbeck reada *men.' 

* Etferre,' t.e. *ecferre,' Med.— H. N.] 

658.] **Bene excusat patrem dioendo 
*excidit,' et ipsam temperat obiurgatio- 
nem." Serv. See on 6. 686. Virg. was 
probably thinkiug of the Homeric woUi^ 
<rt (wos ipuyty 'dpKos 696yrwy ; 

660.] 'Sedet' of a fixed reflolution 4. 
15., 5. 418, &c., sometimes with *animo,' 
sometimes with a dative of the perBon, 
sometimes without a case. With the 
thought, rather than the expression of 

* periturae addere Troiae teque tuoBque ' 
oomp. 4. 606 ** memet super ipsa dedis- 

661.] For*i8ti'manyMSS.give48tic.' 

Serv. takes 'isti' as an adv., and 00 
Weidner, referriug to Ritschl Opusc. 2. 
p. 453 foll. See on G. 1. 54. 'Isti' 
naturaUy refers to what imroediatelv 
precedes, **that death you covet so.^' 
"Leti ianua" and eimilar expressions 
occur repeatedly in Lucr., e. g. 5. 373, 
*'Haud igitur leti praeclusa est ianua 
oaelo." Virg. has perhaps varied the 
image a littie, though it is not clear 
whether he means the door that leads to 
death, or, as the dative would rather sug- 
geBt, the door through which death may 
come. For a Bimilar doubt about a 
BimUar expreBsion oomp. note on G. 3. 
482. The latter interpretation is favoured 
by two passages which Henry quotes, 
"Illa ianuam famae patefecit," Pliny 
Ep. 1. 18, and ** Quautam fenestram ad 
nequitiam patefeoeris ! " Ter. Haut. 3. 1 . 
72. [So TL DonatuB, ** non deest omnibus 
nobis occasio moriendi." — H. N.] 

662.] *Pyrrhu8 will be here in a 
moment, fresh from bathing in Priam'8 
blood, PyrrhuB, who butchers the son 
before the father^s face, who butchers 
the father at the altar.' Heyne well 
observes that Aeneas refers to the words 
** miserebitur hostis " v. 645, drawing the 
same picture of death by an enemy'8 
hand in utterly different coIourB. He 
alBO remarks on the discriminating 
choice of the epithet *muIto.' Lady 
Maobeth's ** Who would have thought 
the old man to have had 80 much blood 
in him ? " may be compared, though not 
exaotly similar in feeling. 

663.] Serv. and Ti. DonatuB Beem 
right (in spite of Wagn.*8 denial) in 
explaining * obtruncat ' **oblruncare con- 
Buevit" It wae PyrrhuB' only act of the 
kind ; but it agreed bo thoroughly with 
hiB nature that it would Btamp him ever 
afterwards. He Ib the butcher of boq 
and father, sayB Aeneaa : therefore doubt 
not that he will bntcher ub. * Obtrun- 
oet,' the original reading of the Mentelian 



Hoc erat, alma parens, quod me per tela, per ignis 
Eripis, nt mediis hostem in penetralibus, utque 665 

Ascanium patremque meum iuxtaque Creusam 
Alterum in alterius mactatos sanguine cemam ? 
Arma, viri, ferte arma ; vocat lux ultima victos, 
Beddite me Danais ; sinite instaurata revisam 
Proelia. Numquam omnes hodie moriemur inulti. 670 

Hinc ferro accingor rursus clipeoque sinistram 
Insertabam aptans meque extra tecta ferebam. 
Ecce autem complexa pedes in limine coniunx 
Haerebat, parvumque patri tendebat lulum : 

MS.,.wbich Heins. tbinks more Yirgilian, 
wonld give a different sense. * Ad aras ' 
is meant to deepen the horror as weU as 
*ante ora patris.' For *patrem qui' 
Med. and others give ^patremque,' 
clearly a false reading, though eupported 
by Jahn. Med. also gives the spelling 
' gnatum,' wiiich I have followed Wagn. 
in restoring, though with some hesitation, 
as I liave no contidence in his notion that 
Yirg. UBed the archaic form in grander 
and more solemn passagep, the modem in 
an ordinary oontext. [* Natum* Pal. and 
Verona fragm. — H. N.] 

664.] *Hoc erat* &c., *wa8 this thy 
dclivorance of me, that I might see* &c 
*Qnod eripis* is the subject, *hoc' tlie 
predioate, and ' ut cemam ' depends on 
*hoc.' Taubmann comp. Prop. 3. 18. 1, 
**Hoc erat in primis quod me gaudere 
iubebas?" *Quod' is an adverbial or 
cognate accusative: see on v. 141. The 
tenses are confused, *ut cemam' de- 
pending on * hoc erat,' a change donbt- 
less favoured by the use of *eripia' 
immediately preceding the dependent 
clanse: or we may say with Jahn that 
there ia a mixture of conatractions, **hoc 
erat quod me eripuisti ut oeraerem" and 
** hoc igitur oonsilio me eripis ut ceraam." 
'Hoo erat' may throw some light on 
Buch expressions as ** tempus erat " Hor. 
1 Od. 37. 4, **nuno non erat his locus" 
Id. A. P. 19. 

665.] **Medium in penetralibus hos- 
tem " V. 508. [• Eripit^ Med.— H. N.] 

667.] A reference to the oircumstances 
of Priam's death, v. 551. [* Mactato 
sanguine' Med. PaJ. Yerona fragm. — 

668.] We are meant to suppose, as 
Berv. remarks, that he had taken off his 
armour on returniug home. * Lux ultima ' 

like **8umma dies " v. 324. * The call of 
the day of death rings in the ears of the 

669.] 'Instaurata' seems to be pro- 
leptio. The flght had not been, bo far 
as tbe Trojans generally were oonoeraed, 
renewed, as it had never been suspended : 
but it would bo renewed in his oase by 
his return to it. 

670.] * Numquam hodie ' E. 3. 49 note. 
* Omnes : ' * if my father dooms himself 
and the rest of the family to an unre- 
sisting death, I will not share it.' Heyne 
comp. Hector's words when he finds him- 
stlf betrayed to death by Pallas II. 22. 
304, fx^ fikv iurrovii yt Kal iucXfMS &iroX- 
oifxnvy *hKKh fi4ya ^4^at ri Kod iffaofjL^" 
voiai TvBMai. 

071—678.] * I was arroing and sallying 
forth, when my wife fell at my feet with 
my chUd in her arms, begging me, if I 
merely rushed on death, to take them 
with me ; if I thought of resistance, to 
stay and defend my nome.' 

671.] 'Ferrum^is the sword, as *cli- 
peo ' shows. Heins. restored * hino ' for 
*hic' from Med. and others. 

674.] *Patri' is to be noted, as occur- 
ring in a oontext where we should be 
more likely to think of Anchises than of 
Ascanius' father, Aeneas. See on v. 138, 
though I do not think that Henry's 
interpretation there quoted reoeives any 
additional support nom the present 
paraUel. Aesch. (Cho. 909, 974) uses 
vaT poKToytTvt ^aTpoKT^yos^ of those wht) 
kill, not their father, but the father of 
the person speaking; and so Ohapman 
(Odyssepr 3. 262) speaks of Aegisthus as 
a parricide in relation to Orestes. The 
scene is briefly and hastily sketched after 
the famous one of Hector and Andro- 
mache H. 6. 399 foll. 



Si periturns abis, et nos rape in omnia tecum ; 675 

Sin aliquam expertus sumptis spem ponis in armis, 
Hanc primum tutare domum. Cui parvus lulus, 
Cui pater et coniunx quondam tua dicta relinquor ? 

Talia yociferans gemitu tectum omne replebat, 
Cum subitum dictuque oritur mirabile monstrum. 680 
Namque manus inter maestorumque ora parentum 
Ecce levis summo de vertice visus luli 
Fundere lumen apex, tactuque innoxia mollis 

675.] *In omnia' here seems ahnost 
an euphemistio expreasion, being ex- 
plainea by *perituru8.' Forb. comp. 
Lucan 10. 460, **Non sine rege tamen, 
quem duxit in omnia securo." 

676.] * Expertufl ' as having been al- 
ready in the battle. 

677.] •Cui . . . relinquor/ as we 
should eay, " CJonsider to whom you itre 
leaving us.** Heyne comp. 4. 323, " Cui 
me rooribundam deBeris, hospea ? " 

678.] *Coniunx quondam tua dicta' 
aeems to be '* I who once enjoyed all a 
wife*8 honours." So Hom.'8 <rV «««A^- 
odcu &KoiTiy, which Heyne comp. See on 
1. 73. PRelinquar* Med. originally. — 
H. N.] 

679 — ^704.] •While she was weepinj?, 
Ascanius* hair suddeuly burst out into a 
bright but harmlese flitme. We were 
terrified : but my father rejoiced, and 
begged the gods to confirm the omen. 
Instantly we neard tbunder on the left, 
and saw a shooting star wiih a long 
trail of light. My fafcher aoknowledged 
the hand of heaven indicating that he 
was to go with me.' 

680.] For *8ubitum* Med.. Pal.,and 
others have *8ubito, as also in 5. 522. 
Here however 'subitum' is found in 
fragm. Yat. and recognized by Serv., and 
seems almost rcquired by the grammar, 
as *8ubito' could not in strictne^s be 
united by *que' to 'dictu mirabile,' the 
latter constituting an ordinary epithet, 
not an adverbial part of the sentence; 
though Buch a ooupling of two not 
strictjy co-ordinate expressions might 
perhaps be paralleled on the one hand 
by passages like ▼. 86 (note), on the 
other by thoee of which 5. 447, G.* 2. 428 
may be taken as specimens. ' Subitum ' 
too Beems to be the universal reading of 
the MSS. in the two very similar passages 
8. 81, G. 4. 554. [* Subito ' is probably a 
gloss, as Serv. remarks, ** * snbitiun ' pro 
•subito.'"— H. N.] 


681.] So in 5. 525 the description of 
the prodigy is introduced by * namque.' 

* Manus inter ' 9. 502. Creusa had Asca- 
nius in her arms and was pressing him 
upon Aeneas. * Inter ora ' seeros a kind 
of zeugma, as we should rather have 
expectf d ** ante ; " but the meanin.:^ may 
be * while we were hoLiing Ascanius in 
our arms and pressing his lips to ours.' 

683.] It is not easy to say whethep 
*apex is to be taken with Oerdaand 
most of the later commentators of a 
pointed tongue of flame, or with Ti. 
DonatuB, and in our time Henry, of the 
orown or topmost point (a tuft of hair, 
as he suggests with reference to * levis ') 
of Ascanius' head. Tlie latter would be 
Bupported by 10. 270, ** ardet apex 
oapiti," the *apex' there being the 
crest of the helmet wliich Aeneas hap- 
pened to be wearing : the former has the 
authority of Ovid> who tliree times (P. 6. 
636, M. 10. 279, Pont. 4. 9. 54) uses 

* apex ' of a point or spire of flame, and 
agrees with Val. Fl. 3. 188, where 
** frontis apex " seems to mean a lumin- 
ous halo or star on the brow of Castrtr. 
This evidence in favour of a special use 
is to a certain extent confirmed by the 
language of the present pctssage, by the 
epithet * levis ' aud the words * summo 
de vertioe,' whioh do not agree equally 
well with Henry*8 view, as in that case 

* apex' and * luli ' oould hardly be sepa- 
rated. The tautology betweon * fundere 
luraen apex ' (as explained of the flame) 
and * lambere flamma comas,' of which 
he complains, is uot un-Yirgilian. It is 
singular that there should be two pas- 
sages in later poets, one (Claud. 4 Cons. 
Hon. 192 folL) alluding to, the other (Sil. 
16. 119 foll.) modelled on, the present, in 
both of which the same doubt might be 
raised as here. A third interpretation, 
datiug from Serv. and adopted by Burm., 
and more recently by Schirach, supposes 
the *apex' to bie the Phrjgian cap or 



Lambere flamma comas et circum tempora pasci. 
No8 payidi t^pidare metu, crinemque flagrantem 
Excutere et sanctos restinguere fontibus ignis. 
At pater Anchises oculos ad sidera laetus 
Extulit, et caelo pabnas cum yoce tetendit ; 
luppiter omnipotens, precibus si flecteris uliis, 
Aspice nos ; hoc tantum ; et, si pietate meremur, 


mitre which AscaniuB may have woni, as 
it is specially used of the oap wom by the 
** flamines ** and ** salii " at Rome (see 8. 
664, and Dict A. * Apez '), which Serv. 
•ays ABcanius himself was the first to 
introduoe at Alba: but the whole do- 
scription seems to show that at this time 
at least his head was bare. The paraUel 
inBtanoe in Homan legend, whioh doubt- 
leas was in Yirg/s mind, ig the blazing of 
the hair of ServiuB TuUius when a boy, 
for which see liyy 1. 39. The appear- 
ance, wherever it was Been, was BuppoBed 
to be an omen of future greatnesB, per- 
haps of royal dignity, bo that here it 
pointB out ABoaniuB as a future king, and 
shows that the honae of AeneaB is de- 
Btined to Burvive. Virg. also had in view 
ApoU. B. 3. 1017, roTos ieirh ^aySoto tca- 
piiaTOS AiaoylSao 1,rpiirrt¥ "Epm iiBtiay 
imh <>X<^ — * Tactu innoxia * [Henry 
would now take as = << harmleBS to be 
touched, that would not harm you if you 
meddled with it : " bnt it] BeemB to be a 
variety for *'tactu innoxio," a form of 
expreBBion of which PersiuB is particu- 
larly fond. "Mala tactu," G. 3. 416, 
whioh Wund. and Jahn comp., is not 
parallel, as * tactu ' there is the passive 
Bupine. * Tractu ' was adopted by Burm. 
from a few M8S. ; but Virg. is not now 
thinking of a traU of light. * MoUis ' is 
the reading of the great majority of 
M8S., and is doubtless right, though 
•moUi,' the reading before Heyne, has 
some plausibility. It has been queBtioned 
whether * moliis' belongs to * ^mma ' or 
to 'oomas.' The imitation in SU. 1. c, 
where ** mitis flamma " oocurs, may 
seem to point to Uie former, and so per- 
hapB ^ficioy in ApoU. 1. c : but the oon- 
currence of the two epithets Mnnoxia' 
and * moUis ' is a decided objeotion to it. 
The wavy, curUng appearance of Asca- 
nius' loc^ forms a natural objeot in the 
pioture, and Ib in keeping with the 
ofakaracter of the flames which play among 

684.] ' PaBci ' must not be pressed, as 
the harmlessness of the flame would of 

course require that it shonld bum without 

685.] It matters little whether * metu ' 
be taken with * trepidare,' or, as Wake- 
field on Lucr. 2. 44 and Wagn. wish, with 

* pavidi.' 

686.] [* Fraglantem ' Pal.— H. N.] 
•Crinem flagrantem excutere' is ex- 
presaed more ordinarUy by Ovid. (M. 12. 
280), **avidum de crinibus ignem Ex- 
cutit." '* * SanctoB ' . . . non quos tunc 
sacros sciebant, sed quos mox probaturi 
flunt." Serv. *FontibuB,' Bpring-water, 
G. 4. 376 note. 

687.] Anchises was Bnpposed to have 
received the gift of divination from 
Venus, aocording to Enn. A. 1, fr. 17, 
" Doctusque Anchisa, Venus ^uem pul- 
cherruma divom Fata docet fan, divinum 
ut pectus haberet" (as corrected by 
Fleckeisen and Bemays). So Naevlus 
Bell. P. 1, fr. 2, ** Poetquam aves aspexit 
in templo Anchisa." He exercises it 
again 3. 539. 

688.] See on w. 378, 405. ' Oaelo ' E. 
2. 30 note. 

689.] For the use of *si' in adjura- 
tions comp. G. 1. 7, 17, and for the form 
of the prayer gen^aUy A. 5. 687 foU. 

690.] Wagn.'B ^aspioe nos hoo tantum,' 
rouro fi6yoy ^fias dwlfiKwtjfoy, is very 
tempting, as the oognate aocusative 
would be snfficiently idiomatio : but 
**hoc primum" v. 79 is strongly in 
favour of taking 'hoo tantum' sepa- 
rately, whether we make it the acou- 
sative after some such verb as * rogo,' or 
the nominative, snpplying ' fiat.' Burm. 
oomp. Statius Theb. 9. 192, " Hoc tan- 
tum, et natae meUus conubia iungas," 
and Claudian, Bape of Proserpine 3. 298, 
'* liceat cognoscere sortem : Hoc tantum : 
Uceat oertos habuisse dolores," whioh 
seems at any rate to show how they un- 
derstood Virg. Comp. also Prop. 5. 6. 
64, ** Ula petit NUum oamba male nixa 
fugaci, Hoo unum, iusso non moritura 
die." GU>ssrau's punctuation, oonnecting 

* hoc tantum ' with what foUows, is less 
likely than either. 



Da deinde anxiliamy pater, atque haec omina firma. 
Vix ea fatus erat senior, subitoque fragore 
Intonuit laeyum, et de caelo lapsa per umbras 
Stella flGtcem ducens multa cum luce cucurrit. 
lUam, summa super labentem culmina tecti, 
Cemimus Idaea claram se condere silva 
Signantemque vias ; tum longo limite sulcus 


091.1 'Deinde' seemB to be nsed after 
' si,' like fr€tra after e/, to mark the oon- 
sequence. See Hand Tnrs. ' Deinde ' § 
4, where however tbe instances given are 
of the use of * deinde ' in independent 
Bentencee. ProboB p. 14. 10 Keil qnotes 
the line witb ' augnrium,' [which seems 
also to have been read by Sernua, who 
says ** non enim unum augurium yidiuse 
sufficitnisiconfirmetur ex simili.'' — H. N.] 
* Aug^urium' is adopted by Peerlkamp, 
Ladewig, and Ribbeck ; but it8 origin la 
easily acoounted for by 3. 89, " Da, pater, 
augurium.'* • Auxilium ' ie found m all 
extant MSS., and is supported by Boe- 
thius de interpret ed. sec p. 291 (ed. 
Basil. 1546). With ' omina firma ' comp. 
8. 78, **Ad8i8 o tantum et propius tua 
numina firmeB." It is singular that both 
** omen " and ** numen " are also used by 
Virg. as inBtrumental ablatives with 
** finno,** *• omine quo firmans animum *' 
G. 4. 386, •* di numine firment'* A. 12. 188. 
692.] *Yix ea fatus erat' and similar 
expreesions are foUowed in Yirg. by 
•'ctim,*' by *<jue* or **et," aa here, and 
by a olause without any connecting par- 
ticle. The two latter modes of construc- 
tion may be regarded as remnonts of a 
lees artificial style, a sort of fioofx4tnri 
\4^tS9 preeerved in poetry partly for 
Tariety'8 sake, partly a8 a lelief from the 
more formal and logical Btruoture of 

693.] Thunder on the left was a good 
omen in Boman aug^ry, a8 lightning on 
the right was in Greek. See note on G. 
4. 7, and comp. Cic Div. 2. 39. The 
same sign occur8 again A. 9. 630, with an 
additiomd circumstance. [*Lab8a' Pal. 
aod fragm. Vat.— H. N.] 

694.] Shooting stars are mentioned 5. 
527. In the present paBsage Virg. may 
haye thought of Apoll. B. 4. 294, where 
a BJTnilar appearance is sent to sanotion a 
joameT. Henry eztracts from SaunderB' 
New8-Jetter of July 25, 1844, an account 
of a meteor seen one evening at OouBtan- 
tinople: **An immeuBe meteor, like a 
gigantic Congreye rocket, darted with a 

rufihing noiBO from east to west Its 
lightning courBe was marked by a streak 
of fire ; and after a paBsage of Bome 40^ 
or 50^, it burst like a bombshell, but 
without detonation, lighting upthe hemi- 
aphere with the brillianoy of the noon- 
day 8un. On itB diBappearanoe, a white 
yapour remained in itB track, and wa8 
yisible for more than half an hour." 
Heyne Beems right in connecting * multa 
cum luce ' with * faoem duceuB ' and ex- 
plaining ** habens Bpeciem faciB longae." 
697.] It can hardly be doubted that, 
a8 Henry expresses it, * eignantem ' i8 
connected by * que,' not witn itB unlike 
'claram,' but with itB like *labentem,' 
though there is Bome slight awkwardness, 
Bcarcely remoyed by the parallelB he citea, 
in the separation of the two partioiples. 
Tbe Bense of * signantemoue yias ' Hcems 
to be fixed by tbe parallel 5. 526, ** sig- 
nayitque yiam flammis," to the imprint- 
ing of the meteor'8 path along the sky, 

* yias ' being for obyious reasons Bubsti- 
tuted for ** yiam : " otherwise it migbt be 
proposed to understand the words of tbe 
meteor Bymbolizing the path which 
Aeneas was to take (comp. Claudian De 
Laud. Stil. 2. 291, **Signat prodigiis 
casus natura futuros "), an interpretation 
which would remoye aoertain appearance 
of tautology in what follows, and agree 
well with Apoll. R. 4. 296, a-r^AAco-doi 
T^v8' otfiotr iinwpb y^ dXjchs It^x^ 
Ohpavl-ris iucriyoSf Svri K<d iLfi(6<rifioy i}c, 

* signantemque yias' being in that case 
yirtually equiyalent to ** et signare yias." 
*Tum:^ Wagn. remarks that after the 
di8ap|>earance of the meteor any trail 
that it left wonld be more perceptible. 
For ' limes ' foUowing * yia,' see on G. 2. 
277. Theearly editions read 'lumine' 
or *limine,' seemingly on yery slender 
authority. Heins. oomp. Oy. M. 15. 849, 
** Flammiferumque trahens spatioso limite 
crinem Stella micat," and Burm. Sen. 
Thy. 698, *'B cayo aethere cucurrit 
limitem sidus trahens." * Sulcus,' like 
its cognate, 6\k6s (IAkw) in Apoll. B. 1. 
c, as if the trail of the star ploughed up 



Dat lucem, et late circum loca sulpure fumant. 

Hio vero victus genitor se tollit ad auras, 

Adfaturque deos et sanctum sidus adorat. 700 

lam iam nulla mora est ; sequor, et, qua ducitiSy adsum, 

Di patrii : servate domum, servate nepotem. 

Vestrum hoc augurium, vestroque in numine Troia est 

Cedo equidem, nec, nate, tibi comes ire recuso. 

Dixerat ille ; et tam per moenia clarior ignis 705 

Auditur, propiusque aestus incendia volvunt. 
Ergo age, care pater, cervici inponere nostrae ; 
Ipse subibo umeris, nec me labor iste gravabit ; 
Qno res cumque cadent, unum et commune periclum, 
Una salus ambobus erit. Mihi parvus lulus 710 

ihe heayen. The word is similarly used 
Lucan 6. 562, Val. P. 1. 568. Serv. 
applies the different parts of the portent 
to the destiny of Aeneas, the direction of 
the meteor showing that the Trojans 
were to rally at Mount Ida, the light Bif<- 
nifying that under Aeneas they would 
beoome illuBtrious, the trail of scattered 
sparks denoting that some would remain 
behind, the length of the path pre- 
figuring the len^th of the joaruey, the 
furrow its maritime character, and the 
8raoke either the death of Anchises or 
the war in Italy. 

699.] * Hic vero' seems = •* tum vero." 
Comp; 5. 659, where "tum vero" ex- 

Eresses the effect of a portent exactly as 
ere. But it is iust conceivable, though 
ecarcely likely, that * vero victua * are to 
be oonBtructed together, *conquered by 
the truth,' by the will of heaven thus 
oonvincingly manifested. Comp. Hor. 2 
8. 3. 305, " liceat conpedere veria." * Se 
tollit ad auras ; ' we may presume from 
T. 644 and the context generally that 
Anchises was stretched on his bed. 
[*ToUere»Pal.— H. N.] 

701.]*Iam,' as elsewhefe, is *already,* 
and the repetition strengthens it. We 
may render *No more, no more delay 
from me.' ' Adsum ' is stronger than 
*ibo.' *Iiead me by what way you 
will, I am there already ; ' * my feet are 
already in the patii by which you are 
leading me.' [The punctuation adopted 
by Gonington was 'qua ducitis, adsum. 
Di patrii,' &o. But Ti. Donatus rightly 
B&yn **ordinato sensu corrigitur. ut sit 
' qua me ducitis, sequor, di patriL' " And 
00 Henry in his * Aeneidea.' — H. N.] 

702.] [*Patrii' ^TttTpyoi. Henry.— 

H. N.] * Nepotem,' Ascanius, the hope of 
the family, as he had just been desig- 
nated by the first prodigy. 

703.] Wund. is clearly right in oompar- 
ing 9. 246, **Di patrii, quorum semper 
8ub numiue Troia est," which shows the 
sense to be * Troy is in your keeping.* or 

* under your protection,* Troy standing, 
as he remarks, for the Trojans, witli 
reference to the new city which it is 
hoped they may found eldewhere (oomp. 
3. 86 foll.). 8erv.*s two interpretatioJis, 
**in vobis habeo Troiam," **auguriuui 
numenque vestrum efficiat ne putem 
Troiam perisse," are far less likely. 

704.] '^Ne taraen illi Tu coraes ex- 
terior, si postulet, ire recuses," Hor. 2 S. 

705—729.] *A8 he spoke the flames 
spread nearer. I bade him mount my 
shuulders, Ascanius holding my hand, 
and my wife following betund. I ap- 
pointed a temple of Oeres in the suburb 
as a rendezvous for myself and my 
servants, and gave the household gocis 
to my father to oarry. As we moved 
along, a strange sense- of fear thrilled 
through me, which I had never felt 
while I had only myself to think of.' 

706.] *Inoendia' nom., *aestu8* acc. 
As Weidner remarks, not only is the 
fire seen and heard, but the heat is 
beginning to be felt 

707.] Aeneas' haste is expressed partly 
by the rapid movement of this and the 
next line, partly by thja omission of any 
intimatiou that he has begun to speak. 

* Inponere' is the imperative passive in 
a middle sense, like ** velare " 3. 405. 

708.] * Subibo umeris' 4. 599. 

710.] It has been supposed from Ti. 



Sit comes, et longe servet vestigia coniiinx. 
Yos, famnli, quae dicam, animis advertite vestris. 
Est urbe egressis tumulus tem^lumque vestustum 
Desertae Cereris, iuxtaque antiqua cupressus 
Beligione patrum multos servata per annos. 715 

Hanc ex diverso sedem veniemus in unam. 
Tu, genitor, cape sacra manii patriosque Penatis ; 
Me, bello e tanto digressum et caedeiecenti, 
Attrectare nefes, doneo me flumine vivo 
Abluero. 720 

Haec fatus, latos umeros subiectaque colla 

Donatns' note that be read * solus Inlas : ' 
but the yariety Beems more naturally ao- 
oounted for as an oversight [* Parvos ' 
Pal. Verona fragm. — H. N.] 

711.] *Longe' may be intended, as 
Serv. remarks, to prepare us for Creusa^s 
loes, at the same time that it agrees 
with the' directions to the servants im- 
mediately followiug, Aeneas' object 
doubtless being to facilitate the escape 
of the whole party by making the 
members of it travel separately. 

7 1 2.] * Dicam * f uture indicati ve. * Ani- 
mis advertite ' a variety for *' animos ad- 
vertite ad ea." 

713.] * Egressis ' dative : see on 1. 102. 
[*EtgressiB,* i. e. 'ecgressis/ Med. — H. N.] 

714.] 'Desertae' is rightly explained 
by Wagn. of Ceres' temple standing in 
an unfrequented spot, wnich appears to 
be the custom at Rome from Yitruvius 
1. 7 (cited by DorviUe and Henry), ** Item 
Cereri extra urbem loco, quo non semper 
homines, nisi per sacriticium, necesse 
habeant adire." Henry comp. Tac. A. 
15. 53, where the temple of Ceres is fized 
on as a place for Piso to wait for the 
successf ul result of a conspiracy against 
Nero*8 Ufe. 

715.] Parallel expressions to parts of 
this line ocour 7. 60, 172., 8. 598. [* Re- 
ligione,' as Berv. says, here has the force 
of ** metu," religious awe. — H. N.] The 
latter half of the Une may have been 
taken, as Germ. suggests, from Lucr. 1. 
1029, ** et multoB etiam magnos servata 
per annoB." 

716.] 'Ex diverso' in the sense of 
*from different parts' ocours Sen. De 
Brevitate Vitae, c.8 (quoted by Forc), 
** vires ventorum ex diverso furentium." 
For * hanc ' Heins. wished to read * hac : ' 
we might also conjecture * huo,' of which 
* sedem in onam ' would be epexegetical 

(see on v. 18, E. 1. 53). But the ordin- 
ary text is satisfactory, being, in faot, 
a sort of compound of the two expres- 
sions **hano in sedem veniemus una," 
and ** huc sedem veniemus in unam." 

718.] We have seen v. 167 that part of 
the crime of Diomedes and Ulysses was 
that they iouched the Palladium with 
their blood-stained hands. Wagn. in- 
clines to read * ex tanto ' from some of 
Pierius' M8S., as Virg. generally uses 
* ex ' when the preposition has to be in- 
serted between a substantive and an 

719.] * Attrectare ' is used of handling 
sacred things Livy 5. 32. Some copies, 
both here and there, have * attractare,' 
for which see on G. 3. 51. [* Adtrectare ' 
Verona fragm.— H. N.] * Flumine vivo ' 
because it was an essential part of the 
purification that it should be made in 
running water. 

720.] Donatus on Ter. AdiBlph. 1. 2. 47 
says tfiat * abluero ' is for ** aoluam," as 
** abiero " there for **abibo." He is so far 
right that there appears to be no notion 
of purpose oonveyed by this use of the 
subj., which is reaDy equivalent to what 
some grammarians suppose it to be, a 
future perf. indicative. See on G. 4. 282. 

721.] * Latos umeros,' at which some 
of the old critics appear to have oavilled 
as a pieoe of self-praise, is merely the 
titpdas &fJMvs of Hom., though Serv. may 
be right in his last exnlanation, **suffi- 
cientes vecturae." * Subiecta ' is used as 
if he had already taken his father on 
his back, the object of his robing him- 
self being that he might do so. Perhaps 
the use of ** satis," G. 2. 141, is the 
nearest parallel we have had, though in 
neither case can it be said that the past 
part. passive is used in the sense of the 



Veste super fiilyique insternor pelle leonis, 
Succedoque oneri ; dextrae se panrus lulus 
Inplicuit sequiturque patrem non passibus aequis ; 
Pone subit coniunx. Ferimur per opaca locorum ; 
Et me, quem dudum non ulla iniecta moyebant 
Tela neque adverso glomerati ex agmine Grai, 
Nunc omnes terrent aurae, sonus excitat omnis 
Suspensum et pariter comitique onerique timentem. 
lamque propinquabam portis, omnemque yidebar 
Eyasisse yiam, subito cum creber ad auris 
Visus adesse pedum sonitus, genitorque per umbram 
Prospiciens, Nate, exclamat, f uge, nate ; propinquant. 
Ardentis clipeos atque aera micantia oemo. 



722.] * YeBte folyiqne peUe leonis ' is 
rightlj taken bj Wagn. as a hendiadys. 
Agamemnon acoontr^ himself similarly 
U. 10. 28, the Uon'8 skin being tbrown 
OTer the x^'''^*'* which Aeneas would of 
oouTBe be wearing already. It matters 
little whether *Bnper ' be taken adverbiaUy 
or as separated by tmesis from * instemor.' 
723] [«Parros,' Pal.— H. N.] 
724.] " * InpUcnit : * pnerilem ezpressit 
timorem ne mann exciaat patris." Bery. 

* Non passibuB aeauis ' is doubtlesB rightly 
understood * unable to keep pace with me ' 
(oomp. 6. 263) : but it might also be ex- 
plained of the uneyen Bteps of hurry, 
*8teps not equal to eaoh other/ like 
Aesch. Theb. 374, <nrovS^ 9i ical rov9* 
obie icwa(ntCu t^o, if the reading there is 

725.] •**Opaca;* not dark, but only 
shady : not so dark but that one oould 
see the way. Oomp. Pliny Ep. 7. 21, 

* Oubicula obductiB velifl opaca, nec ta- 
men obecura, facio.' " Henry. Aeneas 
of oouree means to Bay that he pur- 
poeely kept out of the light. **Opaca 
domoTum ^ Luor. 2. 115. Bee on 1. 422. 

726.] It Beems too mnch to say with 
Wagn. that *et' here introduces some- 
thing nnexpected and surprisin&f. The 
mention of nis walking in the shade is 
naturaUy foUowed by the mention of his 
alarro. ' * Dudum ' is contrasted with 

* nunc,' and bo has the sense of * a 
short time baok,' as in 5. 650, not, as 
GoBsrau thinks, of * long sinoe,' implying 
that he had long loet aU personal fear 
of the GreekB, an interpretation whioh 
would agree neither with the oontext 
nor with the tense of * moyebant.' 

727.] Wund is right in interpreting 

'adyerso glomerati ex agmine' =: **den8i 
Btantes in adverso agmine," and oompar- 
ing the use of 4^ in Greek. There is a 
slight opposition, as Forb. has seen, be- 
tween diarts and hand-to-hand fighting. 
Oomp. note on v. 432. [* Graii ' Pal.— 
H. N.] 

728.] The commentators oompare Apoil. 
R. 3. 954, 4 OafiiL 8^ <mj$4w idyn ic4apy 
dxir^T€ iovwop "H voihs fj ia^4ftoio mpaOpt^- 
ayra Bodaaeuy where however the sub- 
ject is Medea's expectation of Jason. 
A better parallel would be Juv. 10. 21, 
** £t motae ad lunam trepidabis harun- 
dinis umbram " (which I see Oerda cites). 
Forb. also comp. Sil. 6. 58. 

729.] * Oomiti ' of oourse is Asoanius, 
not, as Emm. explains it, Oreusa. 

780—751.] *As we were approaching 
the gates, we heard a trampling of foet> 
and my father gave the alarm. About 
this time it was that my wife, by some 
fatal aocident, was separated from me. 
I did not discover the loss till we met at 
our rondezvous ; then I was plunged in 
the wildest grief, and resolved at once 
to return to the city, and brave every 
danger over again.' 

731.] Markland oonj. * evasisse vioem/ 
which Heyne adopts; but the later 
editors rightly defend *viam.' Aeneas 
seemed to himself to have got over the 
whole of the joumey, as having aocom- 
plished the most dangerons part of it. 
Wagn. parallels *evasis8e viam' with 
**invade viam" 6. 260 (see also ib. 425), 
and oomp. for the sense 3. 282, **iuvat 
evasisse tot urbes Argolioas mediosque 
fugam tenuiBse per hostis." * Ad auris ' 
with * adeese,' as in 5. 55 <fco. 
734.] Benr. has a cnriouB note: **Non- 



Hic mihi nesoio qnod trepido male nnmen amicnm 785 
Confnsam eripnit mentem. Namqne avia onren 
Dnm seqnor et nota excedo regione viammy 
Hen ! misero coninnz &tone erepta Crensa 
Snbstitity errayitne yia, sen lassa resedit, 
Incertnm ; nec post ocnlis est reddita nostris. 740 

Nec prins amiRsam respezi animnmye reflexi, 
Qnam tnmnlnm antiqnae Cereris sedemque saoratam 

nolli qnaeriint ex otdTiB penona *oerao' 
diciom sit: sed altiuB intuentee Aeneae 
dant, nt ipee hunc yersom dixisse yide- 

735.] *Male amicam,' like *male fida' 
V. 23. [TL Donatos however objects to 
making *male amicnm' = ** inimicum." 
"Amicum," he says, "dici non potuit, 

2uia non seryavit uniyersos: inimicum 
icl non potnit, quia praestitit benefioium. 
Diotum ergo proprie *male amicum' 
utpote quod in altero malum et bonum 
in altero oomprobatum est" — ^H. K.] 

736.] *Ck)nfusam eripuit mentem' 
. seems, as Heyne obseryes, to be a mixture 
of two Homerio expressions, <t>p4m ^(cA- 
daecu and ffhw 8i w6o5 x^^ (J^- ^- ^*» 
24. 358). StiU, though the yerb and the 
partioiple conyey different notions, their 
oombination is doubtless to be referred 
to the class of whioh we baye had speoi* 
mens 1. 29. 69. 

737.] * Sequor ayia ' is used like ** seaui 
yiam," ^^iter," &o., as Forb. remarks. 
"Regio yiarum" or **viae" is found 
again 7. 215., 9. 385., 11. 530, and in 
Luor. 1. 958., 2. 249, the primary sense 
of ♦*regio" ("regere") apparently being 
a line. 8o Cic 2 Verr. 5. 68, "Si quis 
tantulum de reota regione deflexerit*' 
The word was an augurial one. See 

738.] *Misero'seem8torefertoAeneas, 
as it is eommonly taken, not, as Henry 
thinks, to agree with *fato.' There 
would be no point in sajring that Creusa 
died a yiolent death, eyen if we oould 
oondude that to haye been the case, or if 
it oould be establisbed that **misemm 
fatnm" was tbe regalar ex^ression for 
such an end. Heyne is right in following 
the obyious order of the words, ** ereptane 
fato mihi misero substitit, errayitne," &o. 
*Erepta fiito' (which Henry iUustrates 
from liiyj 3. 50, **quod ad se attineat, 
uxorem sibi i&\o eieptam ") applies really, 
as Sery. saw, to all three oases, * substitit,' 
* errayit,' and * resedit,' the meaning being 
that aba was sepaiated finallj from 

Aeneas, whateyer was the cause: gram- 
matically it belongs onlj to 'sub^itit' 
Perhaps there may be something rhe- 
torical in the oonfosion. At any rate 
Peerlkamp's 'foto est erepta,' which 
Ladewig adopts, would only render the 
passage more prosaic, and Bibbeck^s 
*fato mi' is suffioiently un-Virgiliau. 
The indicatiyes are used instead of sub- 
ianctiyes, which we should naturally 
haye expected after 'incertum,' ou the 
principle illustrated on E. 4. 52, *sub- 
stitit ' &0., Wng regarded as the prineipal 
yerbs in the sentenoe, and *inoertum' 
merely as a sort of qualifying adyerb, 
80 that we need not foUow Qossran in 
putting a noto of interrogation after 

739.] *Seu' is used oo-ordinately with 
'ne,' as Taoitns uses **siye" co-ordi- 
nately with ** an : " see Foro. We haye 
already had **seu— siye" after **dubii" 
1. 218. The three cases are put, that she 
stood still, that she lost her way, that 
she sat down, just as they may be oon- 
oeiyed to haye ooourred to the mind of 
Aeneas, though strictly, of oourse, there 
is no great differenoe between the first 
and the third. For *lassa' Med. and 
others haye ** lapsa," which Burm. inju- 
diciously approyes. 6ee oq O. 4. 449. 
[PaL onginaUy had *rapta.'-^H. N.] 

740.] 8ome MSS. giye *inoertum est,' 
as in 8. 35^. 

741.] * Amissam respexi:' oomp. 9. 
387. *Animum reflexi' = **animad- 
yerti," aa in our yerb *to refieot,' a sense 
whioh ooours in one or two other pa88age<>, 
though **reflectere animum" is more 
oommonly used of a chanee of feeUng: 
eee Foro. Heins. restored * animumye ' 
Irom the majority of M8S. for * animum- 
que,' which is said to haye the authority 
of Med., though Bibbeok's sUenoe makes 
this more than doubtfuL 

742.] Thetemple8toodona*tumulu8,' 
where there were one or more trees, y. 
713. *Antiquae' refers lather to tbe 
temple than to the goddess. 



Venimns ; hic demum colleotis omDibas nna 
Defuit, et comites natomque virumque fefellit. 
Quem non incusayi amens hominumque deorumque, 746 
Aut quid in eversa vidi cnidelius urbe ? 
Ascanium Anchisenque patrem Teucrosque Penatis 
Commendo sociis et curva valle recondo ; 
Ipse urbem repeto et cingor fulgentibus armis. 
Stat casus renovare omnis, omnemque reverti 760 

Per Troiam, et rursus caput obiectare periclis. 
Principio muros obscuraque limina portae, 
Qua gressum extuleram, repeto, et vestigia retro 
Observata sequor per noctem et lumine lustro. 
Horror ubique animos, simul ipsa silentia terrent. 766 

744.] ♦FefeUififl rightlyexplained by 
Wagn. K\o0€y oif <rvy€^T0fi4yriy thongh he 
does not mention that the notion which 
Btands for the Greek participle is con- 
tained in *oomiteB.' She phtyed them 
fake, or escaped tlieir notice — ^how ? — as 
her oompanions. The sense would have 
been clearer had Virg. writt^n " oomes," 
but he has choeen to vary the expression 
by flxing the appellation on the less pro- 
minent of the two oorrelative parties. 
Oomp. V. 99 above (note), where the 
Tariety is of an opposite kind. The 
meaning of conrse is that she was then 
first found to have disappeared. 

745.] 'IncuBare deos vel hominefl' 
oocurfl Tac. H. 2. 47, quoted by Wund., 
where Otho Bays that the dying do not 
indulge in upbraidings of gods or meu. 
Some MSS. give *deumque,' as in 1. 229. 
Virg., as Serv. Buggests, probably wished 
to avoid the jingle * natumque virumque 
. . . hominumque deumque.' 

746.] Serv. remarks "Bene se oom- 
mendat futurus maritus, qui apud femi- 
nam Bio pstendit priorem fle amasse 
uzorem.'* p^Quid faciunt hostes capta 
crudeliuB urbe?" Catull. 62. 24.— H. N.] 

747. J [♦Anchisem^Med.— H.N.]*Teu- 
crtiB* iB uaed adjectively, as in Catull. 
64. 344, Ov. M. 14. 72. 

748.] 'Curvufl' has the force of 
** cavufl" and Bomething more. So 
'*curvifl cavemifl" 3. 674. Comp. 11. 
.'i^^, "Est curvo anfractu vallefl," and 
»©e on 5. 287. 

749.] We do not know where Aeneas 
left hifl armour; probably not at home, 
tliough it would have been natural that 
l»e should do flo before Btarting with his 
lather, aa he does not retura thither tiU 

▼. 756, and tben seems not to enter. 
' Fulgentibufl ' m^y have some forcc, as 
flhowing that he no longer thought of 
avoiding danger. Bibbeck, after Peerl- 
kamp, brackets the line. 

760.] * Stat' like *sedet, with an infi- 
nitive, of a fixed resolution, 12. 678. For 
*renovare* a few MS8. have *revocare.* 
With the line generally comp. 9. 389. 

752—774.] *I sought her at the gate 
by which I had ,left the oity : I went to 
my home, whioh was occupied by the 
enemy and in flames : I repaired to the 
palaoe, and found Greeks guarding the 
spoil: in desperation I caUed out her 
name through tbe Btreets: at last her 
spectre appeared to me.* 

752.] Aeneas iiad made his joumey 
througn the dark for safety^s sake (v. 
725): he now mentioDS the shade as a 
thing wbich might have led to the loss 
of his wife, and which consequently 
formed a reason for careful search, while 
it enhanoed the diffioulty of it 

753.] " Vestigia retro observata legit" 
9. 393 (note). The 'vestigia' of course 
are his son, as Serv. sayfl. 

754.] The Beuse of Mumine,* whioh 
might else conoeivably have been ques- 
tioned, is fixed by 8. 153, " totum lustra- 
bat lumine corpus.** 

755.] ' Animo ' is adopted by Ladewig 
and Bibbeck from some MSS., including 
Pal. and Med., where however the cor- 
ruption is easily accounted for by the 
way in which the words are written, 
'animosimul' (see on G. 2. 219). We 
have already had *animo8* nearlv in the 
sense of '^animum** 1. 722; here it 
' niight be possible, if need were, to 
asflnme the more ordinary sense of 



Inde domumy si forte pedem, si forte tolisset, 

Me refero. Inruerant Danai, et tectum omne tenebant 

Ilicet ignis edax summa ad fastigia yento 

Volvitur ; exsuperant flammetey furit aestus ad auras. 

Procedo et Priami sedes arcemque reviso. 7M 

Et iam porticibus vacuis lunonis asylo 

Custodes lecti Phoenix et dirus Ulixes 

Praedam adservabant. Huc undique Troia gaza 

Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque deorum, 

Crateresque auro solidi, captivaque vestis 765 

Congeritur. Pueri et pavidae longo ordine matres 

Stant circum. 

Ausus quin etiam voces iactare per umbram 

coara?e or martial spirit. With Mpsa 
silentia terrent ' Cerda and Henry comp. 
tlie desoription of ViteUins Tac. H. 3. 
84, ** terret solitudo et tacentee loci." 

756.] * Si forte,* * on the chance that : ' 
oomp. y. 136 above, and see on E. 9. 38, 
Wagn/s attempt to separate the second 
* si forte,* aa if it = cl rixoh is nnnatural 
here, however appUcable to other pas- 
sages. Serv. says woU " iteratione auxit 

760.1 The old reading before Heins. 
waa *procedo ad,' or *protinu8 ad,' the 
latter doubtless a recoUection of y. 437 
above. *Procedo et* ia supported, not 
only by the oldest MSS., **miro con- 
eensu," but by 3. 349. 

761.] *Et' ifl merely a poetical retum 
to the less artificial way of connecting 
8entenoe& See on G. 2. 402. In prose 
we should probably have had ** ibi iam." 
Juno, Uke PaUas, Apollo, Vesta, &c., is 
supposed to have had a temple in the 
citadel, and the Greeks would naturaUy 
ohoose the dweUing of their patroness. 
The word * asylum ' may be intended to 
Buggeflt, further, that they placed them- 
flelves under a protection which they had 
not respected in the caee of their enemies. 
The lauguage of vv. 761, 762 favours, If 
it does not invite, such an interpretation. 

762.] Phoenix is associated with 
Ulysses here, as by Homer in the em- 
bassy to Achilles in H. 9. 

763.] *Troia gaza* 1. 119. The form 
<gazza' Ib snpported bv Med. here and 
in 5. 40, and is not abflolutely condemned 
by Wagn., who remarks tiiat the name 
** Mezentius " is writteu with a double z 
in the great majority of passages by Med., 
and twioe by Bom. 

764.] * Mensae deorum ' may perhaps 
include tripods, as Gerda and others 
think. The gods, however, had tables 
proper in their temples, as Wagn. shows 
from Pausanias 5. 20, where a tabl^ is 
spoken of in a temple of Hera. 

765.] *Auro solidi* for **ex solido 
auro." So- **dona auro gravia" 3. 464. 
* Captivufl/ like cdxh^^rost ia appUed to 
things as weU as to personB in prose as 
woll as in poetry. Comp. 7. 184., 11. 779, 
and also the use of * mortalia ' E. 8. 35. 
The bowls, if not the vestments, probably 
oome from the temples. 

766.] The captives formed a prominent 
feature in the representations, pictorial 
or narrative, of the sack of Troy. They 
figured in a painting of Polygnotus de- 
flcribed by Pausanias 10. 25, 26, and they 
give the name to the Troades of Euripides. 
With the scene here portrayed we may 
oomp. Aesch. Ag. 326 foU. : 

ol fi^w yhp &/i^2 a^fMuriw ir^irrwKdrts 
hvZp&v Koffiyytiruv r% koX <f>vraKfil(»v 
ireuScf y€p6intov oitK^r* 41^ i\w04pov 
Sdpris ifwoifjuloiovai tpi\rdr»v fi6pov, 

The struoture of the line reminds us, 
as it was possibly intended to do, of y. 

767.] Some inferior MSS. flll up what 
Virg. left imperfect with such lines as 
** et crebris pulsant sua pectora pug^is,*' 
or ** et tacitis implent mugitibus auras." 

768.] Soaliger, Poet. 3. 11, expresses 
himseU thus : ** Profeoto me horror oapit, 
atque etiam quatit, ubi videre atque 
audire videor, in nocte, inter hostis, 
fortem simul atque pium yirum etiam 
olamore oarissiman uxorem quaerere." 



Impleyi clamore Tias, maestusqne Creusam 
Nequiquam iDgeminans iterumque iterumque vocavi. 770 
Quaerenti et tectis urbis sine fine furenti 
Infelix simulaorum atque ipsius umbra Creusae 
Yisa mihi ante oculos et nota maior imago. 
Obstipui, steteruntque comae et yox faucibus haesit. 
Tum sic adfjEtri et curas his demere dictis : 775 

Quid tantum insano iuvat indulgere dolori, 
O dulcis coniunx ? non haec sine numine divom 
Eveniunt ; nec te hinc comitem asportare Creusam 

* Yooee iaotare,' to oaU at random, in the 
Tague hope of reaching her ear. 

771.1 'Purere* here, a« in t. 759, does 
duty for a verb of motion. [*Ruenti* 
PaL and originaUy Gud., and so Ribbeok. 
— H. N.] 

772.] *Infelix' with referenoe to 
Aeneaa* feeling, not to Greu8a*8 aotual 
condition. Gontrasted with the living 
fonn, the appuition was wretohef 
Virg.'8 obaraoteristio love of iteration 
leads him to emploj three words to 
designate the spectre. 

773.] The forms of the ehades, like 
thoee of the gods, were Buppoeed to be 
larger than human, apparently as being 
no longer *oribbed, cabined, and con- 
flned' by the body. Gontrast IL 23. 66, 
where it is expreBsly said that the shade 
of Patroolua was •wiin'* atn^f iiiyO^t rc 
KoX 6fAfittra Kii\*t «/irvia. Emm. oomp. 
Juv. 18. 221, '* tua sacra et maior imago 
Humana,'* where the apparition is of a 
living person in a dream. * Notus,' i q. 
«'BoUtus,*' aa in 1. 684., 6. 689. 

774.] *Stet6runt,* like « tul&runt," E. 

775—794.] *She addreeaed me. and 
told me that our Beparation waa Heayen*8 
wiU ; thatl had long wanderin^ before 
me, which would end in an Italian king- 
dom and a second marriage; that ahehad 
beoome one* of the train of Gybole : and 
Bhe ended by oommending AsoaniuB to 
my caj». Then ahe vanished, while I 
sougEt in yain to embrace her.' 

775.] * Adfari ' and * demere ' are hi»- 
torical infinitives, not, as Wund. thinks, 
dependent on *vi8a' v. 773. The line, 
whioh oocurs again 3. 153, is aaid by 
Berv. to have been omitted in many 
oopiee: it appears however to be found 
in all now extant. Bibbeok relegatea it 
io the margin. 

776.] Two of Bibbeok'! ouzBives and 

several qnotationa in otber parta of Serv. 
give * labori ' for • dolori,' — a recoUection 
apparently of 6. 135. Greusa woold then 
be denouncing Aeneas' search for her, 
not his grief. 

777.] ' Sine numine divom ' 5. 56. It 
ia the Homerio obK &yfvB* or &^«nrr< Mv. 
See on 1. 138, **m60 eine numine." 
[•Divum'Med.~H. N.] 

778.] The reading of the latter part of 
thia line ia extremely doubtful. Serv. saya 
that as it stands it oannot be soanned, but 
that it may be set right by changing tbe 
order of the words, * nec te hinc oomitem 
aaportare Greuaam/ though othera prefer 
to read * portare.' From this it seems 
that the authentio text in his time was 
suppoeed to be ^neo te comitem hino 
asportare,' which is stiU found in Pal. 
and some other copies. The Bxisting 
MSS. vary much : two of Ribbeok^s cur- 
sives foUow Serv.^s regulated text : Med. 
gives *nec te oomitem hino portare,' while 
others have *nec te oomitem asportare,' 
*neo te hino comitem portare,' 'neo te 
oomitem portare.' The last of these 
varieties is preferred bv Wagn., Forb., 
and Gossrau, as probably representing 
the parent text from whioh the others 
were oorrupted. But it may be doubted 
whether tbe faot that 'hinc' is found in 
different plaoes in the different oopies 
proves that it originaUy bad no plaoe at 
all, and doubted too whether ue less 
oommon ^asportare' is likely to have 
been snbstituted by transoribers for the 
more oommon * portare.' * Asportare ' is 
used by Gioero, Nepos, Plautus, and 
Terenoe (see Forc.) ; and though it may 
not be found elsewhere in poetxy, it is a 
peouliarly appropriate word. Gomp. Ter. 
Phorm. 3. 8. 18, •* Quoquo hino asporta- 
bitur terrarum, certumst persequL'' On 
the whole, then, whUe admitting the 
diffioulty of the question, I have reatored* 

AENEm. LIB. 11. 


Fas aut ille siDit superi regnator Olympi. 

LoDga tibi exilia, et yastum maris aequor arandum, 780 

Et terram Hesperiam veuies, ubi Lydius arva 

Inter opima virum leni fluit agmine Thybris : 

IUic res laetae regnumque et regia coniunx 

Parta tibi. Lacrimas dilectae pelle Greusae : 

Non ego Myrmidonum sedes Dolopumve superbas 785 

Aspiciam, aut Grais servitum matribus ibo, 

Dardanis, et divae Veneris nurus ; 

as Bibbeok has done, the refonned Ser- 
Tian text, which Heyne and most of his 
predecesaorB adopted. 

779.] * Fae* probably goes with 'sinit,' 
as HeinB. remarks. Comp. G. 1. 269, 
** Fas et iura sinunt" [Henry, however, 
would separate the clauses; *fias (est): 
aut iUe sinit* — H. N.] * Superi regnator 
01yn^)i ' 7. 558. * IUe * is peculiarly used 
of Jupiter, as a title of reverence: comp. 
7. 110. 558., 10. 875, «&o. Before Heins. 
the reading was *haud iUe,' which is 
fonnd in Gud. corrected, Canon. corrected 
&C., and apparently supported by Auso- 
nius, Moeell. 80, though there *aut' would 
suit the sentence rather better, as * neque' 
precedes. But in such matters MS. tes- 
timony is of no value. [* Superum ' Pal. 
originaUy. — H. N.] 

780. J •Exilia' in the plural has some 
rhetoncal force here, as multiplyine the 
troubles of Aeneas. In 8. 4 it is used dis- 
tributively. * Arandum ' is used strictly 
with * aequor,* loosely with *exilia.' Virg. 
seems as if he might have imitated Aesch. 
Supp. 1006, wpbs ravra /*^ irdBotfitif &v 
-KoKhs r6vos TloXhs 5^ w6yros o1iv€K* iip6Bri 
9opi. The resemblance would be stiU 
closer if we might foUow the margin of 
Gud. in substituting *longum ' for * vastum.' 

781.] Some inferior MSS. have *ad 
terram,' which is supported by Serv. on 3. 
5 : see on v. 139 above. * Et ' seems to 
have the force of * tum' (see on v. 761) — 

* you have a long voyage before you, and 
then you wUl come,' &c. ; so that it seems 
better to change the period usually placed 
after *arandum' into a eomma or semi- 
colon. Thifl definite prophecy of a home 
in Italy is inconsistent, as the editors 
remark, with what follows in the next 
book, where the Trojans first hear tbat 
they hftve to seek out their mother country, 
and only after a mistiJcen settlement m 
Grete, leam that Italv is to be their des- 
tination. See Introduction to Book 3. 

* Lydius ' refers to the traditional origin 

of the Etruscans from Lydia, aUuded to 
again 8. 479. 

782.] ♦ Virum ' goes not with * opima,' 
as Burm. and Foro. think, but with *arva,' 
whioh has its strict sense of tilled land. 
It is a sort of unconscious reminiscence 
of the enthusiasm for labour, which, as 
we saw, animated the Georgics, the ex- 
pression itself being perhaps modelled, 
as the oommentators suggest, on ipya 
iiy^p&p, Oomp. 1. 532, ** Oenotri ooluere 
viri." * Opima,' as Henry remarks, denotes 
prime condition rather than fruitfulness. 
* Leni agmine ' ii from Enn. A. 177, 
'*Quod per amoenam urbem leni fluit 
agmine numen," quoted by Macrob. Sat. 
6. 4. We have already had **agmen 
aquarum" G. 1. 322. 

783.] For 'res laetae,' which occurs Ov. 
Trist. 5. 14. 32, Pont. 4. 4. 16, Lucan 1. 
81, Sil. 11. 23, Med. has a curious read- 
ing *res Italae,' supported by a oorrection 
in Pal., which Wagn. attributes to a re- 
coUection of 8. 626. 

784.] *Partus' is peculiarly used of 
things that are virtually, though not ac- 
tually realized : comp. 3. 495., 6. 89., 7. 
598, E. 3. 68. Henry seems to go too far 
when he comments on * dilectae : ' ** not 
merely loved, but loved by choice or pre- 
ference. An exact knowledge of the 
meaning of this word enables us to ob- 
serve the consolation which Creusa min- 
isters to herself In.the delicate opposition 
of * dilectae^ Creusae ' to * regia coniunx 
parta.'" The ^lwse seems to refer rather 

to what (q^ws than to what precedes. 
Aeneas is bidden to dry his tears, not 
because another marriage awaits him, but 
because the lost wife of his heart is des- 
tined not to degrading servitude, but to 
a noble ministry. 

785.] *Myrmidonum Dolopumve' v. 7. 
The fate which Creusa disclaims for her- 
self is the same which Hector dreads for 
Andromache IL 6. 454 foU. 

787.] Serv. says that some one fiUed 



Sed me magna denm G^netrix his detinet oris. 

lamque vale, et nati serva communis amorem. 

Haec nbi dicta dedit, lacrimantem et multa yolentem 790 

Dicere deseruit, tenuisque recessit in auras. 

Ter conatus ibi collo dare bracchia circum : 

Ter frustra comprensa manus effugit imago, 

Par levibus ventis volucrique simillima somno. 

Sic demum socios consumpta nocte reviso. 796 

Atque hic ingentem comitum adfluxisse novorum 
Invenio admirans numerum, matresque, virosque, 
Collectam exilio pubem, miserabile volgus. 
TJndique convenere, animis opibusque parati, 

np the remainder of the verse with the 
words • et tua coniunx.* The supplement 
ifl more happy than most of thoee which 
haye been invented by transcribers or 
critics, and may naturally enough be 
Bupposed to have occurred to Yirg. him- 
Belf, though withoutquitesatisfyinghim. 

788.] Cybele was one of the patronesses 
of Troy, being a Phrygian goddess, and 
worshipped on Ida. Comp. 3. 111., 9. 
618., 10, 252. Virg. meane evidently 
that Creusa is to become one of her at- 
tendants, passing from ordinary humanity 
into a half-deified state, whioh agrees 
with y. 773. Pausanias 10. 26 says that 
one legend represented her as rescued 
from captivity by Cybele and Venue, 
though in the painting of Polygnotus she 
appeared among the prisoners. Another 
story made Aeneas carry his wife (called 
by some Eurydice) with him into exile. 

789.] *8erva amorem/ as we should 
say, oontinue to love. " Servare amores ** 
occurs in a different sense 4. 29. 

790, 791.] Partially repeated from G. 
4. 499 foU. • Haec ubi dicta dedit ' 6. 628., 
7. 323 (note), 471., 10. 633., 12. 81, 441. 
Weidner remarks that the formula is 
found in Lucil. ap. Nou. p. 158, Livy 22. 

792.] This and the foUowing lines 
occur again 6. 700 foll. They are trans- 
lated from Od. 11. 204 foU., where Ulysses 
grasps at the shade of his mother. 

793.] For *comprensa' some M88. give 
* compressa,' whioh wonld be less appro- 

794.] Hom.'s words are a-jcip ttKtKoy ^ 
Kcu hveipif. Vprg., in talking of sleep, 
probably has a dream in his mind. In 
any oase there is no probability in Maoro- 
bius' (8at 5. 5) misquotation ^fumo,' 

whioh Wakef. adopts. The Medioean of 
Pierius has a curious variety, " Par levi- 
bus pennis volucrique simillima vento." 

795—804.] *Eeturning to the rendez- 
vous, I find a g^reat multitude of Aigitives 
ready to emigrate under my leaderdhip. 
Nothing more was to be done in the city, 
80 I removed my father to Ida.* 

795.] There seems a touch of pathos in 
* sic' A modem writer would probably 
expand it ' A lonely widower, I retum to 
my comrades.' Comp. 1. 225 (note), " sio 
vertioe caeli CJonstitit." 

796.] 8erv. refers to a passage in the 
first book of Naevius' poem on the Punio 
War, already cited Introd. p. 24. Tiie 
same sceue is described in a fragment of 
Sophocles' Laocoon (fr. 343), ^vvowdCertu 
8i irKTiBos obx ^fTov hoKus Ot rriaZ* fpSxri 
rris kwoudas ^pvyAv. [* Atfluxisse ' Pal. — 

797/] * Matresque, virosque ' is meant 
to be exhaustive, inoluding all the two 
sexes, of whatever age. 

798.] Aelius Donatus read *ex Ilio,' 
whiohHeins. prefers; but it could only 
be scanned by assuming a synizesis, and 
*exilio' was evidently read by Silius, 
who imitates it, *'Dux eratexilio collectis 
Marte Metellus "(10. 420, cited by Forb.). 
For the oonstmction comp. **venturum 
excidio" 1. 22. 'Pnbem^^is meant to 
indude vaguely the whole body, or at 
any rate the men, ^virosque,' not to 
designate the youth as a suparate class, 
as Heyne thinks. Perhaps there is some 
bitterness in the expression, **pubem, 
non bello, sed exilio collectam." P Vul- 
gus'Med.— H.N.] 

799.] * Animis opibusque parati' gives 
another and brighter side of the picture 
of which we have ju^ had the darker 


In quascumqne yelim pelago deducere terras. 800 

lamque iugis summae surgebat Lucifer Idae 
Bucebatque diem, Danaique obsessa tenebant 
Limina portarum, nec spes opis ulla dabatur ; 
Cessi et sublato montis genitore petivi. 

aspeot in «miserabUe Tolgus.' With y. 803, regarding tt. 801—803 as the 

'opibnB' comp. the story mentioned on protasis, y. 804 as the apodosis, whiuh 

T. 636. ** Ire " or some similar word bas nere as in many other pla<^ is expressed 

to be snpplled for * parati * to oomplete without any logically connecting particle. 

the fnll grammatical constrnction. Oomp. t. 134 aooTe (note). 

800.] SerT. reminds us that ^deducere' 803.] * Spea opis* may either be hope 

18 the regular word for founding a colony. of giTing aid, or, more probably, hope of 

801.] See notes on E. 6. 86., 8. 30. The reoeiTing it, Aeneas identifying himaelf 

Btory was that Luoifer, the star of Venue, with the city. 

guided Aeneas to Italy : Varro ap. SerT. 804.] * Cessi' seems to indude the two 

802.] With*ducebatquediem*comp.E. notions of giTing way metaphorically 

8. 17. Two reasons are giTcn why Aeneas and actuaUy quitting the scene. * Mou- 

effected his retreat, the approach of morn- tem ' [ia given by Pal. and was read by 

ing, which made it necessary to aToid SerT.]; but ^moutis,' which Wagn. re- 

the enemy, and the fact that the Greeks stored, is found in Med., and some other 

were keeping their hold on the city. MSS., and supported by t. 636 aboTe, 

Wagn. rightly remoTes the period after and by 3. 6. 

(See pp. 85 folL) 

[The words of Macrobius (Sat. 5. 2. 4, 5) are as foUows: **Dictnrumne mo 
putatis ea qnae Tulgo nota sunt, quod Theocritum sibi fecit pastoralis operis auc- 
torem, ruralis Hesiodum, et quod in ipsis Georgicis tempestatis serenitatisque signa 
de Arati Phaenomenis traxerit, Tel quod eTersionem Troiae cum Sinone suo et equo 
ligneo ceterisqne omnibus quae librum secundum faciunt a Pisandro paene ad 
Terbum transcripserit ; qui inter Graecos poetas eminet opere quod a nuptiis Iotis 
et lunonis incipiens uniTersas historias quae mediis omnibus saeculis nsque ad aeta- 
tem Pisandri contigerunt in unam seriem coactas redegerit et unum ex diTcrsis 
hiatibus temporum corpus effecerit, in quo opere inter historias ceteras interitus 
quoqne Troiae in hunc modum relatus est, quae Maro fideliter interpretando fabri- 
catuB sibi est Iliacae nrbis ruinam? Sed et haec et talia ut pueris decantata 

Two poets named Pisander are known to the historians of Greek literatnre. One, 
Pisander of Gamirus in Rhodes, is mentioned by Proclus as one of tbe fiTC g^eatest 
poets of the epic cycle. His date is uncertain, but the latest assigned by Suidas is 
the thirty-third Olympiad, or the middle of the seTenth century b.o. Bemhardy, to 
whom I am indebted for my Greek r^ferencee, thinks that he may haTe been a con- 
temporary of the older or later Gyclic poets (Grundriss der Griech. Litteratur, 
§ 97. 2). The work by which be is known was called 'Hp<£icA.<ta, a poem on the 
tweWe labours of Hercules. Theocritns, in his epigram upon Pisander (Ep. 20), speaks 
of this and nothing else, nor is any other poem of his mentioned, so far as I know, by 
any ancient author. The 'HpdK\tia is allnded to by Quintilian (10. 1. 56 '* quid ? 
Hercnlis aota non bene Pisandros " ?). Suidas adds that there were other works 
falsely attributed to him. 

The other Pisander iiTcd in the reign of Alexander SeTerus, and was, aocording 
to Suidas, the author of a laropU vQuciKii IC iwiw, or my thological misoellany, called 


ilfwiKoi e^oydfiuu. Speakiiig of thiB work, Zoslmns (5. 29) says, n^ttrw^pos, 6 rf 
tAw iipWK&v Ofoyafii&y iwtypa/pp wcuray &s «Ivciy i<rropiav v€pikafi<&tf, It appears to 
me that the poem mentioned by Maorobing oannot be either of these. Not the 
'H/mUacm of the older Pisander, which oan hardly have inclnded the captnre of 
Troy by Agamemnon and Ulyssea. Kot the «oiicfxiy laropia of the yonnger, for I 
oannot bring myself to believe that Macrobins could haTe been guilty of so groas a 
mistake as to acouBe Yirgil of oopying from a writer who lived in the age of 
Alezander SeTems. Macrobins speaks of Pisander in the same breath with 
TheocritoB, Hesiod, and AratuB : in what he says of yirgil'8 relation to theee poets 
he (or his anthorlty) is, from his owii point of Tiew, right enongh ; wh j shonld he 
be mistaken about Pisander ? Nor again, in spite of the words of ZosimuB, do I 
tbink that a work such as MaorobiuB attributes to Pisander could well have bome 
the title iipmutiai Btoydfuat, It seems rather to have been a oontinuouB chronicle, 
Buch aa maj well have isBued from the stndj of Bome earlier or later Alezandrian 

It is tme that no ancient writer but MacrobiuB mentions thiB Pisander. But too 
muoh BtresB fihould not be laid on this consideration. In Gellius, Servius, and 
Maorobius we have onlj a fhigment of the literarj oriticism of ancient Italj. To 
tako another instanoe, we maj remember that Virgil'8 debt to Parthenius seemB to 
haTe been not inoonsiderable (see Gellitts 9. 9. 8, 13. 27. 1), jet Parthenius is never 
mentioned bj ServiuB. 

I suppose then that there reallj was a poem bearing the name of Pisander to 
which Virgil was in some waj indebted for some parts at least of his storj in the 
Becond Aeneid. Whether, however, there was reallj a third Pisander who wrote 
the poem, or whether ,it was, as Welcker thinks, falselj attributed to the older 
author, there seems to be little chance of deciding. 

Bemiiardj, it Bhould be added, agreoB with Hejne on this queBtion.— H. N.] 




In the Third Book Y irgil treads yet more dosely in the steps of Homer, the snhject 
being the wanderings of Aeneas, as that of the Ninth and three foUowing books of 
the Odyssey is the wanderings of Ulysses. The time embraced by the present 
narratiye is not mnch shorter than that oomprehended by its prototype : iudeed, it 
is considerably longer, as of Ulysses' ten years seven are spent with Oalypso, and of 
these we have no reoord : bnt Yirgil felt that the second narrator mnst be briefer 
tban the first, and aooordingly contraoted his story into a single book. To a certain 
extent it was almost necessary that there shonld be a coincidenoe in the details of 
the two aocounts as well as in the original plan. The mythioal geography of Homer 
had become part of the epic oommonplaoe, thongh, like the mythic«l history, it was 
modified freely, not followed servilely : and as Aeneas was wandering in the same 
parts as Ulysses, and at tbe same time, it wonld have been unnatural to make their 
experiences altogether independent and dissimHar. Yet the only plaoe in whioh the 
two linee of adTonture aotually touch Ib when they enter the oountry of the Oyclops : 
and there Virgil has skilfully oontrived not to rival Homer^s story, but to appropriate 
it, and to make Aeneas reap the benefit of Ulysses' ezperience withont being 
obliged torepeat it in his own person. For his other inoidente he isindebted partly 
to other portions of the body of heroio legend, partly to his own inyention. Polydoms 
is from the Greek drama ; the bleeding myrtle, however, may be Virgil*s own, though 
Heyne, with a jndioial '* yidetur," gives the oredit of it to the Oyclic poets : the 
adventure with the Harpies was suggested by Apollonins, who alao, as we have seen 
in the general Introduction, gave hints for the predictions of Helenus and the 
deliyerance of Achemenides : other legends, noticed in Heyne's first Excursus, seem 
to haye giyen the ontline of the yoyage, indioating the seyeral places tonohed at> 
The mistakes made in searohing for the new kingdom, the scene at Deloe, the appear- 
ance of the Penates, the meeting with Andromache, seem all to be more or less 
original. Segrais notes that the interest of the book has suffered from ite position 
between two of the noblest portions of the poem : and Heyne obseryes that it is not 
generally appreciated because the reader doee not possess adequate knowledge of 
the miuute particulars of legendary history, geography, and antiquities which the 
poet has indicated by transient and remote allusions. 

Heyne has been at the pains to distinguish the seyen years over whioh Virgil 
distributes his hero's wanderings. Troy, acoording to the almost uniyersal tradition, 
was taken in the summer. The winter of this year, which counts as the first of the 
seven, is spent by Aeneas in those proparatioDS of which we read vv. 5 foll. He 
saila in the spring or summer of the seoond year (v. 8), and spends the winter in 
Thrace, where he builds a oity. The tragedy of Polydorus drives him away in the 


spriog of the third jear (t. 69). He goes to Delos and then io Grete. Two jears 
are Bupposed to be consumed in his nnfortnnate attempt at colonization. His staj 
at Actinm brings him to the end of the fifth jear (v. 284). The sixth jear Ib spent 
partlj in Epirus, partl j in Sioil j. In the summer of the seventh jear he arriyes at 
Gartbage (1. 755), leaving probablj as winter is drawing on, though there is some 
difficnltj in reooneiling the langnage nsed bj Yirgil in different plaoes. Dido talka 
about storms and winter while Aeneas is jet at Garthage (4. 309) : Beroe speaks of 
the seyenth summer as still going on after tbej haye retumed to Sicilj (5. 626) : but 
some ezaggeration maj be aliowed in the mouth of the former, and in the case of the 
latter the difficult j maj be remoyed bj pressing the sense of ' vertitur/ which seems 
to mean that summer in its reyolution is becoming winter. 

Ingenious and plausible as this diyision is, it oyerlooks an important question, 
which appears onlj to haye occurred quite reoentlj to the critics of Virgil, bnt, 
when once entertained, is not easilj dismissed. The Aeneid is known to haye been 
left incomplete : are we right in treating it as a oomplete poem, and reconciling all 
the passages in the narratiye in which the same thing is differentl j spoken of, ratber 
than allowing for the existenoe of discrepancies? In particular, can we safelj assume 
that the books of the Aeneid were all composed in the order in which thej now 
stand? Tbis last qnestion tias been pressed home foroiblj bj a German scholar, 
Gonrads, in a short treatise called ^Quaestiones Yirg^anae,* which appeared at 
Treyes in 1863. He belieyes that when Yirgil wrote the present book he intended 
Aeneas* wanderings to occupj not more than two or three jears, which would agree 
with the acoount giyen bj other authorities, Hejnechooses to call it, the ' fides 
hifitoriae.* This would certainlj seem more natural on a yiew of the narratiye as it 
stands, since the onlj marks of time which it contaius subsequentlj to the departure 
of the Trojans, are yy. 69 foll., which maj point to the opening of a new jear, and 
yy. 284 foll., whioh distiuctlj speaks of wioter. The suggestion having been oooe 
made that this book was written independentl j of the rest, we readil j see how much 
there is to oonfirm it. A difficuUj has alwajs been felt about Greu8a*s mention of 
Hesperia, Book 2. 781, as contrasted with Aeneas' ignorance on the subjoct duriog 
the earlj part of bis wanderings : the prophecj of Gelaeno is in effect another version 
of the prophecj of AnchiHOS (Book 7. 124 foll.)« with which it is scarcelj reconcilable : 
and the predictions of Helenus about the white sow and the information to be 
reoeived from the Sibjl are either inconsistent with or unacconntablj independen t 
of what actuallj happens in the course of the storj. Whether tlie Third Book 
represents Virgil's earliest or lutest thonghts is of oourse a qoestion : but that it is 
not homogeneous with those which precede and foUow it oan hardlj, I think, be 
denied. [See voL i. (fourth edition), p. xxv. — H. N.] 

PosTQUAM res Asiae Priamique evertere geutem 
Inmeritam visum Superis, ceciditque superbum 
Ilium et omnis humo fumat Neptunia Troia, 

1 — 12.] ^Seeing that all was lo6t,we impossible. Gomp. 5. 57 note. There is 

build a fleet and set sail, not knowing foroe in the present, as Benr. remarks, 

whither our destinj would lead us.' the smoke being conceived of em con- 

1.] ['Posquam' Ribbeck, from Marius tinuing after the oyerthrow. ISo Aesch. 

Victorinus, p. 2467. P. and Pal.— H. N.j Ag. 818 folL : 

3.] Some haye thought ' fnmat * could * Humo,' from the ground, expressing 
■tand for " fumayit," which is of oourse total oyerthrow. 



Diversa ezilia et desertas quaerere terras 
Auguriis agimur divum, classemque sub ipsa 
Antandro et Phrygiae molimur montibus Idae, 
Incerti, quo fata ferant, ubi sistere detur, 
Contrahimusque viros. Vix prima inceperat aestas, 
Et pater Anchises dare fatis yela iubebat ; 
Litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo 
Et campos, ubi Troia fuit. Feror exul in altum 
Cum sociis natoque Penatibus et magnis dis. 
Terra procul vastis colitur Mavortia campis, 


4.] 'Diversa,* widely removed from 
Troy. Some MSS. give 'diversas quae- 
rere terras;* but *de8erta8' is rightly 
explained by Hejme of land not other- 
wise oocnpied, and so fit for a new settle- 
ment (comp. vv. 122, 3 below), perhaps 
with a contraat to * Ilium superbum.* 
f" Terrarum solitudines " Ti. Donatus. — 
H. N.] Wagn., who acoepts the improb- 
able explanation of Serv., "desertas, a 
Dardano," objects that Latium could not 
be caUed deserted, being peopled and 
cultivated ; but it ia evident that Aeneas 
Ib speaking according to the feoling with 
which he set 'sail, when he had as yet 
no definite vision of Italy or any other 
oonntry. Dido herself had settled in an 
nnoultivated region, 1. 308. [Henry re- 
gards the line as part of the evidence 
that the Aeneid is an unfinished poem, 
and that Virg. never brought the third 
book into harmony with the rest. — H. N.] 

5.] • Auguriis divum ; ' Virg. does not 
say what auguries ; but we have already 
heard 1. 382 that Venus guided the 
course of the fagitives, and we have had 
an omen 2. 682 foll., beside the warnings 
of Hector and Creusa. [* Divom,' Pal. — 
H. N.] • Sub ipsa Antandro,* * under the 
very shadow of Antandroe,' a oity at the 
foot of Ida. 

6.] The building of this fleet is men- 
tioned af^in 9. 80 foll., in connexion 
with Cybele*s interposition. *Molimur* 
of building, 1. 424. ' Phrygiae Idae ' is 
a sort of pleonasm, perhaps expressing a 
feeling of tendemess. Serv.'8 explana- 
tion, •• ad discretionem Cretensis," is very 

7.1 pFerunt,' Pal. originally.— H. N.] 

8.J The general traidition was that 
Troy was taken in the early summer 
(see Heyne's 2nd Excursus to this book), 
80 that Virg. may mean that they sailed 
as 8oon as they could get their ships 

VOL. n. 

ready. Anchises' injnnction was evi- 
dently given with reference to the 
favourable state of the weather for sail- 
ing. See Introduction to this book. 
"Wagn. is apparently right in making 
the apodosis to *vix,* not *cum,* but 
*et' (see on 2. 692), *cum* being vir- 
tually equivalent to " et tum." 

9.] For * fatis* we might have expected 

* ventis,* which two MSS. give asa various 
reading. * Fatis * howevor was doubtless 
prererred by Virg. as the less common ex- 
pression, and as expressing the absolute 
dependence on destiny In which Aeneas 
set sail. The order seems sufficiently to 
show that * fatis ' is the dative, not, as 
Heyne tliought, the ablative. 

10.] Serv. quotes a passage from Nae- 
vius* poem, already cited Introd. p. 24, 
adding the remark, **Amat poeta quae 
legrit, inmutata aliqua parte, vel personis, 
[vel] ipsis verbis, proferre.*' Henry oalls 
attention to the similarity between Jason 
in Apoll. Bhodius and Aeneas, both else- 
where and in their tears on leaving their 
couutry : avrhp 'I^crwv AaKpv6€is yairis 
i.Trh irarpi^os 6fjLfiaT* tvtucw, Apoll. R. I. 

12.] Virg. is evidently thinking of the 
end of the passa^e of Knnius, cited by 
Cic. Oif. 1. 12, " Dono ducite, doque vo- 
lentibu* cum magnis dis** (Ann. 6. fr. 
13. Vahlen). For the Penates and Magni 
Di see on 2. 293. 

13—18.] *We flrst landed in Thrace, 
where I began to lay the foundation of a 

13.] Thraoe was separated from the 
Troad only by the Hellespont, so that 

* procul ' is used, as it somctimes is, with- 
oat any notion of great distance, express- 
ing looal separation, and no more. Ti. 
Donatus reminrls us that Aeneas enters 
into detail for Dido*8 information. The 
mythological connexion of Mars with 




Thraces arant, acri quondam regnata Lycnrgo, 
Hospitium anticum Troiae sociique Penates, 15 

Dum Fortuna fuit. Feror huc, et litore curvo 
Moenia prima loco, fatis ingressus iniquis, 
Aeneadasque meo nomen de nomine fingo. 
Sacra Dionaeae matri divisque ferebam 
Auspicibus coeptorum operum, superoque nitentem 20 
Caelicolum regi mactabam in litore taurum. 

Thraoe is as old as Hom. (II. 13. 301). 

* Colitur ' V. 78 note. 

14] ^Thraces arant' is interposed like 
" Tyrii tennere coloni " 1. 12. * Arant * 
as in G. 2. 324. * Begno ' is not properly 
a transitive yerb : ' regnatus ' however is 
Qsed passiyely again 6. 793 (where, as 
here, it is foUowed by a datiye), * regnan- 
du8* ib. 770. Lycurgus seems to be 
introduced to keep up the Homerio 
colouring, his story being told II. 5. 130 

15.] [* Antiqum ' Pal., * antiquum * 
Med. Gud.— H. N.] *Sooii Penates* is 
another way of expressing 'hospitium 
anticimi Troiae,* * Their household gods 
were friends of ours.* For the allianoe 
between Troy and Tliraoe Wagn. refers 
to n. 2. 844. 

16.] For *Fortuna* see on G. 4. 209. 

* Dum fuit,' not a vcry common use of the 
perf. with * dum * in the sense of * while 
it was.* Gomp. 1. 268, " dum res stetit 
Ilia regno." * Fortuna fuit * is said of 
Fortune past 7. 413. * Feror,* as Gossrau 
remarks, must not be pressed, as if Aeneas 
fonnd his way to Thrace involuntarily. 

17.] *Prima* may either mean that 
this was his ftrst attempt at building the 
promised city, or that he began to lay 
the foundation of a city. *Fatis in- 
g^essus iniquis:' "bene quid sit futu- 
rum praeoccupat." Serv. Heyne oomp. 
Ainmianus 22. 8, "Aenus, qua diris 
auspiciis coepta, moxque reliota, ad Au- 
soniam veterem duotu numinum prope- 
ravit Aeneas.** 

18.] [Serv. takes this line as an edlusion 
to the foun^ation of Aenus at the mouth 
of the Hebrus, where Pliny (4. 43) says 
that there was a tomb of Polydorus. 
Euphorion and Callimachus, according 
to Serv., said that Aenus was founded, 
not by Aeneas, but by a companion of 
Ulysses; and Serv. notioes that Aenus 
is mentioned in the Iliad (4. 520), and 
must therefore have been in existenoe 
before the taking of Troy. No doubt 

there were two legends about the found- 
ation of Aenus, as there were about 
Leucas, Baiae, and Rome itself ; see pp. 
1., li. It is ourious that Yirg. should 
avoid mentioning Aenus. — H. N.] The 
naine * Aenetulae * was probably given to 
the people, not to the place, though there 
are instanoes where the town bore the 
name of the inhabitants, as Locri. * Ae- 
neadas* is put in apposition with 'no- 
men,' like **nomen dixere priores Or- 
tygiam" v. 693 below. ['Aeneades* 
Med. originalIy!^H. N.] 

19 — 46.] * I was sacrificing in honour 
of my new undertaking, when I found 
blood dropping from the roots of some 
oomel and m^rrtle branches which I was 
pulling up for the altars, and a voioe 
came from the soil where they stood, teU- 
ing me that the murdered Polydorus waa 
buried there, and that they were the 
spears which had been fixed in his body.' 

19.] Henry quotes Aristoph. Birds 810 
to show that the giving of a name to a 
new city oame first, aad the sacrifioe to 
the God afterwards. *Dionaeae* E. 9. 
47. [The unoials write *Dioneae.' — H. 
N.] * Divisque * is rightly explained by 
Wngn. of the rest of the gods, as in the 
oommon Greek ejaculation i ZeC Kal 0€oL 
For the custom of adding a general to a 
special invocation see on G. 1. 21. 

20.] [" * Auspicibus coeptorum operum ' : 
lovi, (]|ui arcis deus est ; Apollini propter 
auguria, Libero oausa libertatis." Serv. — 
H. N.] * Auspicibus coeptorum operum ' 
is said proleptically, as Gossrau has seen. 
The gods are saorificed to that they may 
be propitious to the work begun. This 
passage will illustrate the use of *^ auspi- 
oari" of oommencing an undertaking. 
* Nitens * here and in 6. 654 seems, like 
" nitidus,'* to denote sleeknessrather than 
oolour, though it might possibly include 

21.] " It appears from one of the Em- 
peror Julian*8 Epistles to Libanius(Epist. 
Mut. Graecan.) that the ofiering of a 



Forte fuit iuxta tumulTis, quo comea summo 
Yirgulta et densis hastilibus horrida myrtus. 
Accessi, yiridemque ab humo convellere silvam 
Conatus, ramis tqgerem ut frondentibus aras, 25 

Horrendum et dictu video mirabile monstrum. 
Nam, quae prima solo ruptis radicibus arbos 
Yellitur, huic atro liquuntur sanguine guttae 
Et terram tabo maculant. Mihi frigidus horror 
Membra quatit, gelidusque coit formidine sanguis. 30 
Bursus et alterius lentum conyellere yimen 
Insequor et causas penitus temptare latentis. 
Ater et alterius sequitur de eortice sanguis : 
Multa moyens animo Nymphas yenerabar agrestis 
Gradiyumque patrem, Geticis qui praesidet aryis, 86 
Kite secundarent yisus omenque leyarent. 

* nitens taums ' to Jnpiter was regal : 
tBvca rf Att 0aai\iKois ravpof \€vk6v : 
with which oomp. airdp 6 fiovv Uptvirtv 
Atnt^ iivZpSiv *Ayafi4fUfotv UloyOy V€yra4rn- 
pow, ^€ph*p4x Kpoylm (II. 2. 402)." 
Henry. On the other hand, Maorobius 
(Sat. 3. 10) and Serv. say that it was 
not aUowed by the Roman ritual to 
sacTiflce a bull to Jupiter, and that 
Yirg. doubtless intended the informality 
to mark the inauspiciouBness of the 
undertaking, — a oonoeivable but scaroely 
likely notion. 

22.] The mound is apparently of sand, 
whioh had aocumulated over the un- 
buried body of Polydorus, if we sup- 
pose Virg. to foUow the same story as 
Euripides, who makes Polymestor throw 
his yictim's corpse into the sea. *Qno 
summo * = ** in cuius culmine." 

23.] domel and myrtle are both men- 
tioned G. 2. 447 as good for spear-shafts, 
while there is a further appropriateness 
in the introduction of myrtle, which 
** amat litora,'* and was besides sacred to 
Venus. * Hastilia * are merely spear-like 
wands (G. 2. 358) ; but the choice of the 
word prepares us for the portent that 

24.] *Silva' of thick leafy growth,G. 
2. 17. 

25.] *Conatns' is better constmcted 
with * video * than taken as a iinite yerb. 
The boughs are to wreath or sbadow the 
altars (2. 249 &c.), not for firewood. 

26.] Tbe order of the words in this 
Une is yaried in some of the inferior 
MSS. [Nonius p. 819 reads * horrendum 

dictufvideo': Macrob. S. 3. 10. 6. 'hoiv 
rendum dictu et yisu.' * Mostrum ' Rib- 
beok, from the original reading of Med. 
-H. N.] 

27.] Burm. and Heyne read *arbor* 
from Bome MSS. for the sake of eujphony : 
but see on £. 3. 56. 

28.] ♦ Atro sanguine liquuntur/ drops 
flow in black blood, a yariety for black 
blood flows in drops. It would be pos- 
sible, but scarcely worth while, to con- 
struct *atro sanguine* with *guttae.' 
[* Linquuntur * fiigm. Vat., Nonius p. 
833 : ' linguntur ' Pal.— H. N.] 

31.] [*Ru8us ' Ribbeck,from the original 
reading of &agm. Vat. — H. N.] 

32.] * Temptare' of exploring, 2. 38. 

33.] Many M8S., including firagm. Vat, 
give * alter,' a plausible reading. * Ater ' 
is however more poetioal, and has the 
force of a repetition, ** idem ater sanguis " 
having been already used v. 28. * Gor- 
tex ' seems to be the skin of the root. 

34.] *Multa movens animo' 10. 890. 
** * Nymphas agrestis : * the Hamadryads, 
who had the trees under their special 
protection : see Ov. M. 8. 741 folL, where 
we have an aooount of a prodigy similar 
to that in the text." Henry. 

35.] [Mr. Minton Warren (American 
Jonraal of Philology, vol. iv. No. 13) 
computes that Grddivus occnrs forty-nine 
times in poetry, GrSdivu$ only four 
times.— H. N.] For ' pater ' see on G. 2. 
4, and for the confusion of the Getae and 
the Thracians, G. 4. 463. [* Gradivom ' 
Pal.— H. N.] 

36.] * Visus ' is not, as Ladewig thinks, 



Tertia sed postquam maiore hastilia nisu 
Adgredior genibusque adversae obluctor haren£te — > 
Eloquar, an sileam ? — gemitus laorimabilis imo 
Auditur tumulo, et yox reddita fertur ad auris : 40 

Quid miserum, Aenea, laceras ? iam parce sepulto ; 
Parce pias scelerare manus. Non me tibi Troia 
Extemum tulit, aut cruor hic de stipite manat. 
Heu I fuge crudelis terras, fuge litus avarum. 
Nam Polydorus ego. Hic confixum ferrea texit 46 

Telorum seges et iaculis increvit acutis. 

'my sighV bat, as it ia nstiany takeo, 

* tbe portent/ which Aeneas asks to have 
made propitlous, "geoundus." *Omen 
levarent * is a parallel expression : the 
omen was apparently " gravis : " Aeneas 
asks to have it made " levis." ** Visa 
Booundent " occurs Sil. 8. 124. *Rite,' 
as Forb. remarks, is used not of formal 
applications to the gods, but of the regular 
and, as it were, due blessings which the 
gods confer. Comp. 10. 254, **tu rite 
propinques Augurium." 

37.] Charisius (P. 196 P.) qnotes the 
line with' * tertio,* whioh Pierius takes 
Bome pains to reconoile to the heroic 
measure. [* Set * Med., which also has 

* nixu ' for * nisu.'— H. N.] 

39.] * Eloquar, an hileam ? * note on E. 
3. 21. ** rarenthesis ad miraoulum 
posita, quae magnitudinem monstri os- 
tendit, et bene auditorem attcntum vult 
facere." Scrv. Forc. gives no instance 
of the aotive use of * racrima.Mlis : ' but 
the analogy of ** penetrabilis," and other 
verbal adjectives, will warrant our as- 
Buming it here, tbough we might render 

* a piteous moan.' [* Gemitum * Pal.— 
H. N.] 

40.] Some M8S. have * ad auras,' which 
Peerlkamp prefers. 

41.] *Iam,' at last, after this third 

42.] * Paroe ' with inf. E. 3. 94. * Pias 
Boelerare manusMs paraphrased by Henry, 
** Let not your tender and oompassionate 
hands do an aot Ht only for brutal handa, 
▼iz. disturb the grave of a feUow-country- 
man and relative." [On 'sceleraro' 
8erv. remarks ** est sermo Plautinus, quo 
hodie non utimur." The oldest instanoe 
quoted in the lexioons is OatuU. 64. 403, 
**impia non verita est divoa soelerare 
parentee."— H. N.] • Non me tibi Troia 
extemum tnlit ' is explained by Ti. Do- 
natos as containing two assertions, * I am 

a Trojan, and allied to you by affinity.' 
Others take it as containing only one, * I 
am a Trojan, not an alien,* whioh is per- 
haps to be preferred, as agreeing better 
with the use of * extemus ' in Virg., e. g. 
7. 68, 98, &o. 

43.] * Aut * is used for ** neque," *non * 
being taken with both clauses, as in 10. 
529, ** Non hic victoria Teucrum Ceraitur, 
aut anima una dabit discrimina tanta.*' 
Jahn'8 interpretation, supplying ** exter- 
nus** to *cruor,' seems better than Heyne*8, 
** this blood flows not from the wood, but 
from my body.** For *aut* many of the 
MSS., as usual, read *haud,* which is 
found in the old editions. [** Manare 
cruorem** Lucr. 1. 885.— H. N.] 

44.] *Crndelis terras,* like **crudeli8 
aras *' 1. 355. * Litus avarum* is an ex- 
pression of the same kind. 

45.] In Hom. Polydorus, Priam*8 
Toungest son, is killed by Achilles when 
he retums to the battle after the death of 
Patroclus (II. 20. 407 foU.). Other trad- 
itions represented him as entrusted to 
Polymestor, king of Thrace, who broke 
the ties of hospitality and practised on 
his life; but the details of the story 
differed considerably, Euripides in the 
Hecuba agreeing in the main with Virg. 
(see on v. 22), Hyginus (fab. 109, 24j}) 
making Polymestor instead kill his own 
Bon by mistake, while Diotys (2. 18, 22, 
27) speaks of Polymestor giving up Poly- 
dorus to the Greeks, who, after in vain 
endeavouring to exchange bim with 
Helen, stone him to death under the 
wallB of Troy. •Ferrea segee* occurs 
again 12. 663. Here tbe image is par- 
ticularly appropriate, as the spears had 
taken root, and were growing. Oomp. G. 
2. 142. 

46.] *Iaoulis increvit aontis:' *haa 
Bhot up with (or, as we should say, into) 
sharp jayeUna.' Here as in the former 



Tum yero ancipiti mentem formidine pressus 
Opstipui, steteruntque comae et vox faucibus haesit. 
Hunc Polydorum auri quondam cum pondere magno 
Infelix Priamus furtim mandarat alendum 50 

Threicio regi, cum iam diffideret armis 
Dardaniae cingique urbem obsidione videret. 
Ille, ut opes fmctae Teucrum, et Fortuna recessit, 
Bes Agamemnonias victriciaque arma secutus, 
Fas omne abrumpit ; Polydorum obtruncat, et auro 66 

clanee Yirg. expresBes himself as if the 
speard were the result of the yegetation 
instead of being that out of whieh the 
vegetation grew, an inversion not nn- 
natnral in tne mouth of Polvdorus, who 
roay be suppoeed to have felt the spear 
points more keenly aa the ehafts g^ew 
into a wood, and the whole became in- 
corporated with his body. Euripides 
makes no mention of this portent in his 
version of the story of Polydorus. We 
oannot tell whether it is Virg.^s own in- 
vention or no. Serv. thinks he had in 
his mind the story of Komulus* spear, 
which, when flxed in the Aventine, took 
root and vegetated. 

47—72.] 'I was horror-struck. Yes, 
Polydorns had been given in charge tp 
the king of Thrace, who on the overthrow 
of Troy bad murdered him for the eake 
of the treasure that had beeu sent with 
him. I refer the matter to my father and 
the chief of my comrades, wbo unanim- 
ously prononnoe for leaving the coun- 
try. We pay solemn funeral ritcs to the 
murdered ^outh, and set saii with the 
next fair wind.* 

47.] ' Ancipiti * expresses the doubt of 
Aeneas whether he ought to remain in 
the countrv or leavo it, as it is rightly 
explained by Henry, who remarks also 
that * tnm vero ' denotes a fnrther stage 
pf horror than that desoribed in 29, 

48.] Repeated from 2. 774. [*0b- 
stipui ' fragm. Vat. — ^H. N.] 

49.] The tale is told of course for 
Dido*8 information ; but, standing where 
it does, it is evidently meant to express 
what passed through Aeneas' mind at 
the time. There is a difficulty however 
in determining whether Aeneas is re- 
flecting on a story which he knew already, 
or receiving a new oommunication, 
donbtlesB from Polydoms himself. The 
laog^age would rather be in favonr of 
the former ; bnt if Aeneas had known the 

story, he wonld hardly have landed in 
Thrace, and v. 60 seems to show that it 
was not until informed by him that An- 
chises and the Trojans knew of Poly- 
mestor's treaohery. 

50.] ' Infelix * is understood by Wagn. 
as referring not to Priam*s end or to his 
ill-fortune generally, but to the misfor- 
tune about to be related, the treacherous 
murder of his son. Surely however an 
interpretation so restriotea impairs the 
nature and poetical truth of the paesage. 
Aeneas has just finished his narrative of 
the sack of Troy; and neither he nor 
Dido could associate the name of Priam 
with any other thought than of un- 
happiness, while this new horror would 
come in to show that as ill-fortune had 
followed him persistently through his 
later years, it was now making itself felt 
after his death. *Furtim mandarat,' 
^€|/ir«/n^«, Eur. Hec. 6. 

52.] yirg.'s meaning evidently is that 
as the Greeks grew stronger the siege 
was oonverted iuto a blockade— an un- 
seasonable introduction of the military 
tactics of his own time into the heroic 
age, and not very consistent with his own 
acconnt of the ultimate capture of the 
city. The language in Eur. Hec. 4 is 
more general, ^t€^ ^pvy&v ir6\iy Kiylivpos 

53.] Fortune is said to retire, as in v. 
615 to remain. 

54.] *Bes Agamemnonias,' as we 
should say, the fortunes of Agamemnon. 
* Victriciaarma ' is rather a strange gram- 
matical combination, "victrix** being 
treated as a neuter adjective, apparently 
on the analogy of "felix " &c. tt seems 
to be oonfined to the poets and later 
prose authors (see Forc), and in genernl 
only found in the plural, though Claud. 
G Oons. Hou. 21 has '* viotrici ooncepta 

55.] ' Fas omne ' (5. 800) seems hero 
to stand for aU laws, human and divine. 



Vi potitur. Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, 
Auri sacra fames ? Fostquam pavor ossa reliquit, 
Delectos populi ad proceres primumque parentem 
Monstra deum refero, et, quae sit sententia, posco. 
Omnibus idem animus, scelerata excedere terra, 
Linqui poUutum hospitium, et dare classibus austros. 
Ergo instauramus Polydoro funus : et ingens 
Aggeritur tumulo tellus ; stant Manibus arae, 


[** Et oognationis et iuris hospitii ** Serv. 
— H. N.J 

56.] The use of * oogere ' with two ac- 
ousativeg, the oognate as well as tbat of 
the object, is not unoommon. Among 
other passages Forb. oites Ter. And. 3. 4. 
44 *' Quod vos vis cogit, id voluntate im- 
petret," Livy 6. 15 ** Vos id cogendi estis." 
[** Improbeamor, quidnon mortaliapeotora 
cogis"? A. 4. 412.— H. N.] Henry 
mentions a curious misinterpretation of 
Virg.*8 words in Dante (Purgat 22. 40), 
•* Perch^ non reggi tu, O sacra fame DeU' 
oro, r appetito de* mortali?" **why, O 
sacred love of gold, moderatest thou not 
our appetite ? " an eulogy of thrift 

57.] *Saora' is commonly explained 
* aocursed,' a sense derived from the lan- 
guage of the old laws, where criminals 
were pronounoed ** sacri," i. e. devoted to 
Bome god, and consequently put to death. 
It may be doubted however whether the 
use of the word here does not come under 
another head also mentioned by Foro., 
** sacrum dioitur quidquid religione aut 
opinione horrendum.aut alioquinterribile 
atque reconditum obscurumque est, prae- 
aertim si a dis venire credatur," a sense 
for whioh he quotes ** sacer ignis " G. 3. 
566, ** saoer enera raptet Oorda pavor " 
Val. F. 1. 798. Serv. remarks that 
Aeneas chooses a topic that would oome 
home to Dido, who had suffered similarly 
from the murderous avarioe of her 

58.1 * Primumque parentem : ' Aeneas 
would refer to Anohises first, not only as 
in private duty bound, but on aocount of 
Anohises' reputation for augury, 2. 687. 
Ladewig supposea, plausibly enough, that 
Anohises aots as ** prinoeps senatus," pro- 
digies being at Bome always refened to 
the senate. 

59.] * Monstra deum ' oooura in a dif- 
ferent sense 8. 698. 

60.] * Animus ezcedere : ' see on G. 1. 
213. Here the infinitives seem to be in 
apposition to *animu8.' 

61.] Some inferior MSS. and Donatus 
on Ter. And. prol. 16 have *linquere,' 
whioh was the old reading. *Linqui' 
however, whioh was restorod by Heins. 
from Med., and is found in Pal., is to be 
preferred, as the more difficult, and aa 
agreeable to Virg.'s love of variety. The 
same mixture of the passive with the 
active infinitive will meet us again 5. 
773., 11. 84, as it has already met us E. 6. 
85, though the harshness here is greater, 
as the active is resuroed immediately. 
* Pollutum hospitium,' like ** poUuto 
amore " 5. 6, ** poUuta pace" 7. 467, the 
notion in each case apparently being 
the break of a sacred tie. So ** poUuere 
ferias," **ieiunia," are used by Gellius 
and Nigidius, of working on holidays, 
and breaking a fast: see Foro. *Dare 
classibus austros,' the fleet being con- 
oeived of as wuiting and hungering for 
the breeze which was to carry it over the 
sea. 8o ** date volnera lymphis " 4. 683 
note. Oerda well comp. Oalpurnius 5. 
29, **Oampo8 ovibus, dumeta capeUis 
Orto sole dabis." There is nothing in- 
trinsically absurd in Serv.'s notion of a 
hypallage, as we have repeatedly seen 
that Virg. uses one expression whUe 
thioking himself and intending his 
readers to think of another(8ee on 1. 381, 
G. 2. 364") ; but •* dare classem austris " 
does not happen to be a Virgilian phrase, 
80 that there is no reason to suppose that 
in this passage he thought of the winds 
desiring the ships rather than vioe versa. 

62.] * Instaurare ' is a term for sacrifi- 
cial and other solemnities, so that we 
need not bring in the notion of a new 
interment, distinguished from the fortuit- 
ous one whioh rolydorus had already 
received. *Et ingens* &c., as Wagn. re- 
marks, expresses in detail what had been 
said generally in the earlier part of the 

63.] *Tumulo' is probably to be con- 
structed with *aggeritur,' the caaual 
mound already existing (t. 22) being 



Caeruleis maestae vittis atraque cupresso^ 

Et circum Iliades crinem de more solutae ; 65 

Inferimus tepido spumantia cymbia lacte 

Sanguinis et sacri pateras, animamque sepulchro 

Condimus, et magna supremum voce ciemus. 

Inde, ubi prima fides pelago, placataque venti 
Dant maria et lenis crepitans vocat auster in altum, 70 
Deducunt socii navis et litora complent. 

rftised higher. In another contezt we 
might acoept Wagn/s interpretation, ** ut 
tnmulus inde fiat,*' oonstructing Humulo' 
as an ahlative, like **cumulo" 1. 105., 2. 
498. * Stant Manibus arae ' refers to the 
Roman custom of erecting altars ^dia 
ManibuB,* whioh many inscriptionB sur- 
vive to attest In v. 305 Hector has two 
altars, which seems to have been the 
usual number (comp. E. 5. 66, where 
Daphnis has two, and see on A. 4. 610., 
5. 81) : in 5. 48 we hear of funeral altars 
to Anchises. See Lersch, Antiquitates 
Vergilianae, § 59. ' Stant,' are erected : 
comp. 4. 508. 

64.] Altars are wreathed with fillets 
E. 8. 64, as elsewhere with boughs. 
[* Caeruleis,' black. ** Cato ait deposita 
veste purpurea feminas usas caerulea cum 
lugerent Yeteres sane caeruleum nig- 
rum aocipiebant.*' Serv. — H. N.] The 
uae of the cypress in funerals ('• feralis 
cupressos " 6. 215) was also Roman. The 
epithet * atra* refers rather to these asso- 
ciations (comp. G. 1. 129., 4. 407) than to 
theactualcolourof theleaves. *Maestae,* 
as we should say, in mouming. (jomp. 
11. 35, ** maestum crinem.'' 

65.] Another Roman oustom, which, as 
Lersch remarks, Is the meaning of * de 
more.' The line is nearly repeated 11. 
35, which shows that we need not supply 
' stant ' to * circum,' though * stant circum' 
would be natural enough. 

66J 'Inferre' was a sacrificial term: 
see Forc. Serv. says **inferia8 damus 
propiie ; " but the similarity between the 
wonls seems merely accidental. * Tepido,' 
newly milked. Bowls of new milk, wine, 
and blood are offered to Anchises 5. 77, 
of milk, wine, and oil to Daphnis E. 5. 67. 
In Aesoh. Pers. 609 foll. water and honey 
are added to the list: comp. Soph. O. 
C.481. *Cymbia'5.267. 

67.] * Sanguinis sacri,' of the blood of 
victims. 5. 78. * Animam sepulchro con- 
dimus,' jnst as we talk of laying a spirit, 
as the aoul wonld wander so long as the 

body was unburied, 6. 327, &o. Gossrau 
remarks that there was a distinction be- 
tween the Greek and the original Roman 
belief, the former placing the spirit of the 
buried body in the infemal regions, the 
latter in the tomb along with the body. 
Yirg., in that case, must be supposed to 
have held himself free to adopt either 
view : here he is a Roman, in Book 6 a 
Greek. Gossrau comp. a similar expres- 
sion from Ov. F. 5. 451, ** Romulus et 
tumulo fraternas condidit tmibras." 

68.] The reference is to the * inclama- 
tio,' already mentioned in 1. 219. * Sup- 
remum' is not the accusative of the 
object, as Thiel thiuks, but the adverbial 
or cognate, as Serv. takes it, the object 
being * animam.' Comp. 6. 506, ** Magna 
Manis ter voce vocavi." ' Cbndimus * 
and * ciemus ' rather jar with each other, 
*ciere' being specially used of calling 
up a shade to upper air, 4. 490. [Lucr. 

4. 675 **PaIante8 oomites oum montes 
inter opacos Quaerimus, et magna di- 
spersos voce eiemus.*' — ^H. N.] 

69.] *lJbi prima' for **ubi primum," 
aa in 1. 723. With • fides pelago ' oomp. 

5. 800. ** Fas omne est, Cytnerea, meis te 
fidere regnis." So ** statio male fida cari- 
nis" 2. 23. *Placataque venti Dant 
maria : ' see note on E. 2. 26. * Placata 
dant* nearly = **placant" or **placave- 
runt," ** dare " having the force of tiO^vox, 
as in **va8ta dare" 9. 323, **defensum 
dare" 12. 437. There is also the uotion 
of ** dant navigantibus." 

70.] * Lenis crepitans ' like ** creber ad- 
spirans " 5. 764, ** saxosus sonans " G. 4. 
370 (note). Serv. again censures the 
combinations, saying &at Yirg. has com- 
mitted the fault in ten places. Somo 
copies get rid of it by reading * lene cre- 
pitans/ as *'saxo6um" is read in the 
(j^eorgics. 'Auster,* as Heyne remarks, 
must be understood generally, as Aeneas 
would not want the south wind in setting 
sail from Thrace. 

71.] * Deducunt : ' see on 1. 551. WilL 



Provehimur portu, terraeque urbesque recedunt. 
Sacra mari colitur medio gratissima tellus 
Noreidum matri et Neptuno Aegaeo, 
Quam pius Arquitenens oras et litora circum 
Errantem Mycono e celsa Gyaroque revinxit, 
Immotamque coli dedit et contemnere ventos. 


Mitora oomplent* oomp. the picture 4. 
397 foll. [' Conplent ' Pal.— H. N.] 

73—98.] * We land in Delos and are 
"welcomed there. I consult the oraole, 
begging the god to tell ub -where to settle. 
An answer came at onoe, bidding us seek 
out the plaoe from whichour racesprung, 
and assuring us a new and lasting empire 

73.] *Mari medio' seems merely to 
mean surrounded by water. Heyne comp. 
OJ. 4. 844, tlffri B4 Tis yri<ros fi^cffri a\\ 
iTfTpiifffffa. *Colitur* is the Homerio 
Ko/fi, vaitrf. For * teiius ' Burm. would 
read * Delus ; * but Wagn. rightly remarks 
that the two epithets would be against 

74.] *Nereidum matri/ Doris. The 
affeotion of the powers of the sea for 
Delos is not clearly explained. Strabo 8. 
p. 574 A says the island was sacred to 
roseidon before it was given to Leto. 
The second syllable of ' Nereis ' is com- 
mon in Latin poetry, the form Nriptts 
being adopted as well as Niypijts. The 
open vowols as usual are an imitation of 
Greek rhythm. * Aegaeo : * Neptune 
seems to have been specially oonnected 
with the Aegaean, his palace being fiKcd 
at a place Aegae (II. 13. 21), which some 
identified with Aegae in Eubooa, asso- 
ciated with the worship of Poseidon, and 
Bupposed to have given its name to the 
sea (Strabo, p. 386). Soph. fr. Laoooon 
341 has u6ff(iBou ts Atyaiov Tpwvas (quoted 
by Aristophanes, Frogs 664). 

75.] * Pius,' grateful to his own birth- 
plaoe and to the island whioh had shel- 
tered his mother. Med., Pal., &c., have 
the spellinfc * Arquitenens,' whioh Lade- 
wig and Ribbeok adopt The word is as 
old as Naevius : oomp. Macrob. Sat. 6. 5. 
Another reading * pnus,' whioh would go 
with *errantem,*^ is mentioned by Serv. 
and found in some MSS. 

76.] The reading of this line is in- 
volved in some doubt. Med., and, as 
would appear from RibbecVs silence, Pal. 
and Gud., besides others, have * Mycono 
e,' which Wagn., Gossrau, Forb., and 
Ribbeck adopt. Ladewig and Haupt 

read *Myoono' without *e,* a reading 
which Heins. seems to have found in 
some oopies, and which might be pre- 
ferable ir better supported, as avoiding a 
harsh elision. The old reading was * My- 
oone/ which is olearly wrong, as Pierius 
remarks, the name of the island being 
Mkovos. Med. and probably otbers write 
*Myoonoe,' which, being taken as a 
diphthong, would naturally produoe oon- 
fusion. Heins. and Heyne, foUowing 
some of Pierius* copies, read *Gyaro 
celsa Myoonoque,' Myoonus being called 
**humilis" by Ov. M. 7. 463, while Pe- 
trooius calls Gyarus **alta." Statius 
however, as Wagn. remarks, seems to 
have found Myoonus mentioned before 
Gyarus in his oopy, from his imitation 
Theb. 3. 438, ** ipsa tua Myoono Gyaro- 
que revelli, Dele, times." Mr. Glark 
(Peloponnesus, pp. 20, 21) says, '^lt is 
plain, I think, that Virgil had never 
visited these parts when he wrote the 
Aeneid. Myoonos oannot be oalled loftv 
except, perhaps, in comparison with 
Delos itself. But, indeed, in no part of 
Aeneas* voyage before ho reaohes Italy 
can I trace any sign of the poefs peraonal 
acquaintance with the scenery." He had 
already spoken of ** the * narrow ' rock of 
Gyaros, the Norfolk Island of the Romans, 
utterly barren, without a level or pleasant 
spot of ground, scarcely six miles in oir- 
oumferenoe, and as uninviting a residenoe 
as oould well be to a man fond of ease, or 
change or pleasure. Its familiarity to the 
Roman ear doubtless induced Virgil to 
mention it as one of the anchors of Delos : 
otherwise Syra or Tenos would have had 
a better olaim." Wagn. remarks that the 
Latin poets are apt to oall all islands 
* high,' and instances the applioation of 
the epithet ** alta " to Proohyta 9. 715 as a 
similar misnomer : see however note there. 
77.] *Coli:' see on v. 73. *Contem- 
nere ventos * is rightly taken by Heyne 
as virtually equivsdent to * immotam ooli,' 
as against Forb., who explains it of the 
shclter afforded by the oiroumjaoent 
Oyolades. Comp. Prop. 5. 6. 27, **Phoe- 
bus linquens stantem se vindice Delon, 



Huc feror ; hstec fessos tuto placidissima portu 

Accipit. Egressi veneramur Apollinis urbem. 

Rex Anius, rex idem hominum Phoebique sacerdos, 80 

Yittis et sacra redimitus tempora lauro, 

Occurrit ; veterem Anchisen adgnoscit amicum. 

lungimus hospitio dextras, et tecta subimus. 

Templa dei saxo venerabar structa vetusto : 
Da propriam, Thymbraee, domum ; da moenia fessis 86 
Et genus et mansuram urbem ; serva altera Troiae 

Nam tulit iratos mobilis anto Notos." 
The position of Delos iiideed may be re- 
garded as the geographical truth which 
the mytb of Apollo'8 bindiDg tihadows 

78.] < Placidissima \ seems to be ex- 
plnined by the precediug line, as weU as 
by * tuto portu.' 

80.] Anius was a mythical person, 
whose story was differently told ; see 
Dict. Biog. One account was th«t La- 
yinia, the wife of Aeneas, was his daugh- 
ter, and like him, a prophetess. He was 
himself represented by some as the son 
of Greusa. Uis friendship with Anchises 
is explained by the legend that Anchises 
had consulted him in former years 
whether he should go with Priam to 
Salamia to recoYer Hesione. We may 
perhaps wonder that Yirg. should have 
mentioned him so slightly. Ovid, in 
the resom^ of Aeneas* voyage which oc- 
cupies parts of Books 13 and 14 of the 
Metamorphoses, introduces him more at 
length (13. 631—703), giving a conversa- 
tion between him and Anchises, and de- 
Bcribing in detaU the presents which he 
and his guests exchanged at parting. 
*Rez hominum' is the Homeric Htfa^ 
Mpuy. The anoientcombinations of the 
royal and priefitly functions may have 
been introduced by Yirg., as Gossrau 
remarks, here and elsewhere, out of com- 
pliment to Angiistus. 

82.] * Adgnovit ' is the reading of most 
MSS^ including Pal. and fragm. Yat., and 
is adopted by Ladewig and liibbeck : but 
* adgnoscit ' (Med.) suits * occurrit ' better. 
Med. corrected has * accurrit.* 

83.] "lunximua hoapitio dextras" 11. 
165. ^ Hospilio ' is the abl. * in hospita- 
lity,' not the dat. * for the purpose of 
hospitality,' as the tie had already been 
contracted. [Probus, according to Ser- 
viuB, made a difBculty about the phrase. 
-H. N.] 

84.] *Saxo struota vetnsto' merely 

means '* vetusta : " though Maorob. Sat. 
3. 6 and Serv. find in it an allufiion to the 
freedom of the island from earthquakes, 
80 that the old building was stili pre- 
served. Forb. oomp. 8. 478, ** saxo fun- 
data vetusto.*' For *venerabar* some 
MSS. g^ve *veneramur,' which would be 
tautologous with v. 79, and less cousistent 
with V. 90. The word has here the 
force of entreating, as in Hor. 2. S. 6. 8 
and older Latin, so that the prayer natu- 
rally foUows without further introduc- 
tion. [Henry prefers to take it of 
saluting, doing reverence to. — H. N.] 
85.] *Propriam' E. 7. 31, note. 

• Thymbraee ' G. 4. 323. * Da ' need not 
have the sense of **dio'* (B. 1. 18), as 
Apollo is looked upon as actually confer- 
ring a new home on them by telliog them 
where to find it Wagn. oomp. v. 460 
below, 6. 66 foll. ^Fessis' may be an 
oversight, as they were only beginning 
their wanderings; but they may weU 
have been weary already. 

86.] * Genus ' is explained by ' mansu- 
ram urbem.* Comp. 1. 5, 6, " dnm con- 
deret urbem Inferretque deos Latio: 
genus nnde Latinum." So the parallel 
5. 735, *• Tum genus omne tuum, et quae 
dentur moenia, disces." 1. 380, whioh is 
also parallel in language, might suggest 
a different interpretation, * genus * being 
taken of anoestry ; but though the Tro- 
jans have ultimately to seek for the origin- 
al seat of their race, it is not till after 
Apollo*8 reply, vv. 94 folL, that they 
know that they have to do so. * Altera 
Troiae Pergama : ' the city is regarded as 
already existing in the persons of tbose 
who are to inhabit it. See on 2. 703. 

* Troiae Pergama : ' in Hom. the citadel 
of Troy is ceAltd Jl4pyafxos ; but later 
writers, beginning with Stesichoms, talk 
of •KipyayM Tpoifjf, as if the name were a 
generic one for a citadel. Etymologists 
oonnect it with ir^pyos, like ** berg " and 
*• burg." 



Pergama, reliquias Danaum atque inmitis Achilli. 
Quem sequimur ? quove ire iubes ? ubi ponere sedes ? 
I)a, pater, augurium, atque animis inlabere nostris. 

Yix ea fatus eram : tremere omnia visa repente, 90 
Liminaque laurusque dei, totusque moveri 
Mons circum, et mugire adytis cortina reclusis. 
Summissi petimus terram, et vox fertur ad auris : 
Dardanidae duri, quae vos a stirpe parentum 
Prima tulit tellus, eadem vos ubere laeto 95 

Accipiet reduces. Antiquam exquirite matrem. 
Eic domus Aeneae cunctis dominabitur oris. 

87.1 1. 30. 

88.] * Quem seqnimur ? ' * who is to be 
our guide ? ' like ** quae prima pericula 
vito ? " V. 367 below, Aeneas expressing 
himself in cach csise as if the matter on 
which he sought advice were already 
present, not future, and so showing the 
urgency of the request They had started 
without any clear notion of their desti- 
nation, v. 7. " Sedes ubi ponere possint " 
Lucr. 1. 994. 

89.] 'Pater* G. 2. 4; though here 
there is probably a further reference to 
Apollo'8 Delian title of ytphap, * Augur- 
ium * is used loosely for an oracular re- 
sponse : see on V. 5. Hoyne oomp. Hdt. 
4. 155, where the oracle tells ^attus 
where to settle. * Animis inlabere nos- 
tris,* as Heyne observes, ia expressed as 
if the inspiration which Apollo gives to 
the seer (6. 11) were imparted to the 
ordinarv applicant at the temple. 

90.] i*OT the motion of the sanotuary 
see on E. 4. 50. * Omnia ' is explained 
by what foUows. 

91.] Here and in 12. 363 'que' ia 
lengthened before a single consonant. 
Gossrau (Excursus on the Virgilian 
Hexaraeter) cites other instances, from 
Ov. M. 1. 193., 4. 10., 5. 484., 10. 262. 
[See Excursus to Book 12.— H. N.] At 
Delphi, as here, the high altar stood in 
the front of the temple before the gates, 
and was crowned with bay, Eur. lon 103 

92.] *Cortina,* properly a oaldron, 
eeems to have been used to designate the 
vessel which formed the body of the 
tripod. Others make it the slab on 
whioh the priestess sat (Dict. A. s. v.). 
* Reclusis : * so the temple flies open to 
give the response 6. 81. 

93.] [*Submi8si' Pal.— H. N.] 'Sum- 
missi petimus terram' is from Lucr. 1. 

92, "Muta metu terram genibus sum- 
missa petebat," as Cerda remarks. The 
variant * ad auras * is here partially sup- 
ported by Pal. 

94.] * Durufl * is the Homeric iroXtJrXaj. 
Like Ulysses, Aeneas and his comrades 
are destined to many hardships and 
formed to bear them. See G. 1. 63 note. 
' Dardanidae * is doubtless intended to be 
significant, though not understood by 
those to whom it was addressed. It is 
noticed by Macrob. Somn. Scip. 1. 7. It 
is to be observed that the MSS. here uni- 
formly give * a stirpe,* ** ab stirpe " being 
the more usual expression elsewhere in 

95.] *The land which first produoed 
you from your ancestral stock,* i. e. the 
land where your ancestral stock first grew, 
the birthplace of your ancestors. * Ubere 
laeto' expresses the quality of Italy 
(comp. 1. 531., 2. 782), perhaps with a 
reference to the image of a mother im- 
mediately foUowing. They are told not 
merelv tliat they shall find a home, but 
that tne home shall be a fruitful one. 

96.] *Antiquam exquirite matrem' 
sums up what had been said in the 
previouB two lines and a half. The enig- 
matic character of the Greek oracles 
would perhaps have been better preserved 
if it had been allowed to stand alone ; 
but Virg. is going to demand our atten- 
tion for the thiog gaid, not for the 
manner of saying it. With the image 
comp. G. 2. 268, and the oraole given to 
the Tarquins and Brutus that he should 
be king who first kissed his mother. 

97.] This and the next line are trans- 
lated Irom Poseidon*8 prophecy II. 20. 
307, yvy i^Ji^ Alveiao filri Tp^e<raty iivd^tL, 
Kai Tcddtoif iTfluScy, roi Kty fieriiriirOc yip' 
wmai, We may observe however the 
verbal changes, *domu8 Aeneae' for 



Et nati natoram, et qui nascentur ab illis. 
Haec Phoebus ; mixtoque ingens exorta tumultu 
Laetitia^ et cuncti^ quae sint ea moenia, qusterunt^ 
Quo Phoebus vocet errantis iubeatque reverti ? 
Tum genitor, veteram volvens monimenta viroram, 
Audite, o proceres, ait, et spes discite vestras : 
Creta lovis magni medio iacet insula ponto ; 
Mons Idaeus ubi, et gentis cunabula nostrc^. 
Centum urbes habitant magnas, uberrima regna ; 
Maximus unde pater, si rite audita recordor, 
Teucrus Rhoeteas primum est advectus ad oras, 
Optavitque locum regno. Nondum Uium et arces 



AtVcfoo filri, wbich involvee making the 
86oond line epexegetical of the first, not, 
as in Uomer, an addition to it, and the 
separation of *qm nascentnr ab illis' 
from * nati natorum/ and the real change 
of oonverting a prediction of the supre- 
macy of Aeneas and his family In a re- 
vived Phryg^n Troy into a promise of 
the Roman empire. V. 98 is an answer 
to Aeneas' prayer v. 86. Serv. has a 
curious statement, borrowed, Heyne sug- 
gests, from some Alexandrian poem, such 
as the Ghiliad of Euphorion, that Homer 
took the words from Orpheus, as Orpheus 
had taken them from the oracle of 

99—120.] * AU are eager to know the 
meaning of the oracle. My fatber ex- 
plains to them that Grete was the origin* 
al cradle of our race and our national 
religious observances, and that we can 
reach it in three days* toii, and orders 
sacrifices to render the voyage aus- 

100.] *Ea moenia,' the city which 
Apollo had promised by implication. 

101.] 'Quo' seem to be a separate 
queetion, not a dependent on ^moenia.' 
* Errantis,' truants from their home. 

102.] ♦ Volvens,' 1. 305 ; but Virg. may 
also have meant to suggest the notion of 
unrolling a volume, 1. 262. * Veterum 
monimenta virorum,' the traditions (not 
of course written, but oral) of past gene- 
rations, of which in thoee days the old 
were the natural depositariee, just as in 
Plaut. Trin. 2. 2. 100, the father says to 
his son, ^ HiBtoriam veterem atque anti- 
quam haeo mea senectus sustjnet." It 
may be ^nestioned whether * vlrorum ' is 
s poseessive genitive, or a genitive of the 
object, ** qoae monent de veteribus yiris." 

In 8. 356, where the words recur, the 
latter is evidently meant [* Monumenta * 
Med.— H. N.] 

103.] * Spes,* the object of your hope, 
Uke ** vestras spes uritia" 5. 672. 

104.] Kp^ri Tis yaT iffri^ fiiffpp ivi 
oXvoiri rr6vr^ Od. 19. 172. * lovis magni 
insula,' ad tbe birtbplace of Jove. * Medio 
ponto : ' see on v. 73. 

105.] The existence of a mount Ida is 
adduced to prove that Troy was colo- 
nized from Grete. * Gunabula ' of a birth- 
place, Prop. 4. 1. 27, ** Idaeum Simoenta, 
lovis cunabula parvi." 

106.] •Habitant,' men inhabit (G. 3. 
158, 312), another way of saying ** centum 
urbes habitantur." Ninety Ib the number 
of the cities of Grete in Od. 19. 174 ; 
but in IL 2. 649 tbe island is caiied 

107.] *Maximus pater' is evidently 
used loosely for the founder of the race ; 
it is worth while however to comp. 
**quartus pater" Pers. 6. 58 for a great- 
great-grandfather, and the expression 
** maximus patruus " or ** avunculus " for 
a great-great-grandfather^s or grand- 
mother^s brother. According to the 
legend, Anchises seems to have been the 
great-great-great-grandson of Dardanus, 
whom one story made the son-in-law of 
Teucer, another his father-in-law. 

108.] For the two legends about Teucer 
see Dict. Biog. * Rhoeteas : ' the Troad 
is 80 called from the Rhoetean promon- 
tory on the HeUespont. [A variant 

• Rhoetias ' is mentioned by Serv. — H. N.] 

* Teucrus ' is defended by Heins. as better 
supported by the MSS. than *Teucer,' 
which others g^ve. 

109.] * Optavit ' 1. 425 note. Virgil is 
again tranBlating Hom. (IL 20. 216 foll.) : 



Pergameae ste\erant ; habitabant vallibus imis. iio 

Hinc mater eultrix Cybeli Corybantiaque aera 

Idaeumque nemus ; hinc fida silentia sacris, 

Et iuncti currum dominae subiere leones. 

Ergo agite, et, divum ducunt qua iussa, sequamur ; 

Placemus ventos et Gnosia regna petamus. 115 

Nec longo distant cursu ; modo luppiter adsit, 

Tertia lux classem Cretaeis sistet in oris. 

Sic fatus, meritos aris mactavit honores, 

Taurum Neptuno, taurum tibi, pulcher ApoUo, 

Nigram Hiemi pecudem, Zephyris felicibus albam. 120 

Krlffff€ 91 AapHcofiriy* 4w€\ ofhru "Wios 


4v ire8(y irnr^KiffrOf ir6Xis fji€p6iruv kvQ» 

&A\' 10* iiruptias ifKfov iroXvTiHaKOS 

where it is Dardanus that is spoken of. 

110.] * Steterant : * see on v. 403 below. 
* Habitabant * like " habitant »* v. 106. 

11 1.] [' Hic* Nonius p. 250, Serv. on A. 
10. 220.--H. N.] * Mater/ of goddeBses, 
like "pater " of gods, G. 1. 498, but with 
a special reference to Cybele as the 
mother of the gods. [*Cybele* the 
unciaU ; * Cybeli * Nonius p. 250 and 
Serv,, who says "nonnulli *cultrix 
Cybele ' legunt, ut sit quasi Cybeleia." — 
H. N.] ' Cultrix Cybeli : * Cybele derived 
her name from a mountain Cybelus or 
Cybele in Phrygia. " Dindymon et Cy- 
belen et amoenam fontibus Iden, Semper 
et Iliacas mater amavit opes " Ov. F. 4. 
249. * Corybantiaque aera : ' see on Q. 
4. 151. The Corybantes are olassed with 
the Curetes Ov. F. 4. 210 (speaking of 
the birth of Jupiter), and were some- 
times identified with them. Others how- 
ever plaoe the Curetes in Crete, the Cory- 
bantes in Phrygia. 

112.] ' Idaeum nemus' like ** Idaea sil- 
ya ** 2. 696. AU these are mentioned as 
derived by Phrygia from Crete. * Fida 
Bilentia saoris * refers to the mysteries of 
Cybele. Forb. weU comp. the language 
of Hor. 3 Od. 2. 25 foll., about the paraUel 
if not kindred mysteries of Ceres. 

113.] Cybele was represented asdrawn 
by lions (comp. 10. 253), a mode of con- 
veyance which Anchises appears to say 
originated in Crete. * Domina ' of Cybele 
as of Juno v. 438 below. Here however, 
as Gossrau suggests, the word may be 
used relatively to * leones,' as in CatuU. 

63. 13, ** Dind^rmenae dominae vaga 

114.] [*Divom' Pal.— H. N.] 

115.] ' Placemus ventos* of sacrificing 
to the gods of the sea, as vv. 119, 120 
show. • Gnosia ' G. 1. 222. [* Cnosia,' 
Ribbeck, from fragm. Vat.— H. N.] 

1 16.J * Nec longo distant cursu : * about 
150 miles. Jupiter may be mentioned as 
the god of the weather (E. 7. 60 note), 
Serv. This and the following line are 
imitated from II. 9. 362, 363, tl i4 k€v 
fh^KKolriv 8(^ KXvrhs *Evvoffiyaios, "H/iarf 
K€V rpirdr^ *Oinv ipifiwXov iKolfiviv, the 
latter of which lines (or rather the adapta- 
tion of it by Socrates) Cicero renders 
(Divin. 1. 25) " Tertia te Phthiae tem- 
pestas laeta locabit" 

118.] * Honores ' G. 3. 486 note. * Mao- 
tavit * is of course used in its later sense 
of saorificing: but we may comp. *'eo8 
ferunt laudibus, et mactant honoribus " 
Cic. Rep. 1. 43. P Mactabat ' Nonius p. 
320, Macrob. 8. 3. 4. 6.— H. N.] * Aris ' 
is more likely to be a local abl. than, as 
Forb. would have it, a dative. 

1 19.] Neptune and ApoUo are the tute- 
lary deities of Troy ; Und there is a fur- 
ther reason for invoking them here, the 
one as the god of the sea, the other as 
having given theoracle. A buU is sacri- 
ficed to Neptune 2. 202, promised to the 
sea-gods 5. 235 foll. * Pulcher Apollo* 
E. 4. 57. Comp. II. 11. 727, ravpov V 
*A\ipfi^f ravpov 8i Tloffttidwi* 

120.] The *pecu8* was probably a 
lamb, whioh 5. 772 is offered under 
similar oircumstances to the ** Tempes- 
tates." A black victim is offered to the 
power whieh is required to withhold un- 
propitious influences (as to the powers of 
the dead 6. 249), a white one to thoee 
that are expected to exert themselves 
favoorably. 'Hiempa' is itself called 



Fama yolat pulsum regnis cessisse patemis 
Idomenea ducem^ desertaque litora Oretae^ 
Hoste vacare domum^ sedesque astare relictas. 
Linquimus Ortygiae portus^ pelagoque yolamus, 
Bacchatamque iugis Naxon yiridemque Donysam, 125 
Olearon, niyeamque Paron sparsasque per aequor 
Oycladas et crebris legimus freta concita terris. 
Nauticus exoritur yario certamine clamor ; "^ 
Hortantur socii : Oretam proayosque petamus. 
Prosequitur surgens a puppi yentus euntis, 130 

Et tandem antiquis Ouretum adlabimur oris. 

black 7. 214, tbe Zephyre white Hor. 3 
Od. 7. 1. Virg. may have thought of II. 
3. 103, ofireTc 8' &pv', trtpov \tvK6vy Mpriv 

121— 131J * We hear that we may 
settle in Crete withoat danger from 
eDemies, and make onr way thither ac- 

122.] The story as told by Serv. and 
others is that IdomeDens in a storm vowed 
to the gods of the 8ea that he would sacri- 
fice the first thing that met him on land> 
ing, that this proved to be his son, that 
he fulfiUed his vow, that a plague visited 
Crete, and that the inbabitants oonse- 
quently expelled him, when he settled in 
Ualabria, as mcntioned v. 400 below. 

123.] Virg. expresses himself as if the 
Cretans had vacated the country as weU 
as Idomeneus; but he may only meau 
that now that the chief was gone, the 
people would not be unwUling to receive 
the Trojans. * Astare ' is rightly ex- 
plained by Henry, *stand ready to our 
hand.' [* Domos ' Med., which also spells 
•adstare.'— H. N.] 

124.] [* Liquiraus ' the Harleian MS. 
of Nonius p. 333.— H. N.] 'Ortygia,' 
the ancient name of Delos. 

125.] • BHOchatam ' G. 2. 487 note. 

* lug^s * is either a local abl. or * in re- 
spect of its mountains.' Tbere is a ques- 
tion about the Greek forms, the chief 
authority for which Is Med., Pal., fragm. 
Vat, and Gud. a hl pr. haviug * Naxum,* 

* Oliarnm,' or * Olearum,' and * Parum ; ' 
and 80 Ribbeck. Donusa, one of the 
Sporades, is called *viridis' probably 
f^m its vegetation rather than, as Serv. 
suggests as an altemative, ftom the 
oolour of its marble, like ' niveam Paron.' 

127.] L*Oonoita,' = "agitata." is the 
reading of nearly all the MSS., of Ser- 
viiu, Nonius, p. 205, and Ti Donatns. 

But Conington after Heinsius and Henrj 
preferred 'consita/ the reading of at 
least twocopies, the • primus Moreti' and 
ono at Munich. 'Consita,' lie says, *'i8 
much more natural in tbis context, refer* 
ring unmistakably to the name of the 
Sporades, some of which the poet has 
mentioned already, as he has also men- 
tioned some of the Cyolades individually 
before ^mming them up in tho general 
clause ' sparsasque per aequor Cycladas.' 
There is no force in the supposed geo- 
graphical objection, as Virg. need not be 
supposed to be enumerating the countries 
in the precise order in which Aeneas 
sailed by them."— H. N.] 

128.] The ' clamor ' is the ir^\cvo'/ua (see 
5. 140), the * vario certamine ' (with which 
comp. V. 280 " Certatim socii feriunt mare 
et aequora verrunt," v. 668 "Verrimus 
et proni certantibus aequora remis ") the 
efforts of the rowers. 

129.] 'Hortantur' seems to mean that 
they encourage eaoh other, which is per- 
haps intended to be brought out by * socii.' 
*Cretam proavosquepetamus' isdoubtless 
meant to give a notion of sailor-language. 
* For Crete and our forefathers, ho 1 ' 

130.] Virg. oopies Od. 11. 6, ^nuv V ai 
fitriiriffOf vthf icvavorrpApoto "Ikiimvov oipov 
Tci irKnirlariov, iaBKhv iralpov^ the last 
words being rendered by * prosequitur,' 
wliich, as Henry remarks, has hero its 
proper sense of acting as an escort or 

131.] * Curetum : ' note on v. 111. * Ad- 
labimnr' is in keeping with the general 
tone of the context, expressing the ease 
with which the passage was effected. 

182—146.] *I had begun the founda- 
tion of a oity, when a pestilential season 
set in. My father recommended retnm* 
ing to DeloB and oonsulting the oracle 



Ergo ayidus muros optatae molior urbis/ 
Pergameamque yoco, et laetam cognomine gentem 
Hortor amare focos arcemque attollere tectis. 
lamque fere sicco subductae litore puppes ; 
Gonubiis aryisque novis operata iuyentus ; 
lura domosque dabam : subito cum tabida membris^ 
Corrupto caeli tractu, miserandaque yenit 


182.] * Optatae ' refers to tbe ohoosing 
of the site with auspioee, after the Boman 
fashion: see note on 1. 425. *Molior' 
Beems to denote that the building of the 
wallB was begnn, though the word is 
rather a vague one. The remark of Serv., 
**ordo eet, ayidus optatae urbis, muros 
moHor, non, avidns molior," will hardly 
find any one to aocept it now. With the 
description generally oomp. 1. 422 foU., 
5. 755 foa 

133.] * Pergameam ' is the speUing of 
the M8S. ; but Wagn. would prefer to 
write * Pergamiam,' as answering to the 
Greek n§pyatda, though he admits that 
Boman custom may have been in favonr 
of using a short 6 where we should ezpeot 
e or I. See on 1. 201. The city, which 
Paehley (Travels in Crete, vol. ii. p. 
23) identifies with the modem Platania, 
seems generally to have been oalled Per- 
gamum. Serv. mentions another legend 
that Uie plaoe was founded by some Tro- 
jan captives from Agamemnon's fleet, 
under the leadership of another Aeneas, 
whose history is not very olearly indioated. 
Heins. restored * et ' before * laetam.* 
Some of those who omitted it omitted like- 
wise the stop after • vooo,' plaoing it at the 
end of the line. * Laetam cognomine,' like 
** gaudet oognomine terra " 6. 383. Uere 
as in vv. 334, 350, &a, ** oognomen" may 
= imtyvfila. 

184.] ' Amare focos' seems to mean ' to 
regard the plaoe as their settled home,' 
** ut haberent cum laribus novis [novis 
novos?]affectus," asTi. Donatus gives it, 
a sense with which Forb. well oomp. 4. 
347, " Hio amor, haeo patria est," and G. 
2. 486, " Flumina amem silvasque." 
* Tectis ' is the modal abl., not as Gossrau, 
after Cerda, takes it, the dative. Henry 
comp. 2. 185, ** attollere molem Boboribus 
textis," andStat Achill. 1.437,**galea8que 
attollere oonis." See on 2. 460. 

135.] *Fere,' whioh Wa^. and Goss- 
rau think unintelligible, is rightly ex- 
plained by Forb. as referring to the two 
next dauses as well as to the present, the 
sense beiog ** iam fere nova colonia in eo 

erat ut oonderetur." 

136.] * Operata ' lias not its sacrificial 
sense here, as Serv. thinks, but merely 
denotes employment, as in Hor. 1. Ep. 2. 
29, ** In cute curanda plus ae(}uo operata 
iuventus." Marrying and giving in mar- 
riage and cultivation of the soil are two 
natural s^rmptoms of settled life (** quae 
res ostendebat magnam fiduciam ma- 
nendi," as Ti. Donatus says), though there 
is something a little quaint to our notions 
in tbe juxtaposition. See on 2. 378, 654. 
For the synizesis see on l. 73. 

137.] *luradomosque dabam' is another 
juxtaposition of the same sort. Oomp. 1. 
264, **moresque viris et moenia ponet." 
A settled govemment i8established(oomp. 
1. 426., 5. 758), and houses (either sitee, 
or buildings vacated by the Cretans, v. 
123) apportioned to the individual oolo- 
nists. From Pal. and fragm. Yat. thore 
seems to have been another reading * da- 
bant.' * Membris ' is oonnected with 
*venit,' like •arboribus satisque:' *ta- 
bida ' by its position belongs more natnr- 
ally to the former, * miseranda ' to the 
latter, though the two epithets oould 
hardly be so separated in a grammatical 
analysis of the sentenoe. In English we 
should probably tum *tabida' into a 
substantive. ** Suddenly there carae on 
the human frame a wasting siokness, 
shed from the whole talnted expanse of 
the sky, a piteous blight on trees and 
crops, a year charged with death." (A 
reviewer took exoeption to my use of the 
word ** sky : " it is of course trae that 
** air " would be strictly the more proper 
term : but here and elsewhere I use such 
words as seem most appropriate for poeti- ' 
cal prose, and **sky,'' as I have sinoe 
found, is the word which Dryden employs 
a line or two lower down, ** Sirius from 
on high With pestilential beat infects the 
sky," where I suppoeethe requirements of 
the passage are the same.) This passage 
has been abready referred to, to iUustrate 
the more elaborate description of the 
pestilence G. 3. 478 foll. 
138.] *Tractu8' is the expanse, not the 



Arboribusque satisque lues et letifer annus. 
Linquebant dulcis animas^ aut aegra trahebant 140 

Corpora ; tum sterilis exurere Sirius agros ; 
Arebant herbae^ et victum seges aegra negabat. 
Bursus ad oraclum Ortygiae Phoebumque remenso 
Hortatur pater ire mari, veniamque precari : 
Quam fessis finem rebus ferat ; unde laborum 146 

Temptare auxilium iubeat ; quo vertere cursus. 
Nox erat, et terris animalia somnus habebat : 
EfiSgies sacrae divum Phrygiique Penates, 
Quos mecum a Troia mediisque ex ignibus urbis 
Extuleram, visi ante oculos astare iacentis 150 

In somnis, multo manifesti lumine, qua se 

diapght of air, as Burm. thonght, com- 
paring ** tractns aquaram " Luoan 4. 368. 
**Caelum oorrumpere" oocurs Lucr. 6. 
1124. * Oorrupto tractu ' is doubtlees abl. 
abs., though I have reudered it otherwise 
in Euglish. ['* Uic est ordo pestilentiae, 
ut Lucretius (6. 1090) docet : primo aeris 
corruptio, post aquarum et terrae, mox 
omoium animalium." Serv. — ^H. N.] 

139.] " Arboribusque satisque " G. 1. 
444. Cic Ep. adFam. 5. 16 has "hoo 
fip*avissimo et pestilentissimo anuo." [The 
line recalls Lucr. 6. 1138 "haec ratio 
quondam morborum et mortifer aestus." 
— H.N.] 

140.] The life is generally said to leave 
the man, not the man the life : both ex- 
pressions however occur in the Homerio 
poems, \lTp \M h(rr4a 0vfi6s Od. 11. 221. 
A€«x« ih evidv Hymu to ApoUo v. 361. 
*Yitam reliquit in astris' is said of a 
bird A. 5. 517. The antithesis between 
* leaving the soul ' and ' dragging about 
the sick body ' will not bear to be pressed ; 
but Virg. merely means todistinguish the 
dead from the dying. 

141.] Sirius appears aa the cause of 
pestilenoe as well as of drought K). 274. 
So ApoU. R. 2. 516 foll., when Sirius is 
seeu, prayers are put up against pesti- 
lence. * Sterilis ' is proleptio. 

142.] * Victum negabat' G. 1. 149. 

143.] [* Rusus * Ribbeck, frona the origi- 
nal reading of fragm- Vat.— H. N.] Virg. 
was probably thinking, as Heyne sug- 
gests, of Achilles* speech II. 1. 69 foU. 
*Remen8o'2. 181. 

144.] * Veniam,* a gracious answer to 
the questions whioh follow. See note on 
1. 519. 

145.] * Quem,' the more usual conoord 

(comp. 1. 241), is supported by two of 
Ribbeck*s cursives; but the weight of 
authority (Med., fragm. Vat., Nonius p. 
205) is in favour of *quam,' which 
Heins. restored. See on 2. 554. * Fessis 
rebus* 11. 335: oomp. G. 4. 449 note. 
The expression is used also by Tao. 
A. 15. 50, Pliny 2. 18. ' Perat ' may either 
be * teir or * give * (comp. " da" v. 85 note, 
and see on 7. 118). ' Laborum auxilium * 
like " beUi auxilium" 8. 462. 

146.] ' Temptari,* the seoond reading of 
Med., found also in two other copies and 
some MSS. of Serv., might be supported 
from V. 61. 

147-191.] * While I was thinkingwhat 
to do, the Penates appeared to me by 
night, with acommunication from ApoUo, 
telling me that the real home of our race 
was Italy, whence Dardanus came. I 
inform my father, who admits his error, 
and remembers a similar propheoy by 
Cassandra. We set sail again.' 

147.] Repeated ¥rith some expansion 
A. 8. 26, 27. 

148.] *Eflagie8divum'are the statues, 
not the appearances in vision : comp. 7. 
443. * Penates : * see on 2. 293. 

149.] *AbTroia' Ribbeck from fragm. 
Vat. and (originaUy) Pal.; *a Troia* 
Med., Gud. 

150.] *Astare' of a vision Ov. F. 3. 
639 (comp. by Forb.), **Nox erat: ante 
tomm visa est astare sororis Squalenti 
Dido sanguinolenta coma." pAdstaro' 
Med.— H. N.] 

151.] * lacen tis in somnis ' perhaps from 
Lucr. 4. 987, **cum membra iacebunt In 
somnis." Heyne read * insomnis,* arg^ing 
from the mention of the moonlight and 
firom the words **neo sopor iUud erat" 



Flena per insertas f undebat luna fenestras ; 

Tum sic adfari et curas his demere dictis : 

Quod tibi delato Ortygiam dicturus ApoUo est, 

Hic canit, et tua nos en ultro ad limina mittit. 155 

Nos te, Dardania incensa, tuaque arma secuti, 

Nos tumidum sub te permensi classibus aequor, 

Idem venturos tollemus in astra nepotes, 

Imperiumque urbi dabimus. Tu moenia magnis 

Magna para, longumque fugae ne linque laborem. 160 

Mutandae sedes.. Non haec tibi litora suasit 

Delius aut Cretae iussit considere Apollo. 

V. 173, that thifl oonld not be a dream. 
Wagii. and Jahn make tbe moonlight part 
of tbe dream, and underRtand v. 173 to 
mean that it was not a mcre dream. The 
tmth seems to be that we have here a 
mixture of drenm and vision, as in 1. 355., 
2. 296, the moonlight belong^ng to the 
latter, the other circumBtanccB to the 
former. The word * visi* here, as Wagn. 
a<lmite, proves nothing, beiug equally ap- 
plied to renl and to fanciful appearances. 
[* Manufesti ' Ribbeck, from fragm. 
Vat.— H. N.] 

152.] Imitated from Lucr. 2. 1 14, " cum 
Bolis lumina cumque Inscrti fundunt radii 
per opaca domorum." [But * insertas* pro- 
bably, as Serv. suggests, means unbarred : 
the opposite of *' consertus." So TL 
Donatus, ** fenestris patentibus." Coning- 
ton took it of the windows let into the 
wall— H. N.] 

153.] Repeated from 2. 775, and omitted 
here in many copies in thc time of Serv. 

154.] ' Dicturusest* is said rhetorically, 
as if Aeneas were certainly going to arrive 

165.] *Ultro:' without waiting to be 
asked. * Tua ad limina * is understood by 
Heyne of Aeneas* chamber, the Penates 
being already in the house. It seems 
better to say that the actual existence of 
the gods is separated from their presence 
in their images. The Penates, liKe other 
gods, have tiieir home elsewhere, and come 
thence to Aeneas. 

156.] *Dardania' of the city, Ov. Her. 
16. 57, **Dardaniae muros excelsaque 
tecta.*' * Arma secuti ' above v. 54. 

158.] Wflgn. makes a distinction be- 
tween ** toiiere in astra" and ** toUere ad 
astra," the first being used strictly of 
apotheosis, the second also of mere meta- 
pnorioal immortality or ezaltation. See 
on B. 5. 51. When we come however to 

look at the prinoiple of the distinction, it 
appears to fail. ** Tollere ad auras " may 
diflfer from **tollere in auras," the one 
meaning rising towards the air, the other 
elevatioii into it : but here the elevation 
is the same, the difTerence being thai in 
the one case it is Hteral, in the other 
rhetorical. Tliere seems then no reason 
why we should not with Heyne under- 
stand these words generally of the super- 
human glory of Aeneas' descendauts. not 
with Serv. specially of the apotheosis of 
Caesar or Augustus, which would harmon- 
ize less well with tlie foUowing dause, 
and be further objectionable, as merging 
Aeneas' own deiJdcation in that of his 

159.] * Magnis,' nor, as is generally un- 
derstood, the ** nepotes," but the ** magni 
Penates " (9. 258) or ** magni di " who are 
speaking, the authors and impersonations 
of tiiis national greatness. Comp. 2. 294, 
** his moenia quaere Magna," and the re- 
mark of Ti. Donatus quoted there. The 

* moenia ' are the city of Lavinium, the 
Italian settlement, regarded however 
doubtless as the cradl^* of the etomal city 
itself. The attempt of Heyne and others 
to press *para,' as if in founding Lavinium 
Aeneas were preparing for Rome, is alto- 
getherneedless, *para* being obviously 
equivalent to **auaere" in the parallel 
passnge from Book 2. 

160.] * Fugae,* as Aeneas is said 1. 2 
to be ** fato profugus," what would be a 
reproaoh under ordinary ciroumstances 
being his glory. ** Fugae laborem " 5. 769. 

162.] The separation of «Delius* and 

* ApoUo ' has the efTect of two nomina- 
tives, though *Deliu8' is doubtless in- 
tended to be merely an epithet. Comp. 1. 
195,411, 691, E. 6. 2. Forb. oomp. Ov. 
8 Amor. 9. 21, •* Quid pater Ismario, quid 
mater profuit Orpheo ? " 



Est locnsy Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicimty 

Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glaebae ; 

Oenotri coluere viri ; nunc fama minores 165 

Italiam dixisse ducis de nomine gentem : 

Hae nobis propric^ sedes ; hinc Dardanus ortus^ 

lasiusque pater^ genus a quo principe nostrum. 

Surge age, et haec laetus longaevo dicta parenti 

Haud dubitanda refer : Corythum terrasque requirat 170 

Ausonias. Dictaea negat tibi luppiter arva. 

Talibus attonitus visis et voce deorum — 

Nec sopor illud erat, sed coram agnoscere vultus 

Yelatasque comas praesentiaque ora videbar ; 

163-166.] Repeated from 1. 530-538, 
where see notes. 

166.] [^Duxwse' fiagm. Vat— H. N.] 

167.1* Nobis' illostrateB 'magnis' y. 
159. They identify themselves with the 
TrojanB, or rather the Trojans with them- 
selves. ' Propriae ' y. 85, to which it per- 
haps refers, as if it had been said, **Here 
is that settled home you prayed for.*' 
* Hinc Dardanusortus* 7. 240. 

168.] The natural meaning of the words 
would seem tobe that lasius was the father 
of Dardanus, and the ultimate progenitor 
of tbe Trujan race. No tradition however 
appears to favour this view : and Virg. 
himself in 7. 219 apparently follows the 
Homerio story (U. 20. 215), which makes 
Dardanus the son of Zeus. The legends 
vary (see Dict. Biog. Dardanus, laaion) : 
butthose whicb assert aconnexion between 
Dardanus and lasion or lasius make tbem 
brothers. This also might be reconciled 
with tbe text, which would then mean that 
the brothers sprung from Italy, and that 
lasius, one of them, was the father of the 
Trojans. Here again however we should 
be at issue with the legends, and with 
Virg.'s language elsewhere,which speak of 
Dardanus as the autbor of the ruce, lasius 
having settled, not in Phrygia, but in 
8amouirace. If tben we wish to make 
Virgil consistent with himself, and with 
the line of tradition which he seems to 
have followed, we must suppose him to 
use * pater ' rather vaguely, and to intend 
' a quo ' to refer to Dardanus. But the 
language is certainly against this; and 
thcse who prefer to consider that he has 
attributed to lasius what is elsewhere 
attributed to Dardanus may perhaps fort- 
ify themselves bv appealing to 7. 208, 
where not lasius but Dardanus is said to 


have penetrated into Samothrace. 

170.] * Ck)rythum ' is probably the place, 
Corythus or Cortona, not its founder, 
Corythus, who acoording to one story was 
the father of Dardanus. Comp. 7. 209., 
9. 10, where it appears to stand for the 
oountry. At the same time the legendary 
connexion with Dardanus would be a 
reason for Virg. using the word, without 
committing Itimself to the story. *Be- 
quirat ' Med., fragm. Vat. Others have 

* require * or * requiras.' The two latter 
readings might be supported from * tibi ' 
in the next line ; but the former, besides 
being less obvious, is confirmed by the 
parallel passage 12. 75 foll. **Phrygio 
mea dicta tyranno Haud placitura refer 
. . . Non Teucros agat in Kutulos."